%{search_type} search results

• 1. Introduction--
• 2. Understanding social movements, contentions and private politics and their consequences--
• 3. Anti-corporate protest in the United States, 1960-1990--
• 4. The effect of protest on university divestment--
• 5. Private and contentious politics in the post-1990 era--
• 6. Conclusion.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book examines anti-corporate activism in the United States, including analysis of anti-corporate challenges associated with social movements as diverse as the Civil Rights Movement and the Dolphin-safe Tuna Movement. Using a unique dataset of protest events in the United States, the book shows that anti-corporate activism is primarily about corporate policies, products, and negligence. Although activists have always been distrustful of corporations and sought to change them, until the 1970s and 1980s, this was primarily accomplished via seeking government regulation of corporations or via organized labor. Sarah A. Soule traces the shift brought about by deregulation and the decline in organized labor, which prompted activists to target corporations directly, often in combination with targeting the state. Using the literatures on contentious and private politics, which are both essential for understanding anti-corporate activism, the book provides a nuanced understanding of the changing focal points of activism directed at corporations.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction--
• 2. Understanding social movements, contentions and private politics and their consequences--
• 3. Anti-corporate protest in the United States, 1960-1990--
• 4. The effect of protest on university divestment--
• 5. Private and contentious politics in the post-1990 era--
• 6. Conclusion.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book examines anti-corporate activism in the United States, including analysis of anti-corporate challenges associated with social movements as diverse as the Civil Rights Movement and the Dolphin-safe Tuna Movement. Using a unique dataset of protest events in the United States, the book shows that anti-corporate activism is primarily about corporate policies, products, and negligence. Although activists have always been distrustful of corporations and sought to change them, until the 1970s and 1980s, this was primarily accomplished via seeking government regulation of corporations or via organized labor. Sarah A. Soule traces the shift brought about by deregulation and the decline in organized labor, which prompted activists to target corporations directly, often in combination with targeting the state. Using the literatures on contentious and private politics, which are both essential for understanding anti-corporate activism, the book provides a nuanced understanding of the changing focal points of activism directed at corporations.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Award-winning sociologists David Snow and Sarah Soule draw from a broad range of theories including political sociology, theories of organisations and the study of culture and social interaction to introduce the essential ideas for analysing social movements.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: Mapping the terrain / David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi
• Protest in time and space : the evolution of waves of contention / Ruud Koopmans
• The strange career of strain and breakdown theories of collective action / Steven M. Buechler
• Political context and opportunity / Hanspeter Kriesi
• The cultural contexts of collective action : constraints, opportunities, and the symbolic life of social movements / Rhys H. Williams
• Resources and social movement mobilization / Bob Edwards and John D. McCarthy
• Beyond the iron law : rethinking the place of organizations in social movement research / Elisabeth S. Clemens and Debra C. Minkoff
• Leadership in social movements / Aldon D. Morris and Suzanne Staggenborg
• Movement allies, adversaries, and third parties / Dieter Rucht
• Policing social protest / Donatella della Porta and Olivier Fillieule
• Bystanders, public opinion, and the media / William A. Gamson
• "Get up, stand up" : tactical repertoires of social movements / Verta Taylor and Nella Van Dyke
• Diffusion processes within and across movements / Sarah A. Soule
• Transnational processes and movements / Jackie Smith
• Networks and participation / Mario Diani
• The demand and supply of participation : social-psychological correlates of participation in social movements / Bert Klandermans
• Framing processes, ideology, and discursive fields / David A. Snow
• Emotional dimensions of social movements / Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta
• Collective identity, solidarity, and commitment / Scott A. Hunt and Robert D. Benford
• The legislative, organizational, and beneficiary consequences of state-oriented challengers / Edwin Amenta and Neal Caren
• Personal and biographical consequences / Marco G. Giugni
• The cultural consequences of social movements / Jennifer Earl
• The consequences of social movements for each other / Nancy Whittier -- The labor movement in motion / Rick Fantasia and Judith Stepan-Norris
• Feminism and the women's movement : a global perspective / Myra Marx Ferree and Carol McClurg Mueller
• Environmental movements / Christopher Rootes
• Antiwar and peace movements / Sam Marullo and David S. Meyer
• Ethnic and nationalist social movements / Susan Olzak
• Religious movements / Fred Kniss and Gene Burns.

