• Introduction--
• 1. Theory and the ROK-US alliance--
• 2. Early relations and establishing the ROK-US alliance--
• 3. Democratization and alliance--
• 4: Security motivations for the alliance--
• 5. Economic growth and the KOR-US free trade agreement--
• 6. Changing military dimensions of the alliance-- Conclusion: the joint vision and the future of the alliance.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

In contrast to previous studies of the South Korea-United States alliance, Uk Heo and Terence Roehrig analyze the bigger picture, including the history, economics, security, alliance structure, politics, and the future of the alliance. Taking alliance theory as a starting point, the authors argue that the alliance provides an ideal case study to examine how the political development and economic growth of junior partners impact an alliance. As South Korea's capabilities and ambitions have grown, the alliance has evolved from an asymmetric regional security relationship to an economic partnership with global interests, while China's rise and North Korea's nuclear development mean that South Korea remains of strategic importance for American interests in East Asia. This book will be read both as a major contribution to Korean studies and the study of alliance politics and theory.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Historical memory, national identity, and international relations
• Fashioning a patriotic narrative in contemporary China
• Confronting collaboration in Korea
• Multiple memories of war in post-war Japan
• The uncomfortable war : the Pacific War in American memory
• Japanese colonial rule, forced labor, and comfort women
• The Sino-Japanese War and Japanese war crimes
• The war in the Pacific
• The atomic bombings of Japan
• The United States and postwar settlements
• Toward historical reconciliation in the Asia-Pacific.

No nation is free from the charge that it has a less-than-complete view of the past. History is not simply about recording past events-it is often contested, negotiated, and reshaped over time. Debate over the history of World War II in Asia remains surprisingly intense, and Divergent Memories examines the opinions of powerful individuals to pinpoint the sources of conflict: from Japanese colonialism in Korea and atrocities in China to the American decision to use atomic weapons against Japan. Rather than labeling others' views as "distorted" or ignoring dissenting voices to create a monolithic historical account, Gi-Wook Shin and Daniel Sneider pursue a more fruitful approach: analyzing how historical memory has developed, been formulated, and even been challenged in each country. By identifying key factors responsible for these differences, Divergent Memories provides the tools for readers to both approach their own national histories with reflection and to be more understanding of others.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

The success of Korea has inspired numerous studies and research in the past decades. Despite good efforts to analyze the strategy of Korea, earlier studies have not been able to satisfactorily explain the country's "miraculous " growth. After thorough analysis of these earlier studies, a new model was developed to show that a country or firm does not have to be more innovative or possess more resources to have a competitive advantage over others. In The Strategy for Korea's Economic Success, Hwy-Chang Moon details four factors that comprise the ABCD model and illustrates how Korean government, corporations, and people have exemplified these factors in achieving their current level of success. The four factors are agility (speed + precision), benchmarking (learning + best practices), convergence (mixing + synergy), and dedication (diligence + goal-orientation), and together, they have enabled Korea's economic success and will continue to drive the next level of growth. Anyone can become more competitive with proper management of the ABCDs. Korea's development strategy holds special value, because it is more practical and appropriate for many developing countries. For more developed countries, on the other hand, the ABCDs can be used to fast-track the next phase of growth. This book also highlights the role of internationalization in broadening the scope of strategic choices, and shows how the combined implementation of internationalization and the ABCDs deepens pool of strategic resources.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Contents and Abstracts1Towards a New Model of Engaging Skilled Foreigners chapter abstractKorea has pursued new opportunities for continued growth, but has been hampered its lack of global talent- individuals with key skills conferring valuable advantages in global markets. Countries like the United States have generated such advantages by recruiting skilled foreigners. Korea has had difficulty recruiting such foreigners because its strong ethnic nationalism makes it comparatively unfriendly for foreigners. Yet, Korea can leverage skilled foreigners by inviting skilled foreigners for a short-term sojourn. Since they will have difficulty assimilating, such foreigners are not expected to stay and contribute their human capital over the long-term. However, if they return home, they can become transnational bridges linking Korea with their home societies and create mutually beneficial opportunities for information exchange, cooperation and trade. Overall, Korea and similar countries in Europe and Asia can benefit from participating in global brain circulation, even if their ethnic nationalism hampers them from assimilating skilled foreigners.
