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• The criminal ban on miscegenation as a contested site
• Creating a constitutional order : 1865-82
• The elements of miscegenation and its threat to the family : 1883-1917
• Litigating race : 1918-28
• Consolidating and embedding White supremacy : 1928-40
• White power and public policy in testamentary disputes : 1914-44
• Portraying the static state : 1941-54
• Race and the legacy of the supremacist state.

In November of 2001, the state of Alabama opened a referendum on its longstanding constitutional prohibition against interracial marriage. A bill on the state ballot offered the opportunity to relegate the state's anti-miscegenation law to the dustbin of history. The measure passed, but the margin was alarmingly slim: more than half a million voters, forty percent of those who went to the polls, voted to retain a racist and constitutionally untenable law."Racial Union" explains how and why, nearly forty years after the height of the Civil Rights movement, Alabama struggled to repeal its prohibitions against interracial marriage - the last state in the Union to do so. Her compelling history of Alabama's battle over miscegenation shows how the fight shaped the meanings of race and state over ninety years. Novkov's work tells us much about the sometimes parallel, sometimes convergent evolution of our concepts of race and state in the nation as a whole.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The criminal ban on miscegenation as a contested site
• Creating a constitutional order : 1865-82
• The elements of miscegenation and its threat to the family : 1883-1917
• Litigating race : 1918-28
• Consolidating and embedding white supremacy : 1928-40
• White power and public policy in testamentary disputes : 1914-44
• Portraying the static state : 1941-54
• Race and the legacy of the supremacist state
• Afterword : the analogy between bans on interracial marriage and same-sex marriage--a usable past?

In November of 2001, the state of Alabama opened a referendum on its longstanding constitutional prohibition against interracial marriage. A bill on the state ballot offered the opportunity to relegate the state's anti-miscegenation law to the dustbin of history. The measure passed, but the margin was alarmingly slim: more than half a million voters, forty percent of those who went to the polls, voted to retain a racist and constitutionally untenable law."Racial Union" explains how and why, nearly forty years after the height of the Civil Rights movement, Alabama struggled to repeal its prohibitions against interracial marriage - the last state in the Union to do so. Her compelling history of Alabama's battle over miscegenation shows how the fight shaped the meanings of race and state over ninety years. Novkov's work tells us much about the sometimes parallel, sometimes convergent evolution of our concepts of race and state in the nation as a whole.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• My inheritance
• The lore
• Miscegenation
• Philadelphia
• Reconstruction
• Uplift the race
• The talented tenth
• Man-child
• Manhood
• Civil Rights
• Integration
• The National Democratic Party of Alabama
• Altruism
• Reversal
• Independence.

This is a four-generation memoir of the Cashin family, a highly unusual, highly politicized, distinguished black family who were political agitators and pioneers of social justice in Alabama, and of the price paid for their achievements.At a time when more then half of African Americans lived in poverty, Sheryll Cashin's parents and grandparents were members of the black middle class elite - an unusual and very overlooked segment of society. The family could easily have dedicated their lives to living well. Instead, her highly politicized father John L Cashin Jr. (like his father before him) dedicated his life to winning political enfranchisement for blacks in his home state of Alabama. Black citizens had previously constituted almost half of the registered electorate, and held office in impressive numbers, but they were dis-enfranchised by white supremacists in the early twentieth century. Later, John's wife would join him in this challenge.As the founder and architect of a highly successful independent political party that elected blacks and progressive whites to office across the state of Alabama, Sheryll's dad had many enemies. In addition to death threats and actual attempts, including the sabotage of his four-seat airplane, there were lawsuits, civil and criminal, and eventually he landed in prison. At 77, Dad is still alive and kicking - bloodied but unbowed - fierce and arrogant in his opinions, hysterically funny and tireless in his causes. This book will convey with humour, passion, honesty and love Sheryll's life as she grew up and transcended being merely an agitator's daughter.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Welcome to Madison Park, a small community in Alabama founded by freed slaves in 1880. And meet Eric Motley, a native son who came of age in this remarkable place where constant lessons in self-determination, hope, and unceasing belief in the American dream taught him everything he needed for his journey to the Oval Office as a Special Assistant to President George W. Bush.Eric grew up among people whose belief was to "give" and never turn away from your neighbor's need. There was Aunt Shine, the goodly matriarch who cared so much about young Motley's schooling that she would stand up in a crowded church and announce Eric's progress or his shortcomings. There was Old Man Salery, who secretly siphoned gasoline from his beat-up car into the Motley's tank at night. There were Motley's grandparents, who bought books for Eric they couldn't afford, spending the last of their seed money. And there was Reverend Brinkley, a man of enormous faith and simple living. It was said that whenever the Reverend came your way, light abounded. Life in Madison Park wasn't always easy or fair, and Motley reveals personal and heartbreaking stories of racial injustice and segregation. But Eric shows how the community taught him everything he needed to know about love and faith.This charming, engaging, and deeply inspiring memoir will help you remember that we can create a world of shared values based on love and hope. It is a story that reveals the amazing power of faith in God and each other. If you're in search of hope during troubled times, look no further than Madison Park.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Race, class, gender, and community before 1941
• The UMWA and the color line in Alabama, 1933-1942
• The World War II strikes : 1941-1945
• Race, economic decline, and the fight for the welfare and retirement fund : 1946-1950
• Industrial transformation and the struggle over health care : 1950-1961
• Globalization, race, and gender : 1961-1980
• The era of global competition : 1980-2003.