The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements is a compilation of original, state-of-the-art essays by internationally recognized scholars on an array of topics in the field of social movement studies. * Contains original, state-of-the-art essays by internationally recognized scholars * Covers a wide array of topics in the field of social movement studies * Features a valuable introduction by the editors which maps the field, and helps situate the study of social movements within other disciplines * Includes coverage of historical, political, and cultural contexts; leadership; organizational dynamics; social networks and participation; consequences and outcomes; and case studies of major social movements * Offers the most comprehensive discussion of social movements available.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Contributors.Acknowledgements.Part I: Introduction:.1. Mapping The Terrain: David A. Snow (University Of Arizona), Sarah A. Soule (University Of Arizona), And Hanspeter Kriesi (University Of Zurich).Part II: Facilitative Contexts and Conditions:.2.Protest in Time and Space: The Evolution of Waves of Contention: Ruud Koopmans (Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin Fur Sozialforschun).3. The Strange Career of Strain and Breakdown Theories of Collection Action: Steven M. Buechler (Minnesota State University).4. Political Context and Opportunity: Hanspeter Kriesi (Universitat Zurich).5. The Cultural Contexts of Collective Action: Constraints, Opportunities, and The Symbolic Life Of Social Movements: Rhys H. Williams (University Of Cincinnati).6.Resources and Social Movement Mobilization: Bob Edwards (East Carolina University) And John D. Mccarthy (The Pennsylvania State University).Part III: Field of Action and Dynamics:.7. Beyond the Iron Law: Rethinking the Place of Organizations in Social Movement Research: Elisabeth S. Clemens and Debra C. Minkoff (University Of Chicago-- University Of Washington).8. Leadership in Social Movements: Aldon D. Morris and Suzanne Staggenborg (Northwestern University-- Mcgill University).9. Movement Allies, Adversaries and Third Parties: Dieter Rucht (Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin).10. Policing Social Protest: Donatella Della Porta and Olivier Fillieule (European University Institute, Florence-- University of Lausanne).11. Bystanders, Public Opinion, and the Media: William A. Gamson (Boston College).12. "Get Up, Stand Up:" Tactical Repertoires of Social Movements: Verta Taylor and Nella Van Dyke (University of California, Santa Barbara-- Washington State University).13. Diffusion Processes Within and Across Movements: Sarah A. Soule (University of Arizona).14. Transnational Processes and Movements: Jackie Smith (SUNY Stony Brook).Part IV: Microstructural and Social Psychological Dimensions:.15. Networks and Participation: Mario Diani (University of Trento).16. The Demand and Supply of Participation: Social-Psychological Correlates of Participation in Social Movements: Bert Klandermans (Free University, Amsterdam).17. Framing Processes, Ideology, and Discursive Fields: David A. Snow (University Of California, Irvine).18. Emotional Dimensions of Social Movements: Jeff Goodwin, James Jasper and Francesca Polletta (New York University-- Independent Scholar-- Columbia University).19. Collective Identity, Solidarity, and Commitment: Scott A. Hunt and Robert D. Benford (University Of Kentucky-- Southern Illinois University, Carbondale).Part V: Consequences And Outcomes:.20. The Legislative, Organizational, and Beneficiary Consequences of State-Oriented Challenges: Edwin Amenta and Neal Caren (both New York University).21. Personal and Biographical Consequences: Marco Giugni (University of Geneva).22. The Cultural Consequences of Social Movements: Jennifer Earl (University of California, Santa Barbara).23. The Consequences of Social Movements for Each Other: Nancy Whittier (Smith College).Part VI: Major Social Movements:.24. The Labor Movement In Motion: Rick Fantasia and Judith Stepan-Norris (Smith College-- University Of California, Irvine).25. Feminism and the Women's Movement: A Global Perspective: Myra Marx Ferree and Carol Mueller (University of Wisconsin-- Arizona State University West).26. Environmental Movements: Christopher Rootes (University of Kent).27. Antiwar and Peace Movements: Sam Marullo and David S. Meyer (Georgetown University-- University Of California, Irvine).28. Ethnic and Nationalist Movements: Susan Olzak (Stanford University).29. Religious Movements: Fred Kniss and Gene Burns (Loyola University-- Michigan State University).Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