• 2Foreign Students in Korea chapter abstractIn recent years, Korean universities have attracted an increasing number of foreign students, mainly within the Asian region. Some students expressed mainly instrumental reasons to study in Korea such as the lower cost, the availability of scholarships, and Korea's geographical proximity and social similarity to their home countries. In contrast, other students expressed mainly social identity reasons to study in Korea, mainly the opportunity to learn about Korea's development experience and to experience firsthand a culture they had learned to appreciate while consuming Korean cultural products abroad. Such individuals also expressed a desire to bridge Korea and their home countries for mutual benefit, a tremendous opportunity for all involved. Understanding this, several Korean firms have begun to recruit foreigners studying in Korea and begun training them to run subsidiaries in their home countries.
• 3Korean Students Abroad chapter abstractKoreans study at U.S. and Canadian universities to receive what they perceive to be a better education. On average, such students have a moderately high desire to return to Korea after completing their degrees, being more familiar with the Korean environment and wanting to spend more time with family and friends back home. Indeed, many individuals want overseas work experience to enhance their career prospects when they eventually return. However, two subgroups of Korean students abroad have less desire to return home. Choki yuhak students, who started studying overseas at a relatively young age, have become acculturated into in the U.S. and Canada and feel more comfortable there than in Korea. Also, students who attend Korean churches feel less homesickness, as these churches function as small-scale ethnic enclaves. Although they prefer to remain abroad, both groups have the capability and desire to bridge Korea with their host societies.
• 4The Korean Diaspora chapter abstractThe Korean diaspora includes some of the best-educated citizens of the U.S. and Canada. This group encompasses a range of individuals, from corporate ladder-climbers to freewheeling artists, who may or may not be familiar with Korea. Individuals unfamiliar with Korea express a strong desire to sojourn in Korea to reclaim their lost identities, but react very differently to actual sojourns based on their goals and interests. While business-oriented individuals react positively to the ample opportunities they encounter in Korea, others react negatively to the conformity and sexism they perceive as being prevalent. Individuals more familiar with Korea have little need to reclaim identities they never lost, and express greater interest in relocating to Korea long-term based on career opportunities they find there. Overall, a shared ethnic identity draws the diaspora back to Korea, where they can potentially contribute the abundant human and social capital they possess.
• 5Expatriate Indians and Korean Engineering chapter abstractThe manufacture and export of high-technology goods represents a crucial pillar of the Korean economy. Yet, the ongoing convergence between hardware and software threatens to topple this pillar, given Korea's shortage of software engineers. India produces more high-quality software engineers than its economy requires, creating an opportunity for foreign firms to recruit skilled engineers. However, Korean firms face competition from American rivals and are handicapped by Korea's ethnic nationalism. Although Korean firms may have difficulty recruiting graduates of the elite Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), they are nevertheless attractive to non-IIT graduates who are nearly as qualified. Indeed, such individuals express special interest in East Asian countries to avoid social competition with IIT graduates. This example illustrates how social differences amongst skilled foreigners create opportunities for countries like Korea to recruit highly desirable groups despite intense competition.