In 1930, almost 13,000 African Americans worked in the coal mines around Birmingham, Alabama. They made up 53 percent of the mining workforce and some 60 percent of their union's local membership. At the close of the twentieth century, only about 15 percent of Birmingham's miners were black, and the entire mining workforce had been sharply reduced. Robert H. Woodrum offers a challenging interpretation of why this dramatic decline occurred and why it happened during an era of strong union presence in the Alabama coalfields. Drawing on union, company, and government records as well as interviews with coal miners, Woodrum examines the complex connections between racial ideology and technological and economic change. Extending the chronological scope of previous studies of race, work, and unionization in the Birmingham coalfields, Woodrum covers the New Deal, World War II, the postwar era, the 1970s expansion of coalfield employment, and contemporary trends toward globalization. The United Mine Workers of America's efforts to bridge the color line in places like Birmingham should not be underestimated, says Woodrum. Facing pressure from the wider world of segregationist Alabama, however, union leadership ultimately backed off the UMWA's historic commitment to the rights of its black members. Woodrum discusses the role of state UMWA president William Mitch in this process and describes Birmingham's unique economic circumstances as an essentially Rust Belt city within the burgeoning Sun Belt South. This is a nuanced exploration of how, despite their central role in bringing the UMWA back to Alabama in the early 1930s, black miners remained vulnerable to the economic and technological changes that transformed the coal industry after World War II.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This title presents civil rights, economic justice, and the competition for political power after the Voting Rights Act."Carry It On" is an in-depth study of how the local struggle for equality in Alabama fared in the wake of new federal laws - the Civil Rights Act, the Economic Opportunity Act, and the Voting Rights Act. Susan Youngblood Ashmore provides a sharper definition to changes set in motion by the fall of legal segregation. She focuses her detailed story on the Alabama Black Belt and on the local projects funded by the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), the federal agency that supported programs in a variety of cities and towns in Alabama. Black Belt activists who used OEO funds understood that the structural underpinnings of poverty were key components of white supremacy, says Ashmore. They were motivated not only to end poverty but also to force local governments to comply with new federal legislation aimed at achieving racial equality on a number of fronts.Ashmore looks closely at the interactions among local activists, elected officials, businesspeople, landowners, bureaucrats, and others who were involved in or affected by OEO projects. "Carry It On" offers a nuanced picture of the OEO, an agency too broadly criticized; a new look at the rise of southern Black Power; and a compelling portrait of local citizens struggling for control over their own lives. Ashmore provides a more complete understanding of how southerners worked to define for themselves how freedom would come during the years shaped by the civil rights movement and the war on poverty.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The criminal ban on miscegenation as a contested site
• Creating a constitutional order : 1865-82
• The elements of miscegenation and its threat to the family : 1883-1917
• Litigating race : 1918-28
• Consolidating and embedding White supremacy : 1928-40
• White power and public policy in testamentary disputes : 1914-44
• Portraying the static state : 1941-54
• Race and the legacy of the supremacist state.