"The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements" is a compilation of original, state-of-the-art essays by internationally recognized scholars on an array of topics in the field of social movement studies. This book: contains original, state-of-the-art essays by internationally recognized scholars; covers a wide array of topics in the field of social movement studies; and, features a valuable introduction by the editors which maps the field, and helps situate the study of social movements within other disciplines. It includes coverage of historical, political, and cultural contexts; leadership; organizational dynamics; social networks and participation; consequences and outcomes; and case studies of major social movements. It offers the most comprehensive discussion of social movements available.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction: dynamics of diffusion in social movements Rebecca Kolins Givan, Sarah A. Soule and Kenneth M. Roberts-- Part I. Diffusion and the Framing of Contentious Politics:
• 2. Transnational networks and institutions: how diffusion shaped the politicization of sexual harassment in Europe Conny Roggeband--
• 3. Temporality and frame diffusion: the case of the creationist/intelligent design and evolutionist movements from 1925-2005 James E. Stobaugh and David A. Snow--
• 4. Framing labor's new human rights movement Lance Compa--
• 5. Framing the GMO: epistemic brokers, authoritative knowledge and diffusion of opposition to biotechnology Ronald J. Herring-- Part II. Mechanisms of Diffusion:
• 6. Dialogue matters: beyond the transmission model of transnational diffusion between social movements Sean Chabot--
• 7. The diffusion of different types of internet activism: suggestive patterns in website adoption of innovations Jennifer Earl and Katrina Kimport--
• 8. Transnational networks, diffusion dynamics, and electoral change in the postcommunist world Valerie Bunce and Sharon Wolchik--
• 9. Diffusing the rumor bomb 'John Kerry is French' i.e., haughty, foppish, elitist, socialist, cowardly and gay Jayson Harsin-- Part III. Diffusion, Scale Shift, and Organizational Change:
• 10. From protest to organization: the impact of the 1960 sit-ins on movement organizations in the American South Michael Biggs and Kenneth T. Andrews--
• 11. Dynamics of diffusion: mechanisms, institutions, and scale shift Sidney Tarrow.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

It is widely recognized that social movements may spread - or 'diffuse' - from one site to another. Such diffusion, however, is a complex and multidimensional process that involves different actors, networks, and mechanisms. This complexity has spawned a large body of literature on different aspects of the diffusion process, yet a comprehensive framework remains an elusive target. This book is a response to that need, and its framework focuses on three basic analytical questions. First, what is being diffused? Second, how does diffusion occur? Finally, what is the impact of diffusion on organizational development and shifts in the scale of contentious politics? This volume suggests that diffusion is not a simple matter of political contagion or imitation; rather, it is a creative and strategic process marked by political learning, adaptation, and innovation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: The dimensions of diffusion / Rebecca Kolins Givan, Sarah A. Soule, and Kenneth M. Roberts Part I
• Diffusion and the framing of contentious politics:
• Transnational networks and institutions: how diffusion shaped the politicization of sexual harassment in Europe / Conny Roggeband;
• Temporality and frame diffusion: the case of the creationist/intelligent design and evolutionist movements from 1925-2005 / James E. Stobaugh and David A. Snow;
• Framing labor's new human rights movement / Lance Compa; dtFraming the GMO: epistemic brokers, authoritative knowledge and diffusion of opposition to biotechnology / Ronald J. Herring Part II
• Mechanisms of diffusion:
• Dialogue matters: beyond the transmission model of transnational diffusion between social movements / Sean Chabot;
• The diffusion of different types of internet activism: suggestive patterns in website adoption of innovations / Jennifer Earl and Katrina Kimport;
• Transnational networks, diffusion dynamics, and electoral change in the postcommunist world / Valerie Bunce and Sharon Wolchik;
• Diffusing the rumor bomb 'John Kerry is French' i.e., haughty, foppish, elitist, socialist, cowardly and gay / Jayson Harsin Part III
• Diffusion, scale shift, and organizational change:
• From protest to organization: the impact of the 1960 sit-ins on movement organizations in the American South / Michael Biggs and Kenneth T. Andrews;
• Dynamics of diffusion: mechanisms, institutions, and scale shift / Sidney Tarrow.

