Book
xviii, 228 p. : ill., map ; 24 cm.
  • 1. Introduction: the anatomy of dictatorship-- 2. The world of authoritarian politics-- Part I. The Problem of Authoritarian Power-Sharing: 3. And then there was one!: Authoritarian power-sharing and the path to personal dictatorship-- 4. Institutions, collective action, and the success of authoritarian power-sharing-- Part II. The Problem of Authoritarian Control: 5. Moral hazard in authoritarian repression and the origins of military dictatorships-- 6. Why authoritarian parties?: The regime party as an instrument of co-optation and control-- 7. Conclusion: incentives and institutions in authoritarian politics.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107607453 20160609
What drives politics in dictatorships? Milan W. Svolik argues authoritarian regimes must resolve two fundamental conflicts. Dictators face threats from the masses over which they rule - the problem of authoritarian control. Secondly from the elites with whom dictators rule - the problem of authoritarian power-sharing. Using the tools of game theory, Svolik explains why some dictators establish personal autocracy and stay in power for decades; why elsewhere leadership changes are regular and institutionalized, as in contemporary China; why some dictatorships are ruled by soldiers, as Uganda was under Idi Amin; why many authoritarian regimes, such as PRI-era Mexico, maintain regime-sanctioned political parties; and why a country's authoritarian past casts a long shadow over its prospects for democracy, as the unfolding events of the Arab Spring reveal. Svolik complements these and other historical case studies with the statistical analysis on institutions, leaders and ruling coalitions across dictatorships from 1946 to 2008.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107607453 20160609
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xii, 400 p. ; 25 cm.
  • The Beijing Red Guards : an introduction
  • The assault on power structures : work teams in the universities
  • The genesis of division : sources of opposition and conflict
  • Divided at birth : the university Red Guards
  • Class and violence : the high-school Red Guards
  • Radicals with patrons : the rise of the rebels
  • Dissent and its suppression : challenging the Maoist elite
  • Factions reborn : networks at cross-purposes
  • Endgame : fighting not to lose
  • Hierarchy and rebellion : reflections on the Red Guards.
"Fractured Rebellion" is the first full-length account of the evolution of China's Red Guard Movement in Beijing, the nation's capital, from its beginnings in 1966 to its forcible suppression in 1968. Andrew Walder combines historical narrative with sociological analysis as he explores the radical student movement's crippling factionalism, devastating social impact, and ultimate failure. Most accounts of the movement have portrayed a struggle among Red Guards as a social conflict that pitted privileged 'conservative' students against socially marginalized 'radicals' who sought to change an oppressive social and political system. Walder employs newly available documentary evidence and the recent memoirs of former Red Guard leaders and members to demonstrate that on both sides of the bitter conflict were students from comparable socioeconomic backgrounds, who shared similar - largely defensive - motivations. The intensity of the conflict and the depth of the divisions were an expression of authoritarian political structures that continued to exert an irresistible pull on student motives and actions, even in the midst of their rebellion. Walder's nuanced account challenges the main themes of an entire generation of scholarship about the social conflicts of China's Cultural Revolution, shedding light on the most tragic and poorly understood period of recent Chinese history.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780674035034 20160527
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xxiv, 232 p. : ill ; 24 cm.
  • 1. The world of dictatorial institutions-- 2. Three illustrative cases-- 3. The use of institutions to co-opt-- 4. Institutions and policies under dictatorship-- 5. Institutions and outcomes under dictatorship-- 6. Institutions and the survival of dictators.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521897952 20160610
Often dismissed as window dressing, nominally democratic institutions, such as legislatures and political parties, play an important role in non-democratic regimes. In a comprehensive cross-national study of all non-democratic states from 1946 to 2002 that examines the political uses of these institutions by dictators, Jennifer Gandhi finds that legislative and partisan institutions are an important component in the operation and survival of authoritarian regimes. She examines how and why these institutions are useful to dictatorships in maintaining power. In their efforts to neutralize threats to their power and to solicit cooperation from society, autocratic leaders use these institutions to organize concessions to potential opposition. The use of legislatures and parties to co-opt opposition results in significant institutional effects on policies and outcomes under dictatorship.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521897952 20160610
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
ix, 287 p. ; 22 cm.
The Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, would remain on the throne for the foreseeable future: This was the firm conclusion of a top-secret CIA analysis issued in October 1978. One hundred days later the shah - despite his massive military, fearsome security police, and superpower support - was overthrown by a popular and largely peaceful revolution. But the CIA was not alone in its myopia, as Charles Kurzman reveals in this penetrating work; Iranians themselves, except for a tiny minority, considered a revolution inconceivable until it actually occurred. Revisiting the circumstances surrounding the fall of the shah, Kurzman offers rare insight into the nature and evolution of the Iranian revolution - and into the ultimate unpredictability of protest movements in general. As one Iranian recalls, "The future was up in the air" - and through interviews and eyewitness accounts, declassified security documents and underground pamphlets, Kurzman documents the overwhelming sense of confusion that gripped pre-revolutionary Iran, and that characterises major protest movements. His book provides a striking picture of the chaotic conditions under which Iranians acted, participating in protest only when they expected others to do so too, the process approaching critical mass in unforeseen and unforeseeable ways. Only when large numbers of Iranians began to "think the unthinkable, " in the words of the U.S. ambassador, did revolutionary expectations become a self-fulfilling prophecy. A corrective to 20-20 hindsight, this book reveals shortcomings of analyses that make the Iranian revolution - or any major protest movement - seem inevitable in retrospect.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780674013285 20160527
A top-secret CIA analysis in October 1978 concluded that the Shah of Iran would remain on the throne for the foreseeable future. 100 days later he was overthrown by a popular and largely peaceful revolution.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780674018433 20160528
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xv, 503 p. : ill. ; 23 cm.
  • 1. From the impossible to the inevitable-- 2. The tide and the mobilizational cycle-- 3. Structuring nationalism-- 4. 'Thickened' history and the mobilization of identity-- 5. Tides and the failure of nationalist mobilization-- 6. Violence and tides of nationalism-- 7. The transcendence of regimes of repression-- 8. Russian mobilization and the accumulating 'inevitability' of Soviet collapse-- 9. Conclusion: nationhood and event.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521806701 20160528
This study examines the process by which the seemingly impossible in 1987 - the disintegration of the Soviet state - became the seemingly inevitable by 1991, providing an original interpretation not only of the Soviet collapse, but also of the phenomenon of nationalism more generally. Probing the role of nationalist action as both cause and effect, Beissinger utilizes data and case studies from across the USSR during its final years to elicit the shifting relationship between pre-existing structural conditions, institutional constraints, and event-generated influences in the nationalist explosions that brought about the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Beissinger demonstrates, the 'tidal' context of nationalism - i.e., the transnational influence of one nationalism upon another - is critical to an explanation of the success and failure of particular nationalisms, why some nationalisms turn violent, and how a crescendo of events can overwhelm states, periodically evoking large-scale structural change in the character of the state system.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521806701 20160528
hdl.handle.net ACLS Humanities E-Book
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xviii, 407 p. : ill., maps ; 23 cm.
  • Figures, tables and maps-- Abbreviations and acronyms-- Preface and acknowledgments-- Part I. Introduction: 1. Comparing revolutionary movements-- 2. The state-centered perspective on revolutions: strengths and limitations-- Part II. Southeast Asia: Chronology for Southeast Asia-- 3. The formation of revolutionary movements in Southeast Asia-- 4. The only domino: the Vietnamese revolution in comparative perspective-- Part III. Central America: Chronology for Central America-- 5. The formation of revolutionary movements in Central America-- 6. Not-so-inevitable revolutions: the political trajectory of revolutionary movements in Central America-- Part IV. Further Comparisons and Theoretical Elaborations: 7. Between success and failure: persistent insurgencies-- Chronology for Eastern Europe-- 8. 'Refolution' and rebellion in Eastern Europe, 1989-- 9. Conclusion: generalizations and prognostication-- Annotated bibliography-- Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521620697 20160528
No Other Way Out provides a powerful explanation for the emergence of popular revolutionary movements, and the occurrence of actual revolutions, during the Cold War era. This sweeping study ranges from Southeast Asia in the 1940s and 1950s to Central America in the 1970s and 1980s and Eastern Europe in 1989. Following in the 'state-centered' tradition of Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions and Jack Goldstone's Revolutions and Rebellion in the Early Modern World, Goodwin demonstrates how the actions of specific types of authoritarian regimes unwittingly channeled popular resistance into radical and often violent directions. Revolution became the 'only way out', to use Trotsky's formulation, for the opponents of these intransigent regimes. By comparing the historical trajectories of more than a dozen countries, Goodwin also shows how revolutionaries were sometimes able to create, and not simply exploit, opportunities for seizing state power.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521620697 20160528
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xxx, 390 p. : ill., maps ; 23 cm.
