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• The setting
• William Hodgson, pro-American London merchant
• Thomas Wren, Portsmouth's patron of American liberty
• Reuben Harvey, Irish "friend" of American freedom
• Robert Heath, evangelist and humanitarian
• Griffith Williams, friend of Benjamin Franklin, friend to American liberty.

America's Declaration of Independence, while endeavouring to justify a break with Great Britain, simultaneously proclaimed that the colonists had not been 'wanting in attention to our British brethren', but that they had 'been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity'. This overstatement has since been modified in comprehensive histories of the American Revolution. Gradually a more balanced portrait of British attitudes towards the conflict has emerged.In particular, studies of pro-American Britons have exemplified this fact by concentrating on only a small upper-class minority. In contrast, this work focuses on five unrenowned men of Britain's 'middling orders'. These individuals actively endeavoured to aid the American cause. Their efforts, often unlawful, brought them into contact with Benjamin Franklin, for whom they befriended rebel seamen confined in British gaols. Their stories - rendered here - open up new areas for study of the American War on this middling segment of Britain's social structure.
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• 1. Emotional Light on Eighteenth-Century Print Culture-- Heather Kerr, David Lemmings and Robert Phiddian
• 2. Psychological Perspectives on Emotion in Groups-- W. Gerrod Parrott
• 3. The Emotional Contents of Swift's saeva indignatio-- Robert Phiddian
• 4. 'Love, Marriages, Mistresses, and the like': Daniel Defoe's Scandal Club and an Emotional Community in Print-- Jean McBain
• 5. Eliza Haywood's Progress through the Passions-- Aleksondra Hultquist
• 6. That 'Tremendous' Mr. Dennis: the Sublime, Common Sense and Criticism-- Kathrine Cuccuru
• 7. Adam Smith and the Theater in Moral Sentiments-- Laura J. Rosenthal
• 8. 'Off Dropped the Sympathetic Snout': Shame, Sympathy and Plastic Surgery at the Beginning of the Long Eighteenth Century-- Emily Cock
• 9. 'Acting it as she reads': Affective Impressions in Polly Honeycombe-- Amelia Dale
• 10. Framing Suicidal Emotions in the English Popular Press, 1750-1780-- Eric Parisot
• 11. Passions, Perceptions, and Motives: Fault-lines in Hutcheson's Account of Moral Sentiment-- Glen Pettigrove
• 12. Anatomist and Painter: Hume's Struggles as a Sentimental Stylist-- Michael L. Frazer
• 13. Printed Passion: Sympathy, Satire and the Translation of Homer 1675-1720-- Conal Condren.
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This volume opens a dialogue between eighteenth-century passions and twenty-first century understandings of emotion, as revealed by psychological research into human emotions, and sociological studies of emotions and 'the media'. It unites literary scholars, historians, psychologists, and philosophers in an exploration of modes of community or expressions of self and feeling that surfaced in print culture during the decades between the 1690s and the 1780s. The individual essays explore ways in which 'authentic' passions came to be conceived and performed in a range of environments, from popular novels and the new journalism, through the philosophical studies of major figures in the Scottish Enlightenment, to last words, aesthetics, and plastic surgery. The result is a book that offers fresh historical perspectives on sympathy and public opinion and also considers critically how collective emotions contributed to political stability and moral improvement.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This volume profiles a dozen British men and women, who, for varying reasons, opposed the policy of the British government towards its 13 colonies before and during the American Revolution. Their actions helped prepare the way for the recognition of the United States as an independent nation.
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• Preface-- Prologue: documentary culture and the historian-- Introduction: debating policy-- The mechanisms of debate-- The extent of debate-- The quality of debate-- The new age of war, 1689-1714-- A continental dynasty: Britain and Hanover, 1714-60-- Strategic culture and imperial warfare, 1754-63-- A empire under challenge, 1763-83-- New definitions and problems, 1783-1815-- Conclusions: debating Britain and Europe-- Selected further reading-- Index.