It is widely recognized that social movements may spread - or 'diffuse' - from one site to another. Such diffusion, however, is a complex and multidimensional process that involves different actors, networks, and mechanisms. This complexity has spawned a large body of literature on different aspects of the diffusion process, yet a comprehensive framework remains an elusive target. This book is a response to that need, and its framework focuses on three basic analytical questions. First, what is being diffused? Second, how does diffusion occur? Finally, what is the impact of diffusion on organizational development and shifts in the scale of contentious politics? This volume suggests that diffusion is not a simple matter of political contagion or imitation; rather, it is a creative and strategic process marked by political learning, adaptation, and innovation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Notes on Contributors ix Introduction: Mapping and Opening Up the Terrain 1 David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Holly J. McCammon
• PART 1 FACILITATIVE AND CONSTRAINING CONTEXTS AND CONDITIONS 17
• 1 The Political Context of Social Movements 19 Doug McAdam and Sidney Tarrow
• 2 The Role of Threat in Collective Action 43 Paul D. Almeida
• 3 The Cultural Context of Social Movements 63 James M. Jasper and Francesca Polletta
• 4 The Resource Context of Social Movements 79 Bob Edwards, John D. McCarthy, and Dane R. Mataic
• 5 The Ecological and Spatial Contexts of Social Movements 98 Yang Zhang and Dingxin Zhao
• 6 Social Movements and Transnational Context: Institutions, Strategies, and Conflicts 115 Clifford Bob
• 7 Social Movements and Mass Media in a Global Context 131 Deana A. Rohlinger and Catherine Corrigall?]Brown PART II SOCIAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONS, FIELDS, AND DYNAMICS 149
• 8 Networks and Fields 151 Nick Crossley and Mario Diani
• 9 Social Movement Organizations 167 Edward T. Walker and Andrew W. Martin
• 10 Bringing Leadership Back In 185 Marshall Ganz and Elizabeth McKenna
• 11 How Social Movements Interact with Organizations and Fields: Protest, Institutions, and Beyond 203 Fabio Rojas and Brayden G. King
• 12 Infighting and Insurrection 220 Amin Ghaziani and Kelsy Kretschmer
• 13 Diffusion Processes Within and Across Movements 236 Sarah A. Soule and Conny Roggeband
• 14 Coalitions and the Organization of Collective Action 252 Megan E. Brooker and David S. Meyer PART III SOCIAL MOVEMENT STRATEGIES AND TACTICS 269
• 15 Tactics and Strategic Action 271 Brian Doherty and Graeme Hayes
• 16 Technology and Social Media 289 Jennifer Earl
• 17 Social Movements and Litigation 306 Steven A. Boutcher and Holly J. McCammon
• 18 Social Movements in Interaction with Political Parties 322 Swen Hutter, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Jasmine Lorenzini
• 19 Violence vs Nonviolence as Strategic Alternatives 338 Kurt Schock and Chares Demetriou
• 20 Art and Social Movements 354 Lilian Mathieu PART IV MICROSTRUCTURAL AND SOCIAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS 369
• 21 Individual Participation in Street Demonstrations 371 Jacquelien Van Stekelenburg, Bert Klandermans, and Stefaan Walgrave
• 22 The Framing Perspective on Social Movements: Its Conceptual Roots and Architecture 392 David A. Snow, Rens Vliegenthart, and Pauline Ketelaars
• 23 Emotions in Social Movements 411 Justin Van Ness and Erika Summers?]Effler
• 24 Collective Identity in Social Movements: Assessing the Limits of a Theoretical Framework 429 Cristina Flesher Fominaya PART V CONSEQUENCES AND OUTCOMES 447
• 25 The Political Institutions, Processes, and Outcomes Movements Seek to Influence 449 Edwin Amenta, Kenneth T. Andrews, and Neal Caren
• 26 Economic Outcomes of Social Movements 466 Marco Giugni and Maria T. Grasso
• 27 The Cultural Outcomes of Social Movements 482 Nella Van Dyke and Verta Taylor
• 28 Biographical Consequences of Activism 499 Florence Passy and Gian?]Andrea Monsch PART VI THEMATIC INTERSECTIONS 515
• 29 Social Class and Social Movements 517 Barry Eidlin and Jasmine Kerrissey
• 30 Gender and Social Movements 537 Heather McKee Hurwitz and Alison Dahl Crossley
• 31 Race, Ethnicity, and Social Movements 553 Peter B. Owens, Rory McVeigh, and David Cunningham
• 32 Bringing the Study of Religion and Social Movements Together: Toward an Analytically Productive Inter
• section 571 David A. Snow and Kraig Beyerlein
• 33 Human Rights and Social Movements: From the Boomerang Pattern to a Sandwich Effect 586 Kiyoteru Tsutsui and Jackie Smith
• 34 Globalization and Social Movements 602 Massimiliano Andretta, Donatella Della Porta, and Clare Saunders
• 35 Political Extremism and Social Movements 618 Robert Futrell, Pete Simi, and Anna E. Tan
• 36 Nationalism, Nationalist Movements, and Social Movement Theory 635 Hank Johnston
• 37 War, Peace, and Social Movements 651 David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow
• 38 Authoritarian Regimes and Social Movements 666 Xi Chen and Dana M. Moss
• 39 Revolution and Social Movements 682 Jack A. Goldstone and Daniel P. Ritter