• 6Towards a Global Korea chapter abstractThis book examines four different groups of skilled foreigners in the Korean context. The findings presented in the book have important theoretical and practical implications. Theoretically, the findings not only integrate geographic research on cross-national boundary spanners with sociological research on transnationalism, but also illuminate why individuals consciously decide to function as transnational bridges. Practically, the findings not only suggest how governments and firms might benefit from transnational bridging, but also how they might promote such behavior through university reforms and public diplomacy. However, the findings also suggest that Korea cannot fully benefit from transnational bridging without fundamental changes to its social institutions and corporate organizations. Although the book focused on the Korean context, its findings are also relevant towards many other economically advanced countries characterized by ethnic nationalism, such as Germany and Japan.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Global Talent seeks to examine the utility of skilled foreigners beyond their human capital value by focusing on their social capital potential, especially their role as transnational bridges between host and home countries. Gi-Wook Shin and Joon Nak Choi build on an emerging stream of research that conceptualizes global labor mobility as a positive-sum game in which countries and businesses benefit from building ties across geographic space, rather than the zero-sum game implied by the "global war for talent" and "brain drain" metaphors.The book empirically demonstrates its thesis by examination of the case of Korea: a state archetypical of those that have been embracing economic globalization while facing a demographic crisis-and one where the dominant narrative on the recruitment of skilled foreigners is largely negative. It reveals the unique benefits that foreign students and professionals can provide to Korea, by enhancing Korean firms' competitiveness in the global marketplace and by generating new jobs for Korean citizens rather than taking them away. As this research and its key findings are relevant to other advanced societies that seek to utilize skilled foreigners for economic development, the arguments made in this book offer insights that extend well beyond the Korean experience.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Contents and AbstractsIntroduction: Protest Dialectics and South Korea's Democracy Movement chapter abstractThe introductory chapter lays out the empirical and theoretical justifications for the study. It focuses on the long historical process of democratization in South Korea. The introduction also discusses limitations of the sociological literature on the relationship between repression and mobilization and argues that the present study offers a more nuanced understanding of social movement development in highly repressive contexts. It ends with a summary of the empirical chapters.
• 1The Making of the Authoritarian State chapter abstract
• Chapter 1 tracks the transformation of President Park Chung Hee's leadership as he shifted from ruling within the parameters of a democratic system to establishing a formal authoritarian structure in
• 1972. The chapter discusses his pursuit of national security and economic development that led to two important policy decisions in the 1960s: Korea's participation in the Vietnam War and normalization of relations with Japan. Intent on pushing through his policies, Park Chung Hee reverted to using the military to put down student demonstrations, which reflected his increasing reliance on coercive tactics to silence criticisms of his policies. This chapter shows how this authoritarian tendency culminated in the Yusin Constitution in
• 1972.
• 2Consolidating Authoritarianism chapter abstract
• Chapter 2 discusses the repressive structures that undergirded Park's dictatorship including the military and the Korean Central Intelligence Agency. In addition, based on a fairly nuanced and evolving repression strategy, Park consolidated the authoritarian system by enacting additional political control laws that allowed him to ignore basic rights and bypass habeas corpus codified in his own Yusin Constitution. The promulgation of presidential Emergency Decrees, along with the National Security Law and the Anti-Communist Law, reflected a greater capacity for structural repression. This chapter presents a temporal analysis of aggregate protest data that shows that increasing state repression had a profoundly negative impact on the ability of dissidents to stage public protests.
• 3The Rise and Fall of the Student Movement chapter abstract
• Chapter 3 explains how students, based on a proud history of political engagement, made multiple attempts to organize a nationwide movement against Park Chung Hee's government. The state, consequently, targeted the student movement in recognition of the powerful potential of students to galvanize social change. Increasing state repression was fueled by Park's determination to not let large student protests develop into the kind of "revolution" that brought down Syngman Rhee's government in
• 1960. This chapter shows that the consequences of repression were dire for students as the arrests and incarceration of thousands of student protestors led to the rapid demobilization of their movement at two critical junctures in 1971 and
• 1974.
• 4The Emergence of Christian Activism chapter abstract
• Chapter 4 discusses the emergence of Christian activists who replaced students as central leaders of the movement after
• 1975. The participation of Christians in anti-government protests was critical to the survival of the democracy movement and for various reasons discussed in the chapter-including symbolic power, organizational resources, and international connections-the state was less effective at repressing them than other secular groups.
• 5The Politicization of Journalists and Lawyers chapter abstract
• Chapter 5 explores how and why journalists and lawyers became key contributors to the democracy movement in the latter part of the 1970s. While each addressed different aspects of Park Chung Hee's authoritarian government, both groups came to the fore of the movement as the severity of state repression reached new heights. The chapter shows that key state repression strategies-the advertisement repression of newspapers in 1974, the demobilization of students in 1974, the People's Revolutionary Party case in 1975-motivated the politicization of new movement actors.