Recent years have seen a resurgence of separatist sentiments among national minorities in many industrial societies, including the United Kingdom. In 1997, the Scottish and Welsh both set up their own parliamentary bodies, while the tragic events in Northern Ireland continued to be a reminder of the Irish problem. These phenomena call into question widely accepted social theories which assume that ethnic attachments in a society will wane as industrialization proceeds. This book presents the social basis of ethnic identity, and examines changes in the strength of ethnic solidarity in the United Kingdom during the 19th and 20th centuries. As well as being a case study, the work also has implications, as it suggests that the internal colonialism of the kind experienced in the British Isles has its analogues in the histories of other industrial societies. Hechter examines the unexpected persistence of ethnicity in the politics of industrial societies by focusing on the British Isles. Why do many of the inhabitants of Wales, Scotland and Ireland continue to maintain an ethnic identity opposed to England? Hechter explains the salience of ethnic identity by analyzing the relationships between England, the national core, and its periphery, the Celtic fringe, in the context of two alternative models of core-periphery relations in the industrial setting. The "diffusion" model suggests that intergroup contact leads to ethnic homogenization, and the "internal colonial" model, suggests such contact heightens distinctive ethnic identification. His findings lend support to the internal colonial model, and show that, although industrialization did contribute to a decline in interregional linguistic differences, it resulted neither in the cultural assimilation of Celtic lands, nor the development of regional economic equality. The study concludes that ethnic solidarity will inevitably emerge among groups which are relegated to inferior positions in a cultural division of labour.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780765804754 20160528
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xviii, 689 p. : ill., maps ; 24 cm.
One of the most important results of the French Revolution was the destruction of the old feudal order. In this work, John Markoff addresses the ways in which peasants and revolutionary legislators joined in bringing "the time of the lords" to an end, central to the cause of the Revolution.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780271015392 20160527
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xi, 488 p. 24 cm.
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
viii, 253 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
  • Acknowledgments 1: Collective Identities and Social Conflict in Nineteenth-Century France 2: Class Mobilization and the Revolution of 1848 3: Urban Transformations, 1852-70 4: Labor Protest in Paris in the 1860s 5: Public Meetings and Popular Clubs, 1868-70 6: Neighborhood, Class, and the Commune of 1871 7: Conclusion Appendix A: Statistical Analyses of June 1848 and Paris Commune Arrests Appendix B: Methodological Concerns Bibliography Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780226305608 20160528
By focusing on the less turbulent years in between the social upheavals of the Paris Commune of 1871 and the 1848 Revolution, Gould reveals that while class played a pivotal role in 1848, it was neighbourhood solidarity that was a decisive organizing force in 1871. Baron Haussmann's massive urban renovation projects between 1852 and 1868 dispersed workers from Paris' centre to newly annexed districts on the outskirts of the city. Residence rather than occupation quickly became the new basis of social solidarity. Drawing on evidence derived from trial documents, marriage certificates, reports of police spies and the popular press, Gould demonstrates that this fundamental rearrangement in the patterns of social life made possible a neighbourhood insurgent movement; whereas the insurgents of 1848 fought and died in defence of their status as workers, those of 1871 did so as members of a besieged urban community.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780226305608 20160528
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xvi, 476 p. : ill. ; 25 cm.
  • Part 1 From mutiny to mass mobilization: contention in 1833-- what changed and why?-- what's at issue?-- contending ideas-- common action and shared understanding-- repertoires of contention-- insistent questions, possible answers-- what's to come. Part 2 Contention under a magnifying glass: a change of repertoires-- problems, sources, methods-- a calendar of contention-- numbering the struggles-- forms of contention, old and new. Part 3 Capital, state and class in Britain, 1750-1840: proletarians, landlords and others-- the growth of industry-- urbanization-- income and inequality-- war and the British state-- repression in Britain-- popular participation in national politics-- social movements and democracy. Part 4 Wilkes, Gordon and popular vengeance, 1758-1788: how Britain was changing-- contention's flow-- how the repertoire worked-- against poorhouses and enclosures-- workers' contention-- mutations. Part 5 Revolution, war and other struggles, 1789-1815: associations in France and Britain-- economy and demography-- state, war and parliament-- textures of contention-- contentious issues-- the issue is food-- who contended, and how?-- revolution and popular sovereignty. Part 6 State, class and contention, 1816-1827: economy and state, 1816-1827-- from war to peace to contention-- contentious contours-- Queen Caroline-- contentious actors-- workers in action-- contending with associations-- political entrepreneurs, radicals and reformers. Part 7 Struggle and reform, 1828-1834: spurting population, expanding economy, consolidating state-- repertoires for the 1830s-- the political crisis of 1828-1834-- embattled bobbies-- swing-- time for reform-- workers-- glimmers of revolution. Part 8 From donkeying to demonstrating: to retell the story-- to meet in public-- catholics in politics-- toward explanation-- social movements and demonstrations-- national and international politics-- foundations of popular contention-- mass national politics and democracy. Appendices: sources and methods-- major Acts by the British government directly affecting popular association and collective action, 1750-1834.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780674689800 20160527
The author elucidates four distinct phases in the transformation to mass political participation and identifies the forms and occasions for collective action that characterized and dominated each. He provides descriptions not only of a wide variety of popular protests but also of such influential figures as John Wilkes, Lord George Gordon, William Cobbett, and Daniel O'Connell.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780674689800 20160527
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
361 p.