• 40 Terrorism and Social Movements 698 Colin J. Beck and Eric W. Schoon Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The most up-to-date and thorough compendium of scholarship on social movements This second edition of The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements features forty original essays from the field. With contributions from both established and ascendant scholars, the Companion seeks to present current research on social movements in all its diversity. It is the most up-to-date, comprehensive volume of social science research on social movements available today. The essays address: facilitative and constraining contexts and conditions; social movement organizations, fields, and dynamics; strategies and tactics; micro-structural and social psychological dimensions of participation; consequences and outcomes; and various thematic intersections, including the intersection of social movements and social class, gender, race and ethnicity, religion, human rights, globalization, political extremism and more. Offers an illuminating guide to understanding the dynamics and operation of social movements within the modern, global world Covers a diverse range of topics in the field of social movement studies Offers original, state-of-the-art essays by internationally recognized scholars The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements is recommended for graduate seminars on social movement and for scholars of social movements worldwide. It is also an excellent text for college and university libraries, especially with graduate programs in the social sciences.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Do racial structures in contemporary U.S. society create bias and obstacles for the support of minority activists? How does the experience of being a minority activist in this environment impact one's social psychology? My dissertation examines the role of racial bias in opposition to black activism. First, I find that racial bias exists in the value a victim of wrongful police use of fatal force has on the public's attitudes toward protests against police brutality and respect for police. However, our ability to detect this bias is strongest before beliefs crystalize along ideological lines. I also find that opposition to minority activists is driven, in part, by the perception that claims are being made on the basis of racial group membership, rather than across racial lines. While this belief is itself fraught with racial inequality implications, outright racial discrimination against the composition of the activist group is not a significant motivator for opposition. Finally, I find that salient activist experiences can indeed lead to increased emotional feelings of anger, collective identification with the content of activism, and feelings of self-efficacy. Throughout this entire dissertation, a novel contribution is an experimental approach to provide some causal evidence in the areas of race and social movements. Taken together, this dissertation breaks new ground in providing compelling evidence on how racial bias impacts the perception of minority victims of police violence and social movements seeking to alleviate race-specific inequalities, as well as how participation in those social movements changes the activists themselves.

Some cities are at the forefront of finding and enforcing solutions to social and environmental problems; others remain stuck on the back benches. This dissertation examines the case of city climate action-strategic attempts to mitigate and adapt to climate change by local means---to understand the profound variation in cities' capacities to act. I bring together theories from organizational, political, and urban sociology to develop a framework of city action that shows the interplay of a place-based organizational ecosystem and a shared institutional environment. Comparative analyses of and expert interviews in cities in the United States and around the world show how public officials have shaped cities' responses to the changing climate. Three empirical chapters illuminate the global rise and stagnation of strategic commitments to tackling climate change, the political and institutional contexts of urban sustainability efforts in city administrations, and the public--private interactions in the origins and spread of green construction. Across these studies, civil society emerges as an anchor of urban innovation that leads by example, guides the actions of public administrations, and knits an emergent professional network of cities. This research contributes to sociological theory by inserting contemporaries Max Weber and Robert Park into a long due conversation that explains disparities in urban innovation. It also reveals durable differences in the organizational infrastructure of cities, which are shown to catalyze or curb city action by shaping civic and state capacities. Lastly, this research contributes to our understanding of organizational society in the urban age by its comparative study of meso-level mechanisms through which organizations influence their urban environment. In closing, I recall Charles Tilly's last book to caution against a bifurcation into isolated and networked cities.