• 6Tactical Adaptation and the Rise of Human Rights chapter abstract
• Chapter 6 argues that state repression unintentionally motivated the development of protest strategies and the movement's ideology. Because different groups relied on tactics that were specific to their groups' cultural norms, the demobilization of the student movement and the entry of new movement actors altered the overall character of the movement. Similarly, while the initial goals of the movement in the early 1970s revolved around democratic and economic reforms, new actors further diversified the issues that were raised in anti-government protests including adopting the human rights discourse.
• 7Repression and the Formation of Alliances chapter abstract
• Chapter 7 explores an additional unintended consequence of state repression. The diversification of movement actors provided the opportunity to create alliances and coalitions which in turn strengthened the solidarity of the movement. Movement solidarity, the chapter argues, was primarily driven by the repression strategies the state employed against dissenting groups. The impact of outgroup contention on ingroup solidarity is evident in the formation of loose-based alliances between diverse sectors of the democracy movement. These informal alliances, in turn, led to formal coalitional organizations that brought together Christians, oppositional politicians, intellectuals, and students.
• Conclusion: The Legacy of the 1970s Democracy Movement chapter abstractThe concluding chapter broadens the analytic lens by discussing the legacy of the 1970s democracy movement for South Korea's democratization. Although the Yusin system ended with Park Chung Hee's death in 1979, social movements active during Park's reign continued to have consequences for the democracy movement in the 1980s. This chapter shows how the movement in the 1980s inherited from the 1970s several important pillars of mobilization, including a generation of leaders who came of age during the Yusin period, organizational models, and master symbols defining the movement's ideology.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

1970s South Korea is characterized by many as the "dark age for democracy." Most scholarship on South Korea's democracy movement and civil society has focused on the "student revolution" in 1960 and the large protest cycles in the 1980s which were followed by Korea's transition to democracy in 1987. But in his groundbreaking work of political and social history of 1970s South Korea, Paul Chang highlights the importance of understanding the emergence and evolution of the democracy movement in this oft-ignored decade. Protest Dialectics journeys back to 1970s South Korea and provides readers with an in-depth understanding of the numerous events in the 1970s that laid the groundwork for the 1980s democracy movement and the formation of civil society today. Chang shows how the narrative of the 1970s as democracy's "dark age" obfuscates the important material and discursive developments that became the foundations for the movement in the 1980s which, in turn, paved the way for the institutionalization of civil society after transition in 1987. To correct for these oversights in the literature and to better understand the origins of South Korea's vibrant social movement sector this book presents a comprehensive analysis of the emergence and evolution of the democracy movement in the 1970s.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Acknowledgments
• Introduction
• Transcription
• CHAPTER 1 The Society Kim Il Sung Built and How He Did It
• Captain Kim Returns Home
• The War and What came after
• Between Moscow and Beijing: The Foreign Policy of Kim Il Sung's North Korea
• Dealing with the South
• The Command Society
• A Country of Camps
• The World According to Kim Il Sung
• The Silver Lining in a Social Disaster
• The Birth of Juche, the Rise of the Son, and the Slow-Motion Demise of a Hyper-Stalinist Economy
• CHAPTER 2 Two Decades of Crisis
• And Then the World Changed
• Capitalism Reborn
• The State Withers Away
• Taking the Exit Option: Not an Exodus Yet, But ...
• Arrival in Paradise, aka Capitalist Hell
• Changing Worldviews
• CHAPTER 3 The Logic of Survival (Domestically)
• Reform as Collective Political Suicide
• Putting the Genie Back in the Bottle: (Not-So-Successful) Crackdowns on Market Activity
• A Disaster That Almost Happened: The Currency Reform of 2009
• Still Poor and Malnourished, but Starving No More
• CHAPTER 4 The Supreme Leader And His Era
• The Belated Emergence of a <"Young General>"
• The Sudden Dawn of a New Era
• Collapse of the old guard
• The New Policy
• The New Logic
• Tensions with the South
• CHAPTER 5 Survival Diplomacy
• Playing the Nuclear Card
• Aid-Maximizing Diplomacy
• Meanwhile, in South Korea ... (the Rise of 386ers and Its Consequences)
• A Decade of Sunshine
• The Sun Sets
• The Entry of China
• Interlude The Contours of a Future: What Might Happen to North Korea in the Next Two Decades
• CHAPTER 6 What to Do about the North?
