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Papers presented at a seminar held under the joint sponsorship of Jawaharlal Nehru University and India International Centre.

This paper presents estimates of the relationship between the share of income accruing to the middle class and gross domestic product per capita of economies from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The increase in gross domestic product per capita that these economies experienced during 1970-2010 significantly contributed to a higher share of income accruing to the middle class. The impact of the rise of the middle class on economic growth depends on the countries' initial level of gross domestic product per capita. In the majority of these countries, a rise of the middle class that is unrelated to gross domestic product per capita growth would have had a significant negative effect on economic growth, based on the values of the countries' gross domestic product per capita in 1970. In contrast, for recent values of gross domestic product per capita, a rise of the middle class would positively contribute to growth in gross domestic product per capita. The paper shows that human capital accumulation is an important channel through which a rise of the middle class affects economic growth.

• Introduction--
• 1. ASEAN as a security institution: its legal, normative and institutional framework--
• 2. Nuclear security--
• 3. Counter-terrorism--
• 4. Maritime security--
• 5. Cyber security--
• 6. Human trafficking and people smuggling--
• 7. Food security-- Conclusion.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has achieved deeper regional market integration to lay a socio-economic foundation for the development of a regional community, yet inter-state trust is by no means assured as Southeast Asian nations remain steadfast in maintaining their political regime stability against external interference. However, through its institutional practices, ASEAN has emerged as a distinct model of security institution, while the region's contemporary security landscape has diversified with various non-traditional security issues. By looking beyond the veneer of diplomacy and prevailing political circumstances, this book examines the legal nature and form of ASEAN's authority to address diverse regional security issues. It provides a fresh perspective on ASEAN's role as a security institution. With an interdisciplinary analysis, this book reveals the normative role that ASEAN plays in facilitating the processes of norm development, localisation and internalisation as it deals with contemporary security challenges confronting Southeast Asia.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• General editors' preface--
• 1. Introduction--
• 2. Overview of ASEAN--
• 3. Critical nexuses of law and policy--
• 4. Improving ASEAN's institutional tools--
• 5. Conclusions-- Executive summary-- Appendices-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

ASEAN has undertaken the complex task of creating a single economic entity for Southeast Asia by 2015 in the form of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), but without regulators or supranational institutions, its implementation has been an inconsistent process. Through comparisons with the EU and NAFTA, this book illustrates the shortcomings of the current system, enabling readers to understand both the potential of regional economic development in ASEAN and its foundational and institutional deficiencies. The authors' analysis of trade in goods and services, investment, and dispute resolution in the AEC indicates that without strong regional institutions, strong dispute resolution or a set of norms, full and effective implementation of the AEC is unlikely to result. The book offers clear solutions for the ASEAN institutions to help the AEC reach its full potential. Written by two leading practitioners, this insightful book will interest policymakers, students and researchers.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book is the direct outcome of a panel on Timor-Leste entitled «How to build a new nation?» and organized in September 2007 in the framework of the EUROSEAS Congress in Naples. Among the more than 40 panels held, Timor-Leste's had been remarkably dense, with 20 presentations given by American, Australian, Brazilian, East-Timorese, French, German, Portuguese and Spanish researchers. At the time of this congress, the major event of 2006, which two years after continued to be called "the crisis", was still foremost in people's minds, conversations, and researches. While other events or forewarning episodes had taken place before that date, no doubt that the crisis of 2006/2007 had finally prove to be a turning point, for the country itself, and maybe even more so for international actors. Though presented at first as a United Nations' success story, especially when the territory was under UN management from October 1999 (withdrawal of the Indonesian army) until 20 May 2002 (independence of the country), the unity of Timor-Leste was then in peril, deceiving the expectations that had prevailed during the resistance years. Its climax was the conflict between "those from the West" and "those from the East" ("Loromonu-Lorosae" or Firaku-Kaladi), and a violence which caused a wave of internal refugees (around 150,000 IDP- Internally Displaced People). Beyond the causes and effects of this political and military crisis which had then spread to civil society, the "crisis" had also directly or indirectly revealed a certain number of dysfunctions, notably the deficiencies of the UN preparations of independence and of the capacity of East Timorese governing bodies to manage and organize the country.