Organizations, even those pursuing social missions, occasionally engage in misconduct: they cross moral boundaries with their actions. Existing theories of misconduct, developed primarily in the for-profit and political sectors, do not explicitly consider the role of an organization's social mission in understanding the ripple effects of misconduct events. This is an important omission as features of organizations pursuing social missions -- such as the structural challenges of accountability for social performance and the different bases of valuation for these organizations -- suggest that misconduct would affect them differently. This dissertation takes a first step in assessing this claim by developing theoretical predictions for the effects of misconduct by organizations pursuing social missions and the mechanisms through which these effects unfold. I draw on research on the motivations that drive stakeholders to support these organizations from sociology, organizational behavior, behavioral economics, and psychology to construct my arguments. My review of these literatures suggests that misconduct should be especially detrimental for support of these organizations. To empirically test my arguments, I analyze two novel datasets of misconduct in the social sector. In my analyses, I focus on three targeted questions for which I expect there should be differences: 1) How are different types of external stakeholders affected? 2) How does organization performance moderate potential effects? 3) How does misconduct affect actors inside of these organizations? Surprisingly, I find the conditions under which misconduct events affect support for organizations pursuing social missions to be rather limited. I discuss some of the potential reasons for this as well as areas for future inquiry.

Why are some communities better able to organize for social entrepreneurship? On the one hand, the literature in social entrepreneurship engages the question from a behavioral and attitudinal standpoint. On the other hand, the literature in civil society posits entrepreneurial civic behavior as a consequence of engagement fostered through dense ties such as in the presence of voluntary associations. Yet, neither sentiment nor social closure can fully account for the process of entrepreneurship that creatively aims to solve the community's collective-goods problems. I ask: If we exogenously imposed a need for collective goods over and above the level endogenous to a community, what kinds of communities would be better at emerging with entrepreneurial responses? I suggest that the community's latent capacity to organize in response to exigencies rests on its richness of voluntary organizing models, such as in the variety (not density) of voluntary associations in the community. Greater associational diversity provides a richer repertoire of civic organizing solutions; such communities are more likely to respond to emergent collective-goods problems with social entrepreneurship, especially when these problems are novel or complex. In a panel study of social entrepreneurship after natural disasters in California in the period 1991-2010, I find strong evidence for this claim, net of observed demographics, political conditions, and unobserved fixed characteristics of location and time.

Organizations have social identities that encompass both a categorical identity, based on products sold or services provided, and a more individualized, organization-specific identity not necessarily based on products, which often consists of moral features such as corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities or actively engaging in the social well-being of local communities. Recent sociological research on organizational categories has shown that audiences prefer organizations that conform to a single, clear category. At the same time, social psychological research on morality shows that individuals reward moral actors and punish immoral actors. This dissertation examines how conformity to a categorical code differently affects audiences' reactions to organizational actors' moral and immoral actions. In Section I, I use two empirical settings to examine how the clarity of an organization's categorical identity affects the way audiences react to the organization's moral identity based on CSR in a local community. First, using a series of experiments, I show that organizations in a single category gain appeal when they perform a CSR activity while organizations that span multiple categories garner less appeal for making the same moral identity claim. I also replicate and extend these findings in an empirical analysis using corporate financial performance data, which shows that penalties also extend to organizations in ambiguous product categories, in addition to those operating in multiple categories. An important implication of these results is that organizations with unclear categorical identities can have greater difficulty cultivating moral identities that would serve to differentiate them in the marketplace. In Section II, I examine how category clarity affects audiences' response to immoral actions on the part of organizations. Using a series of experiments, I show that organizations with unclear categorical identities are punished more when suspected of immoral behavior than organizations operating in a single product category. However, when the immoral behavior is beyond suspicion and is accepted as fact, the buffering effect of a clear categorical identity disappears. In line with results from the studies in Section I, these findings suggest that organizations with unclear categorical identities can have a more difficult time rebounding from perceived immorality in the marketplace. Overall, the results from this dissertation enrich the current literature on organizational identity and expand on ideas about how the cognitive process in which rewards and penalties are meted out is affected by the categorical clarity of an organization.