• Why Sticks Are Not Big Enough
• Why the Carrots Are Not Sweet Enough (and Why <"Strategic Patience>" Is Not a Great Idea, Either)
• Thinking Long Term
• The Hidden Benefits of Engagement
• Reaching the People
• Why They Matter: Working with the Refugees in South Korea
• CHAPTER 7 Being Ready for What We Wish For
• A Perfect Storm
• A Provisional Confederation as the Least Unacceptable Solution
• Something about Painkillers ...
• Conclusion
• Notes
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Andrei Lankov has gone where few outsiders have ever been. A native of the former Soviet Union, he lived as an exchange student in North Korea in the 1980s. He has studied it for his entire career, using his fluency in Korean and personal contacts to build a rich, nuanced understanding. In The Real North Korea, Lankov substitutes cold, clear analysis for the overheated rhetoric surrounding this opaque police state. After providing an accessible history of the nation, he turns his focus to what North Korea is, what its leadership thinks, and how its people cope with living in such an oppressive and poor place. He argues that North Korea is not irrational, and nothing shows this better than its continuing survival against all odds. A living political fossil, it clings to existence in the face of limited resources and a zombie economy, manipulating great powers despite its weakness. Its leaders are not ideological zealots or madmen, but perhaps the best practitioners of Machiavellian politics that can be found in the modern world. Even though they preside over a failed state, they have successfully used diplomacy-including nuclear threats-to extract support from other nations. But while the people in charge have been ruthless and successful in holding on to power, Lankov goes on to argue that this cannot continue forever, since the old system is slowly falling apart. In the long run, with or without reform, the regime is unsustainable. Lankov contends that reforms, if attempted, will trigger a dramatic implosion of the regime. They will not prolong its existence. Based on vast expertise, this book reveals how average North Koreans live, how their leaders rule, and how both survive.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Korea and Taiwan : new challenges for maturing democracies / Larry Diamond and Gi-Wook Shin
• Trends in attitudes toward democracy in Korea and Taiwan / Chong-Min Park and Yun-han Chu
• The party system in Korea and identity politics / Jiyoon Kim
• Political parties and identity politics in Taiwan / Shelley Rigger
• Digital media and the transformation of politics in Korea / Minjeong Kim and Han Woo Park
• Digital media and the transformation of politics in Taiwan / Chen-dong Tso
• Global ascendance, domestic fracture : Korea's economic transformation since 1997 / Yoonkyung Lee
• Challenges for the maturing Taiwan economy / Wan-wen Chu
• Democratization and health care : the case of Korea in financing and equity / Sangho Moon
• The aging society and social policy in Taiwan / Wan-I Lin
• Influencing South Korea's democracy : China, North Korea, and defectors / Katharine H.S. Moon
• China's rise and other global trends : implications for Taiwan democracy / Richard Bush.

New Challenges for Maturing Democracies in Korea and Taiwan takes a creative and comparative view of the new challenges and dynamics confronting these maturing democracies. Numerous works deal with political change in the two societies individually, but few adopt a comparative approach-and most focus mainly on the emergence of democracy or the politics of the democratization processes. This book, utilizing a broad, interdisciplinary approach, pays careful attention to post-democratization phenomena and the key issues that arise in maturing democracies. What emerges is a picture of two evolving democracies, now secure, but still imperfect and at times disappointing to their citizens-a common feature and challenge of democratic maturation. The book demonstrates that it will fall to the elected political leaders of these two countries to rise above narrow and immediate party interests to mobilize consensus and craft policies that will guide the structural adaptation and reinvigoration of the society and economy in an era that clearly presents for both countries not only steep challenges but also new opportunities.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• Chapter 1: The Korean Reformist Movements and the Late Choson State
• Chapter 2: People and Foreigners: The Northwestern Provinces, 1896-1904
• Chapter 3: Sensational Campaigns: The Russo-Japanese War and the Ilchinhoe's Rise, 1904-1905
• Chapter 4: Freedom and the New Look: The Culture and Rhetoric of the Ilchinhoe Movement
• Chapter 5: The Populist Contest: The Ilchinhoe's Tax Resistance, 1904-1906
• Chapter 6: Subverting Local Society: Ilchinhoe Legal Disputes, 1904-1907
• Chapter 7: The Authoritarian Resolution: The Ilchinhoe and the Japanese, 1904-1910
• Conclusion
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