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It was during the course of the eighteenth century that Britain status as a major maritime and commercial power was forged, shaping the political, economic and military policies of the nation for the next two centuries. Starting from a relatively minor role in global affairs before 1700, Britain rapidly rose to become a significant player in European affairs, and leading imperial power by 1800. In this commanding contribution to the subject, Jeremy Black draws on his extensive expertise to examine how British political culture and public debate in this period responded to, and in part shaped, this transition to an increasingly prominent role in world affairs. Rather than offering a familiar narrative of Britain's eighteenth-century foreign policy, this book instead focuses upon how this policy was debated and written about in British society. Taking as a central theme the debate over policy and the development of public culture and politics, the study explores how these were linked to developing relations with Europe and helped shape colonial strategies and expectations. It highlights how widely shared concerns about such issues as national defence, the strength of the Royal Navy and trade protection, presented little consensus in how they were to be realised and were the subject of fierce public debate. The book underlines how these kinds of issues were not considered in the abstract, but in terms of a political community that was divided over the search for power, and often further fractured by support for rival religious and dynastic causes. By probing the problems and issues surrounding the need to define and discuss Britain's foreign policy in semi-public and public contexts, this book offers a fascinating insight into questions of perceived national interest, and how this developed and evolved over the course of the eighteenth century. This work complements the author's other studies by joining the institutional focus seen there to a wider assessment of public politics and print culture, and as such will make a central contribution to studies of eighteenth-century Europe.
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• Acknowledgements-- Introduction: problems now and then-- Part I. Enlightenment:
• 1. The republic of letters--
• 2. Men of letters-- Part II. Marginalia: Preamble: Swinish multitudes--
• 3. The poorer sort--
• 4. Masculine women--
• 5. Oriental literature-- Conclusion: romantic revisions-- Notes-- Bibliography-- Index.
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This book offers an original study of the debates which arose in the 1790s about the nature and social role of literature. Paul Keen shows how these debates were situated at the intersection of the French Revolution and a more gradual revolution in information and literacy reflecting the aspirations of the professional classes in eighteenth-century England. He shows these movements converging in hostility to a new class of readers, whom critics saw as dangerously subject to the effects of seditious writings or the vagaries of literary fashion. The first part of the book concentrates on the dominant arguments about the role of literature and the status of the author; the second shifts its focus to the debates about working-class activists, radical women authors, and the Orientalists, and examines the growth of a Romantic ideology within this context of political and cultural turmoil.
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• Contents: Preface-- Prologue: documentary culture and the historian-- Introduction: debating policy-- The mechanisms of debate-- The extent of debate-- The quality of debate-- The new age of war, 1689-1714-- A continental dynasty: Britain and Hanover, 1714-60-- Rethinking interventionism, 1740-55-- Strategic culture and imperial warfare, 1754-63-- A empire under challenge, 1763-83-- New definitions and problems, 1783-1815-- Conclusions: debating Britain and Europe-- Selected further reading-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

It was during the course of the eighteenth century that Britain's status as a major maritime and commercial power was forged, shaping the political, economic and military policies of the nation for the next two centuries. Starting from a relatively minor role in global affairs before 1700, Britain rapidly rose to become a significant player in European affairs, and leading imperial power by 1800. In this commanding contribution to the subject, Jeremy Black draws on his extensive expertise to examine how British political culture and public debate in this period responded to, and in part shaped, this transition to an increasingly prominent role in world affairs. Rather than offering a familiar narrative of Britain's eighteenth-century foreign policy, this book instead focuses upon how this policy was debated and written about in British society. Taking as a central theme the debate over policy and the development of public culture and politics, the study explores how these were linked to developing relations with Europe and helped shape colonial strategies and expectations. It highlights how widely shared concerns about such issues as national defence, the strength of the Royal Navy and trade protection, presented little consensus in how they were to be realised and were the subject of fierce public debate. The book underlines how these kinds of issues were not considered in the abstract, but in terms of a political community that was divided over a series of key issues. By probing the problems and issues surrounding the need to define and discuss Britain's foreign policy in semi-public and public contexts, this book offers a fascinating insight into questions of perceived national interest, and how this developed and evolved over the course of the eighteenth century. This work complements the author's other studies by joining the institutional focus seen there to a wider assessment of public politics and print culture, and as such will make a central contribution to studies of eighteenth-century Britain and Europe.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

"Reflections on the Revolution in France" was written in 1790 and has remained in print ever since. Edmund Burke's analysis of revolutionary change established him as the chief framer of modern European conservative political thought. This new edition of the "Reflections" presents Burke's famous text along with a historical introduction by Frank Turner and four critical essays by leading scholars. The volume sets the "Reflections" in the context of Western political thought, highlights its ongoing relevance to contemporary debates, and provides abundant critical notes, a glossary and a glossary-index to ensure its accessibility. Contributors to the book examine various provocative aspects of Burke's thought. Conor Cruise O'Brien explores Burke's hostility to "theory", Darrin McMahon considers Burke's characterization of the French Enlightenment, Jack Rakove contrasts the views of Burke and American constitutional framers on the process of drawing up constitutions, and Alan Wolfe investigates Burke, the social sciences, and liberal democracy.