Increased cross-national exchanges and the rise of global civil society have captured the attention of scholars and practitioners alike. In the three papers that comprise this dissertation, I use different analytic and methodological approaches to explore the features of global civil society and its effects on domestic civic and political affairs. The central focus is on the ability of global civil society actors and agendas, and transnational movements to reshape domestic contestations and empower those who are generally among the most marginalized: minority groups, indigenous peoples, and women and girls. Two important trends emerge from the research. First, NGOs, as key actors of global civil society, may strengthen local civil society organizations generating new systemic and sustainable opportunities for marginalized communities. The political economy of aid, though, remains a predominant feature of global civil society, strongly influencing where NGOs locate and biasing who is—and is not—supported. Marginalized groups, thus, have new pathways to recourse, but those opportunities may be constrained by geopolitics and global hierarchies.

This dissertation brings in perspectives in organizational theory and social psychology to enhance our understanding of what determines an individual's performance and how their performance is evaluated. It builds on a growing body of literature showing that performance is socially constructed by societal (Ridgeway, 2011) organizational (Baron and Bielby, 1980) and local-environmental factors (i.e., teams, peers) (Mas and Moretti, 2009). This active research stream comes from a variety of disciplines, each with unique assumptions and perspectives, but ultimately coalesces around a coherent argument. They dissent from the view that performance and evaluations are determined by objective factors such as achievements or effort. Instead, they think about the complex social dynamics that are involved in making sense of individuals' performance and evaluations of their performance. Situated in this dialogue, I ask, what are the social determinants of individual performance and evaluations of performance? This dissertation consists of three projects. They are laid out in the order that they are conceived. This choice is deliberate. It best reflects my intellectual journey in the past five years and how my curiosities have evolved, often building on learnings from prior inquiries. Chapter 2 argues that cultural beliefs held at the societal level, called status beliefs, shape evaluations of individual's products. This project made me curious about other domains in which status beliefs might be operative. This curiosity led to Chapter 3 (Homophily in Networking) which argues that these status beliefs shape individuals' behaviors when they search for jobs. The final chapter of my dissertation focuses on a mechanism that is at the organizational level. Chapter 4 studies how employee performance is influenced by their peers, thus theorizing about a more local determinant of individual performance. Together, these three projects demonstrate that individuals' performance and evaluations are shaped in important and at times, unequal ways by social factors that are operating at multiple levels of the environment. Gender Inequality in Product Markets (Chapter 2) explores social determinants of product evaluation. In particular, I focus on how the gender of the producer matters for the evaluations of a product. This inquiry is motivated by the persistent finding that women tend to be relatively worse off in a variety of labor market processes (Correll and Ridgeway, 2006; Goldin and Rouse, 2000; Bunderson, 2003; Castilla and Benard, 2010; Chan and Anteby, 2016). This is driven by status beliefs that tend to imbue women with inferior expectations of performance in a variety of tasks. I argue that these beliefs will extend beyond the focal actor to the products that they make. This implies that the effect of status beliefs may be more extensive than previously thought. In doing so, I develop and evaluate a theory of status belief transfer, the process by which status beliefs differentially affect the evaluations of products made by men and by women. Experiments are the ideal methodology for testing the idea because the experimenter can hold the quality of the underlying products and manipulate only the gender of the producer. I conduct three online experiments to evaluate this theory. In Study 1, I gathered 50 product categories from a large online retailer, and had participants rate each product's association with femininity and masculinity. I find evidence of the pervasiveness of gender-typing in product markets. In Study 2 and 3, I simulate male-typed and female-typed product markets (craft beer and cupcakes, respectively). Together, the two studies provide evidence of an asymmetric negative bias: products made by women are disadvantaged in male-typed markets but products made by men are not disadvantaged in female-typed markets. Evaluations of otherwise equivalent products are shaped in significant ways by social factors. This is a joint work with Shelley J. Correll and Sarah A. Soule. In Chapter 3, I theorize and test arguments about how status beliefs affect initial choices individuals make regarding with whom they interact in a job-seeking context. On the one hand, job-seekers will be attracted to recruiters who are similar on the bases of gender and race, a robust pattern known as homophily. On the other hand, status beliefs will shape the job-seeker's choice of a recruiter, thus patterns of homophily, because job-seekers are making a choice based on the perceived influence or worthiness