An empire invites local collaborators in the making and sustenance of its colonies. Between 1896 and 1910, Japan's project to colonize Korea was deeply intertwined with the movements of reform-minded Koreans to solve the crisis of the Choson dynasty (1392-1910). Among those reformers, it was the Ilchinhoe (Advance in Unity Society)-a unique group of reformers from various social origins-that most ardently embraced Japan's discourse of "civilizing Korea" and saw Japan's colonization as an opportunity to advance its own "populist agendas." The Ilchinhoe members called themselves "representatives of the people" and mobilized vibrant popular movements that claimed to protect the people's freedom, property, and lives. Neither modernist nor traditionalist, they were willing to sacrifice the sovereignty of the Korean monarchy if that would ensure the rights and equality of the people. Both the Japanese colonizers and the Korean elites disliked the Ilchinhoe for its aggressive activism, which sought to control local tax administration and reverse the existing power relations between the people and government officials. Ultimately, the Ilchinhoe members faced visceral moral condemnation from their fellow Koreans when their language and actions resulted in nothing but assist the emergence of the Japanese colonial empire in Korea. In Populist Collaborators, Yumi Moon examines the vexed position of these Korean reformers in the final years of the Choson dynasty, and highlights the global significance of their case for revisiting the politics of local collaboration in the history of a colonial empire.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Between 1876 and 1945, thousands of Japanese civilians--merchants, traders, prostitutes, journalists, teachers, and adventurers--left their homeland for a new life on the Korean peninsula. Although most migrants were guided primarily by personal profit and only secondarily by national interest, their mundane lives and the state's ambitions were inextricably entwined in the rise of imperial Japan. Despite having formed one of the largest colonial communities in the twentieth century, these settlers and their empire-building activities have all but vanished from the public memory of Japan's presence in Korea. Drawing on previously unused materials in multi-language archives, Jun Uchida looks behind the official organs of state and military control to focus on the obscured history of these settlers, especially the first generation of "pioneers" between the 1910s and 1930s who actively mediated the colonial management of Korea as its grassroots movers and shakers. By uncovering the downplayed but dynamic role played by settler leaders who operated among multiple parties--between the settler community and the Government-General, between Japanese colonizer and Korean colonized, between colony and metropole--this study examines how these "brokers of empire" advanced their commercial and political interests while contributing to the expansionist project of imperial Japan.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction Gilbert Rozman-- Part I. Historical Memories and Bilateral Ties with Allies:
• 2. Japan's historical memory toward the United States Kazuhiko Togo--
• 3. Values and history in US-South Korean relations Gi-wook Shin--
• 4. US leadership, history, and relations with allies Gilbert Rozman-- Part II. Historical Memories, Japanese-South Korean Relations, and US Values:
• 5. Japan-South Korea relations and the role of the United States on history Kazuhiko Togo--
• 6. Getting away or getting in?: US strategic options in the historical controversy between its allies Cheol Hee Park--
• 7. US strategic thinking on the Japanese-South Korean historical dispute Gilbert Rozman-- Part III. Historical Memories, Sino-South Korean Relations, and US Values:
• 8. Sino-South Korean differences over Koguryo and the US role Jin Linbo--
• 9. New grounds for contestation: South Korea's Koguryo-era historical dramas and Sino-Korean relations Scott Snyder--
• 10. US strategic thinking on Sino-South Korean differences over history Gilbert Rozman.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Whereas most discussions of history have centered on the rift between China and Japan, this book focuses on three other divisions stemming from deep-seated memories within Northern Asia, which increasingly will test U.S. diplomacy and academic analysis. The first division involves long-suppressed Japanese and South Korean memories that are critical of U.S. behavior - concerning issues such as the atomic bombings, the Tokyo Tribunal, and the Korean War. The second division is the enduring disagreement between Japan and South Korea over history. What can the United States do to invigorate urgently needed trilateral ties? The third and most important division is the revival of a sinocentric worldview, which foretells a struggle between China and other countries concerning history, one that has already begun in China's dispute with South Korea and is likely to implicate the United States above all.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Identity politics and policy disputes in U.S.-Korea relations
• Why the news media? data and methods
• North Korea and contending South Korean identities
• Alliance politics in South Korea
• American views of South Korea and the alliance
• Dealing with the "axis of evil"
• Identity and policy in the alliance
• A new era in U.S.-ROK relations.