Plantations, especially sugar plantations, created slave societies and a racism persisting well into post-slavery periods: so runs a familiar argument that has been used to explain the sweep of Caribbean history. Here one of the most eminent scholars of modern social theory applies this assertion to a comparative study of most Caribbean islands from the time of the American Revolution to the Spanish American War. Arthur Stinchcombe uses insights from his own much admired "Economic Sociology" to show why sugar planters needed the help of repressive governments for recruiting disciplined labour. Demonstrating that island-to-island variations on this theme were a function of geography, local political economy, and relation to outside powers, he scrutinises Caribbean slavery and Caribbean emancipation movements in a world-historical context. Throughout the book, Stinchcombe aims to develop a sociology of freedom that explains a number of complex phenomena, such as how liberty for some individuals may restrict the liberty of others. Thus, the autonomous governments of colonies often produced more oppressive conditions for slaves than did so-called arbitrary governments, which had the power to restrict the whims of the planters. Even after emancipation, freedom was not a clear-cut matter of achieving the ideals of the Enlightenment. Indeed, it was often a route to a social control more efficient than slavery, providing greater flexibility for the planter class and posing less risk of violent rebellion.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780691029955 20160528
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xv, 258 p. : ill., maps ; 25 cm.
This study offers empirical evidence of the importance of the civil community in developing successful institutions. It analyzes a unique experiment begun in 1970 when Italy created new governments for each of its regions, differing greatly in wealth, social structure and politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780691078892 20160528
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xxi, 302 p. : map ; 22 cm.
hdl.handle.net ACLS Humanities E-Book
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
viii, 226 p. ; 21 cm.
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xix, 293 p. : ill. ; 23 cm.
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xvii, 407 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
  • List of tables and maps-- Preface-- Introduction-- 1. Explaining social revolutions: alternatives to existing theories-- Part I. Causes of Social Revolutions in France, Russia and China: 2. Old-regime states in crisis-- 3. Agrarian structures and peasant insurrections-- Part II. Outcomes of Social Revolutions in France, Russia and China: 4. What changed and how: a focus on state building-- 5. The birth of a 'modern state edifice' in France-- 6. The emergence of a dictatorial party-state in Russia-- 7. The rise of a mass-mobilizing party-state in China-- Conclusion-- Notes-- Bibliography-- Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521294997 20160528
State structures, international forces, and class relations: Theda Skocpol shows how all three combine to explain the origins and accomplishments of social-revolutionary transformations. From France in the 1790s to Vietnam in the 1970s, social revolutions have been rare but undeniably of enormous importance in modern world history. States and Social Revolutions provides a new frame of reference for analyzing the causes, the conflicts, and the outcomes of such revolutions. And it develops in depth a rigorous, comparative historical analysis of three major cases: the French Revolution of 1787 through the early 1800s, the Russian Revolution of 1917 through the 1930s, and the Chinese Revolution of 1911 through the 1960s. Believing that existing theories of revolution, both Marxist and non-Marxist, are inadequate to explain the actual historical patterns of revolutions, the author urges us to adopt fresh perspectives. She argues for structural rather than voluntarist analysis, and for an emphasis on the effects of transnational and world-historical contexts upon domestic political conflicts. Above all, she maintains that states conceived as administrative and coercive organizations potentially autonomous from class controls and interests must be made central to explanations of revolutions.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521294997 20160528
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xiv, 435 p. : ill. ; 25 cm.
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
379 p. ; 22 cm.
Green Library
SOC-310-01
Book
xi, 436 p. illus. 22 cm.
Green Library
SOC-310-01