of the recruiter. Moreover, these choices may be context-dependent because many organizations and occupations are gender-typed, which imbues greater expectations of performance and appropriateness to people of certain social categories. I test and find support for these idea using hand-collected data on 1,700+ observations of interactions between job-seekers and recruiters at college career fairs. This is a joint work with Adina D. Sterling. In the final chapter, I shift my focus away from status beliefs, which are beliefs that are broadly held, and instead consider a social factor that is more local and closer to the workers --- the quality of their peer. Workplace peers shape an employee's performance in important ways. Prevailing research shows that high-performing peers have greater positive effects on individual performance than low-performing peers. However, not all workers are affected by high-performers in the same way. I argue that the magnitude of peer effect depends on how much better or worse one's peers are relative to the focal worker. I predict that peers within a range of the worker's own performance level will induce larger performance effects than peers who are considerably better or considerably worse. Thus, I circumscribe when performance spillovers arise between peers. I test my arguments using data on call center workers at a travel agency in China. Results indicate that a worker's responsiveness to peers is shaped by the extent to which she is relatively better or worse than her peers. Furthermore, I exploit a field experiment that took place at the same organization to rule out confounders that could have generated peer effects.

Engaging individuals in behaviors that align with environmental and community well-being is critical to addressing today's pressing sustainability challenges. This dissertation—which is comprised of three related studies—examines personal transportation choices, as a case of everyday life behavior with a large aggregate impact on the environment and society. The studies were conducted in varied settings in the San Francisco Bay Area: a teacher institute on science and sustainability; a workplace-based commute alternative program; and 14 listening sessions organized in coordination with community partners throughout the region. Through narrative interviews, field observation, participant documentation of transportation behavior, and document analysis, primarily qualitative data were gathered and analyzed to explore what and how conditions influence whether individuals engage in sustainable transportation, or alternatives to traveling in single occupancy vehicles. Nuances of everyday life were found, highlighting the convergence of conditions with daily demands, human needs, past experience, perceptions and learning in influencing behavior and choices. The three studies collectively reveal how different social, cultural, physical, and conceptual conditions can be supportive and also can act as barriers to sustainable transportation behavior. Specific perceptions and attitudes; types of knowledge and competence; and types of satisfaction were found to mediate the influence of different types of conditions on transportation mode choices. To a certain extent, participants chose a transportation mode that they felt most effectively fulfilled their self-interest in managing daily life, meeting their needs for efficiency, convenience, dependability, comfort, and safety. Individuals who regularly engaged in sustainable transportation behaviors did not feel they had sacrificed practical needs or types of satisfaction to travel in this way. Furthermore, these individuals often derived satisfaction and met needs beyond those at the practical level, thus enhancing their life through benefits such as experiencing improved health, connecting with others or their community, experiencing joy, or feeling a sense of contributing to something beyond themselves through their choice of transportation behavior. For many individuals and communities, however, barriers in the form of varied conditions made it challenging for sustainable transportation to meet mostly practical needs of everyday life. Overall, the findings suggest the importance of conditions that appeal to motivations other than those that are directly environmental and that bring together individual self-interest with environmental behavior. The conclusion discusses implications for how programs, organizations, and collaboratives can support pro-environmental behavior through providing learning opportunities and altering other behavior-specific conditions.

What explains the significant institutional change in environmental policy across the globe? And why do environmental policies across nations look so similar? Is there a convergence to optimal policies or are there other forces at play? And what are the outcomes of such a process? The motivation of my research is to understand the role of social processes determining environmental policy reform and its implementation across nations. By using biodiversity conservation policy as a case study I hope to contribute to the understanding of the institutional change in the environmental field and effectiveness of public policies since diffusion, implementation and outcomes are measureable and of global interest. The research agenda is framed in institutional and social field theory, but is interdisciplinary since it draws from a range of theories on organizations and policy diffusion. This proposal uses a mixed method approach, using discourse analysis, qualitative and quantitative methods, as well as exploring four case studies to understand environmental policy change.