One Alliance, Two Lenses examines U.S.-Korea relations in a short but dramatic period (1992-2003) that witnessed the end of the Cold War, South Korea's full democratization, inter-Korean engagement, two nuclear crises, and the start of the U.S. war on terror. These events have led to a new era of challenges and opportunities for U.S.-South Korea (ROK) relations.Based on analysis of newly collected data from major American and Korean newspapers, this book argues that the two allies have developed different lenses through which they view their relationship. Shin argues that U.S.-ROK relations, linked to the issue of national identity for Koreans, are largely treated as a matter of policy for Americans-a difference stemming from each nation's relative power and role in the international system. Offering rich empirical data and analysis of a critically important bilateral relationship, Shin also presents policy suggestions to improve a relationship, which-after 50 years-has come under more sustained and serious criticism than ever before.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction. China's Shift to a Two-Koreas Policy. The Transformation of China - South Korea Economic Relations. Emerging Political Challenges in the Sino - South Korean Relationship. China's Evolving Economic and Political Relations with North Korea. China's Strategic Policy Dilemmas and the Future of North Korea. The China - South Korea - US Security Triangle. The Korean Peninsula and Sino-Japanese Rivalry. The New Sino-Korean Economic Relationship: Implications for Northeast Asian Security.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

With China now South Korea's number one trading partner and destination for foreign investment and tourism, what are the implications for politics and security in East Asia?Scott Snyder explores the transformation of the Sino - South Korean relationship since the early 1990s. Snyder considers the strategic significance of recent developments in China's relationship with both North and South Korea and also assesses the likely consequences of those developments for US and Japanese influence in the region. His meticulous study lends important context to critical debates regarding China's foreign policy, Northeast Asian security, and international relations more broadly.This title examines China's redefined political and economic relations with North and South Korea, as well as what this implies for US and Japanese influence in Northeast Asia.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Western Assimilation Practices
• Japan's Development of Internal and Peripheral Assimilation
• Forming Korean Assimilation Policy
• Post-March First Policy Reform and Assimilation
• Radical Assimilation under Wartime Conditions
• Korean Critiques of Japanese Assimilation Policy.

• Northeast Asia's economic and security regionalism : withering or blossoming? / Vinod K. Aggarwal and Min Gyo Koo
• China's impact on regional relations in Northeast Asia : an assessment / David C. Kang
• Constructing multilateralism in an anti-region : from Six Party Talks to a regional security framework in Northeast Asia? / Paul Evans
• China's regional activism in East Asia / Zhu Feng
• Regionalism : the view from Northeast Asia / Makio Miyagawa
• Community-building in Northeast Asia : a Korean perspective / Su-Hoon Lee
• The poisoned well : fifty years of Sino-Japanese animosity / Mark R. Peattie
• The need for a composite strategy in China-Japan relations / Yinhong Shi
• The Japan-China relationship in the East Asia region / Tomoyuki Kojima
• The China-Japan rivalry : Korea's pivotal position? / Scott Snyder
• The United States and Northeast Asia : the Cold War legacy / Daniel C. Sneider
• Asia and our challenges : a U.S. perspective / Randall Schriver
• The U.S. response to Asian regionalism / Michael H. Armacost.

• Introduction : famine, aid, and markets in North Korea
• The origins of the great famine
• The distribution of misery : famine and the breakdown of the public distribution system
• The aid regime : the problem of monitoring
• Diversion
• The political economy of aid
• Coping, marketization, and reform : new sources of vulnerability
• Conclusion : North Korea in comparative and international perspective
• Appendix 1. Illicit activities
• Appendix 2. The scope of the humanitarian aid effort
• Appendix 3. The marketization balance sheet.