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Edmund Burke was the dominant political thinker of the last quarter of the eighteenth century in England. His reputation depends less on his role as a practising politician than on his ability to set contemporary problems within a wider context of political theory. Above all, he commented on change. He tried to teach lessons about how change should be managed, what limits should not be transgressed, and what should be reverently preserved. Burke's generation was much in need of advice on these matters. The Industrial Revolution, the American Revolution, and catastrophically, the French Revolution presented challenges of terrible proportions. They could promise paradise or threaten anarchy. Burke was acutely aware of how high the stakes were. The Reflections on the Revolution in France was a dire warning of the consequences that would follow the mismanagement of change.
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• Preface--
• 1. New World exotics--
• 2. Raleigh's American interpreters--
• 3. Powhatans abroad--
• 4. Norumbega's reluctant guides--
• 5. Pocahontas and friends--
• 6. Disparate encounters--
• 7. Four American 'kings'--
• 8. Delegations from the lower south--
• 9. Ambivalent receptions--
• 10. Peripatetic preacher--
• 11. Tragedies and partial triumphs--
• 12. Retrospect-- Acknowledgments.
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Transatlantic Encounters examines the diverse origins and experiences of approximately 175 American Indians and Inuits who traveled to the British Isles before the American Revolution. Their homelands ranged from northern Canada to Brazil, their ages from infant to nonagenarian, their statuses from slave (the largest category) to 'emperor', their occupations from warrior to missionary. Some American natives died soon after arrival, but others remained as long as fourteen years and returned home; still others, their arrival and death dates undocumented, may have endured long lives abroad. And always, Indians and Inuits fascinated the British people, whether the Americans were captives or on commercial display, interpreters-in-training, or voluntary voyagers to petition the monarch and tour Britain's famous sites. British artists painted their portraits and eminent writers invoked them in plays and essays. In the imperial crisis of 1776, Indian diplomats who had been to London would staunchly support the British Empire.
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• Introduction
• 1. Newspapers and Newspaper Readers in London
• 2. Newspaper Politics in the Capital
• 3. London Newspapers and Reform
• 4. Provincial Newspapers and Newspaper Readers
• 5. The Politics of the Provincial Press
• 6. Provincial Newspapers and Reform
• Conclusion. Bibliography. Index.
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Historians have traditionally attributed great influence to newspapers in late eighteenth-century England, yet in spite of the power they were supposed to wield, very little is known about the newspaper press itself during this period. Newspapers, Politics, and Public Opinion in Late Eighteenth-Century England examines the ways in which both London and provincial newspapers operated, the fashioning of their politics, and their relationships with politicians, and, crucially, their readers. In particular, this book is concerned with the ways in which newspapers both represented and shaped public opinion. By concentrating on the late 1770s and early 1780s, and on events and debates surrounding the movement for political reform, these areas are brought into sharper focus; as are important and related issues such as the changing nature of popular political debate, the role of 'the people' in politics, and the composition of the political nation.
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• Introduction: the open theatre of the world?-- Part I. Publicity, Print, and Association:
• 1. Popular radical print culture: 'the more public the better'--
• 2. The radical associations and 'the general will'-- Part II. Radical Personalities:
• 3. 'Once a squire and now a man': Robert Merry and the pains of politics--
• 4. 'The ablest head, with the blackest heart:' Charles Pigott and the scandal of radicalism--
• 5. Citizen Lee at 'The tree of liberty'--
• 6. John Thelwall and the 'whole will of the nation'.
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Jon Mee explores the popular democratic movement that emerged in the London of the 1790s in response to the French Revolution. Central to the movement's achievement was the creation of an idea of 'the people' brought into being through print and publicity. Radical clubs rose and fell in the face of the hostile attentions of government. They were sustained by a faith in the press as a form of 'print magic, ' but confidence in the liberating potential of the printing press was interwoven with hard-headed deliberations over how best to animate and represent the people. Ideas of disinterested rational debate were thrown into the mix with coruscating satire, rousing songs, and republican toasts. Print personality became a vital interface between readers and print exploited by the cast of radicals returned to history in vivid detail by Print, Publicity, and Popular Radicalism. This title will also be available as Open Access.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)