In November of 2001, the state of Alabama opened a referendum on its longstanding constitutional prohibition against interracial marriage. A bill on the state ballot offered the opportunity to relegate the state's anti-miscegenation law to the dustbin of history. The measure passed, but the margin was alarmingly slim: more than half a million voters, forty percent of those who went to the polls, voted to retain a racist and constitutionally untenable law.""Racial Union"" explains how and why, nearly forty years after the height of the Civil Rights movement, Alabama struggled to repeal its prohibitions against interracial marriage - the last state in the Union to do so. Her compelling history of Alabama's battle over miscegenation shows how the fight shaped the meanings of race and state over ninety years. Novkov's work tells us much about the sometimes parallel, sometimes convergent evolution of our concepts of race and state in the nation as a whole.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

No American city symbolizes the black struggle for civil rights more than Birmingham, Alabama. In this critical analysis of why Birmingham became such a focal point, Bobby Wilson argues that Alabama's path to industrialism differed significantly from that in the North and Midwest. True to its antebellum roots, no other industrial city in the United States would depend so much upon the exploitation of black labour so early in its development as Birmingham. A persuasive exploration of the links between Alabama's slaveholding order and the subsequent industrialization of the state, Wilson's study demonstrates that arguments based on classical economics fail to take into account the ways in which racial issues influenced the rise of industrial capitalism.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This pioneering book explores the implications of postmodernism for the black community through an analysis of the civil rights and neighborhood movements in Birmingham, Alabama. Grounded not only in class struggle, the Civil Rights Movement was tied to the politics of racial identity, the neighborhood movement to the politics of place identity. Bobby M. Wilson critically examines these two movements, which together transformed race and place in Birmingham. He shows that although the civil rights struggle and neighborhood empowerment served a valuable purpose, they cannot now overcome post-Fordist forces of domination and exclusion. Successful political movements, the author argues, must venture beyond the politics of identity and difference based on race and neighborhood.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: race and capitalist development
• The origin of racism: discursive and material practices
• The state's role in sustaining race-connected practices
• Capital restructuring and the transformation of race
• The slave mode of production
• An extensive regime of accumulation based on slave labor
• Reconstruction
• From slave to free black labor
• Development of the Birmingham regime
• Industrialization with inexpensive labor
• Noncompetitive labor segmentation and laissez-faire race relations
• Accommodating the racial order: the rise of institutionalized racism
• Scientific management and the growth of Black/White competition
• The growth of corporate power: the emergence of Fordism
• The Great Depression and the transformation of the planter regime
• The New Deal and Blacks
• The southern shift of Fordism and entrepreneurial regimes.

In some ways, no American city symbolizes the black struggle for civil rights more than Birmingham, Alabama. During the 1950s and 1960s, Birmingham gained national and international attention as a center of activity and unrest during the civil rights movement. Racially motivated bombings of the houses of black families who moved into new neighborhoods or who were politically active during this era were so prevalent that Birmingham earned the nickname "Bombingham." In this critical analysis of why Birmingham became such a national flashpoint, Bobby M. Wilson argues that Alabama's path to industrialism differed significantly from that of states in the North and Midwest. True to its antebellum roots, no other industrial city in the United States depended as much on the exploitation of black labor so early in its urban development as Birmingham. A persuasive exploration of the links between Alabama's slaveholding order and the subsequent industrialization of the state, America's Johannesburg demonstrates that arguments based on classical economics fail to take into account the ways in which racial issues influenced the rise of industrial capitalism.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: race and capitalist development
• The origin of racism: discursive and material practices
• The state's role in sustaining race-connected practices
• Capital restructuring and the transformation of race
• The slave mode of production
• An extensive regime of accumulation based on slave labor
• Reconstruction
• From slave to free black labor
• Development of the Birmingham regime
• Industrialization with inexpensive labor
• Noncompetitive labor segmentation and laissez-faire race relations
• Accommodating the racial order: the rise of institutionalized racism
• Scientific management and the growth of Black/White competition
• The growth of corporate power: the emergence of Fordism
• The Great Depression and the transformation of the planter regime
• The New Deal and Blacks
• The southern shift of Fordism and entrepreneurial regimes.

In some ways, no American city symbolizes the black struggle for civil rights more than Birmingham, Alabama. During the 1950s and 1960s, Birmingham gained national and international attention as a center of activity and unrest during the civil rights movement. Racially motivated bombings of the houses of black families who moved into new neighborhoods or who were politically active during this era were so prevalent that Birmingham earned the nickname "Bombingham." In this critical analysis of why Birmingham became such a national flashpoint, Bobby M. Wilson argues that Alabama's path to industrialism differed significantly from that of states in the North and Midwest. True to its antebellum roots, no other industrial city in the United States depended as much on the exploitation of black labor so early in its urban development as Birmingham. A persuasive exploration of the links between Alabama's slaveholding order and the subsequent industrialization of the state, America's Johannesburg demonstrates that arguments based on classical economics fail to take into account the ways in which racial issues influenced the rise of industrial capitalism.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This study draws on a variety of sources, including the reports and correspondence of prison inspectors and letters from prisoners and their families, to explore the history of the African-American men and women whose labour made Alabama's prison system the most profitable in the country.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)