As the regional and financial economic crisis has bottomed out and the ASEAN countries are on the recovery path, this volume seeks to carry out a post-mortem on the crisis to evaluate the sustainability of the recovery and the long-term direction of the ASEAN economies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• General editors' preface--
• 1. Introduction--
• 2. The legal and institutional framework for ASEAN external agreements: the centrality of ASEAN--
• 3. An inventory and typology of ASEAN external instruments: overview and trends--
• 4. ASEAN as a contracting party--
• 5. Beyond market access? The anatomy of ASEAN's preferential trade agreements--
• 6. A regional strategy: a typology of ASEAN partnership and co-operation agreements--
• 7. Between great-power rivalries and supranationality: ASEAN external instruments and regional hedging strategies-- Executive summary-- Appendices-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

ASEAN is coming of age as an international actor and international treaty-maker. To date, more than two hundred external agreements and other instruments have been concluded in the name of ASEAN. This book provides the first systematic account of the legal framework governing ASEAN's burgeoning external relations practice. It focuses in depth on ASEAN's wide-ranging mandate to promote its values and principles in the wider region and beyond, as well as the highly intergovernmental, and at times haphazard, handling of the bloc's relations with the outside world. Furthermore, it reveals that there are two basic meanings of ASEAN in its international dealings, which have important implications under international law: ASEAN as an international organisation with its own legal personality and ASEAN as the collectivity of its member states. This timely and thoughtful book is a valuable resource for practitioners and scholars of international law, ASEAN law, international relations, regional integration and governance.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• General editors' preface-- Acknowledgements-- List of abbreviations--
• 1. Introduction--
• 2. Analytical framework: a cognitive approach of externalization--
• 3. ASEAN's cognitive prior and negotiating capacities--
• 4. ASEAN as a negotiator in global fora: stages of negotiation--
• 5. ASEAN as an actor in global fora: negotiation strategies--
• 6. Case studies--
• 7. Conclusions and future options-- Executive summary-- References-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

ASEAN as an Actor in International Fora addresses a blind spot in ASEAN research and in comparative regionalism studies by assessing why, how, when and to what extent ASEAN member governments achieve a collective presence in global fora. Written for academic researchers and practitioners working in areas such as international relations, political science and international law, it examines ASEAN's negotiating behavior with a novel four-point cohesion typology. The authors argue that ASEAN's 'cognitive prior' and its repository of cooperation norms have affected ASEAN's negotiation capacities, formats, strategies and cohesion in international fora. Using two case studies - one on ASEAN's cohesion in the WTO agricultural negotiations and one on UN negotiations on forced labor in Myanmar - they examine ASEAN's collective actions at different stages of negotiation, in different issue areas and in different negotiating fora. The book concludes by providing recommendations for strengthening ASEAN's international negotiation capacities.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Eric Frécon's study starkly reveals the fragility of the internal societies and the inadequate regulation of the Asian region by boldly plunging into a reality- that of piracy- that during the Cold War had been habitually restricted to notes of secret agents or for the reports of some original journalists. The study is an interesting approach. The development of terrorism has in fact confirmed it: a major part of the current scenario which matters now is that of the underground, economic, mafia-like or terrorist forces, forces that are beyond control and of which sometimes the nations are fully aware. Piracy is therefore an important phenomenon today; its analysis allows us to measure the power of the nations and the regulation of international zones. But the investigation is difficult and calls for intelligence, passion, the audacity to search in the dark and the courage to not be taken in: these are the very qualities that this work embodies. This book constitutes an excellent photograph of the weaknesses but also of the recovery of the Asians. It explains how piracy reappeared massively after the Cold War, firstly on account of the general deficiencies of the region and the weaknesses (or tactics) of some nations. But it also shows that the region has evolved. When I brought it up in 1998 in "L'Asie en danger", piracy was partially imputable to the internal situation and to the foreign policy of China. Since then, the collapse of Indonesia and the recovery of the Chinese regime have pushed it back towards the Straits of Southeast Asia. Eric Frécon's book also describes how the efforts of regional coordination and the policies of certain big nations like Japan and India acted upon piracy, in order to contain it, on the whole. The problem seems to have, since then, been identified and to a large extent handled; one may hope that it will be resolved in the years to come, even though the Indonesian crisis may seriously impede regulation efforts.

Les hauts-plateaux méridionaux du Viêt Nam et du Cambodge connaissent depuis le milieu des années 2000 une forte augmentation des superficies plantées en hévéa. Les booms de l'hévéaculture diffèrent significativement de part et d'autre de la frontière, mais ils sont également étroitement liés dans le contexte d'une intégration régionale des filières et des territoires qui se renforce. Cette transformation est impulsée par le jeu des marchés globalisés et de puissants acteurs étrangers tels que la Chine et la Malaisie, mais les gouvernements nationaux jouent également un rôle important en matière d'accès et d'usage des terres agricoles. L'or blanc et les nouveaux eldorados ne sont pas qu'un enjeu économique ; sont également en jeu les influences et les rapports de force entre les pays de la sous-région du Grand Mékong, à l'image des importantes transactions foncières transnationales. Pour mieux comprendre la transition agraire actuelle impulsée par le boom de l'hévéa, les auteurs de cet ouvrage ont tenu à revenir sur l'histoire, l'époque de la colonisation européenne et les expériences socialistes. L'ouvrage analyse également la capacité des populations locales à résister aux pressions des nouveaux arrivants et la compétition que représentent les plantations d'hévéa de grande taille mécanisées.

Un regain d'intérêt se dessine ces dernières années dans de nombreuses disciplines à l'égard des études sur les élites économiques. Cet objet de recherche prend une résonance toute particulière dans le contexte actuel de crises financières et économiques ainsi que de remise en cause de modèles managériaux. Qu'est-ce qui, aujourd'hui, assied l'autorité économique ? Les détenteurs de cette autorité et leurs critères d'éligibilité sont plus que jamais variés : la propriété du capital, le diplôme, le poids des réseaux sociaux, l'appartenance politique. Les trajectoires ou les modes de sélection pour accéder à un tel statut ne semblent pas, en tout cas, suivre un schéma-type. Au Viêt Nam, l'intérêt porté à ces questions est d'autant plus légitime que l'environnement sociopolitique vietnamien connait des tournants majeurs. Près de trois décennies après le lancement de la politique de « renouveau » (dôi môi), lors du VIe congrès du Parti communiste en 1986, l'économie vietnamienne, laboratoire des réformes, se voit muter d'un régime de gestion centralisateur et dirigiste à ce qu'on appelle désormais une « économie de marché à orientation socialiste ». Les objectifs de modernisation et d'industrialisation du pays, ainsi que l'ouverture et l'intégration internationales bouleversent le paysage économique et changent en profondeur ses acteurs. Peut-on parler de l'émergence d'élites nouvelles dans une économie métamorphosée, bon gré mal gré, par la politique nationale d'ouverture et d'intégration internationale ? Ce renouvellement porte-t-il les caractéristiques de la « transition » - terme utilisé pour qualifier la longue et singulière étape de développement politico-économique du Viêt Nam - initiée dès les années du dôi môi et dans laquelle le pays se situe toujours en 2015 ?

• Introduction "ASEAN Business In Crisis: Culture And Context", Mhinder Bhopal and Michael Hitchcock-- the causes and consequences of South East Asia's economic crisis, Anne Booth-- the economic crisis and law reform in South East Asia, Andrew Harding-- the power of transparency - the internet, e-mail, and the Malaysian political crisis, Len Holmes and Margaret Grieco-- Malaysian unions in political crisis, Mhinder Bhopal-- tourism and total crisis in Indonesia - the case of Bali, Michael Hitchcock-- built on shaky ground? - the international expansion of Thailand's Jasmine Group, Pavida Pananond-- downsizing the Thai Subsidiary Corporation - a case analysis, Tim G. Andrews-- conclusion - Asian development in perspective.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Martinez, Foreword. Introduction: The Girl with Two Heads. The Real Facts about Twins. Unique Developmental Processes in Twins: Implications for Psychotherapy and Parenting. Always Close but Never One: Anxiety and Depressive Disorders in Twins. Understanding Conflicting Attachments in Twins: The Resolution of Major Depressive Disorders. "Real" Differences between Twins and Identity Development. Looking at and Reacting to the Twin Attachment. What is Lost when a Twin Dies? Once a Twin, Always a Twin: Implications for Psychotherapy. Alone in the Mirror.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The impact of the Asia crisis has contributed to the debate about the need for regulation of global markets. This book outlines the events leading up to and during the Financial Crisis of 1997 and assesses the responses of the financial contagion.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

From October 2006, India holds the Chair of the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation Initiative (MGCI). Cambodia and Thailand have held this position for three years each before India, and in that order. MGCI was launched on 10th November 2000 in Vientiane (Laos) and aims at rekindling the cultural links between India and the five riparian states of the Mekong River, namely, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Viet Nam. It is from here that India seeks to strengthen connectivity through building the physical and social infrastructure in these countries. This includes roads, rails, air links and information and communication technologies as also education, culture, and imparting skills in development management and other technical areas. It is only with a robust engagement of this nature that MGCI may evolve a lasting socio-political and economic partnership with this region and take it further in enhancing India's military and strategic equations with these countries. India has taken scores of major initiatives under the MGCI and this newfound enthusiasm has also provided a boost to India's bilateral relations with each country. As this study shows, the results, however, remain a mixed bag and India needs to accelerate its footwork to implement its grand vision and to keep pace with other major stakeholders in this region. In particular, progress made by China has been far too rapid and this has put China in the lead and this remains a subject of debate both inside and outside the Mekong region.