In the mid-1990S, as many as one million North Koreans died in one of the worst famines of the twentieth century. The collapse of the socialist food distribution system was primarily the result of a misguided push for self-reliance, but compounding the crisis was the regime's failure to formulate a quick response - the regime even blocked desperately needed humanitarian relief. As households, enterprises, local party organs, and military units tried to cope with the economic collapse, a grassroots process of marketization took root. However, rather than embrace these changes, the North Korean regime opted for tentative economic reforms with ambiguous benefits and a self-destructive foreign policy. As a result, a chronic food shortage continues to plague North Korea today. To fully understand North Korea's famine is a vital project of historical recovery, one that is especially critical in light of our current engagement with the "North Korean question." In their carefully researched book, Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland present the most comprehensive account of the famine to date, examining not only the origins and aftermath of the crisis but also the regime's response to outside aid and the effect of its current policies on the country's economic future. The famine exemplified the depredations that can arise from tyrannical rule and the dilemmas such regimes pose for the humanitarian community, as well as the obstacles inherent in achieving economic and political reform.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
In the mid-1990s, as many as one million North Koreans died in one of the worst famines of the twentieth century. The socialist food distribution system collapsed primarily because of a misguided push for self-reliance, but was compounded by the regime's failure to formulate a quick response-including the blocking of desperately needed humanitarian relief. As households, enterprises, local party organs, and military units tried to cope with the economic collapse, a grassroots process of marketization took root. However, rather than embracing these changes, the North Korean regime opted for tentative economic reforms with ambiguous benefits and a self-destructive foreign policy. As a result, a chronic food shortage continues to plague North Korea today. In their carefully researched book, Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland present the most comprehensive and penetrating account of the famine to date, examining not only the origins and aftermath of the crisis but also the regime's response to outside aid and the effect of its current policies on the country's economic future. Their study begins by considering the root causes of the famine, weighing the effects of the decline in the availability of food against its poor distribution. Then it takes a close look at the aid effort, addressing the difficulty of monitoring assistance within the country, and concludes with an analysis of current economic reforms and strategies of engagement.North Korea's famine exemplified the depredations that can arise from tyrannical rule and the dilemmas such regimes pose for the humanitarian community, as well as the obstacles inherent in achieving economic and political reform. To reveal the state's culpability in this tragic event is a vital project of historical recovery, one that is especially critical in light of our current engagement with the "North Korean question.".
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction : minjung, history, and historical subjectivity
• The construction of minjung
• Anticommunism and North Korea
• Anti-Americanism and chuch'e sasang
• The undonggwŏn as a counterpublic sphere
• Between indeterminacy and radical critique : madanggŭk, ritual, and protest
• The alliance between labor and intellectuals
• "To be reborn as revolutionary workers" : Gramscian fusion and Leninist vanguardism
• The subject as the subjected : intellectuals and workers in labor literature
• Conclusion : the minjung movement as history.

• Introduction: explaining the roots and politics of Korean nationalism
• Pan-Asianism and nationalism
• Colonial racism and nationalism
• International socialism and nationalism
• North korea and "socialism of our style"
• Ilmin chuui and "modernization of the fatherland"
• Contentious politics
• Universalism and particularism in nation building
• Tradition, modernity, and nation
• Division and politics of national representation
• Nation, history, and politics
• Ethnic identity and national unification
• Between nationalism and globalization
• Conclusion: genealogy, legacy, and future.

This book explains the roots, politics, and legacy of Korean ethnic nationalism, which is based on the sense of a shared bloodline and ancestry. Belief in a racially distinct and ethnically homogeneous nation is widely shared on both sides of the Korean peninsula, although some scholars believe it is a myth with little historical basis. Finding both positions problematic and treating identity formation as a social and historical construct that has crucial behavioral consequences, this book examines how such a blood-based notion has become a dominant source of Korean identity, overriding other forms of identity in the modern era. It also looks at how the politics of national identity have played out in various contexts in Korea: semicolonialism, civil war, authoritarian politics, democratization, territorial division, and globalization.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

In A Troubled Peace, Professor Chae-Jin Lee reviews the vicissitudes of U.S. policy toward South and North Korea since 1948 when rival regimes were installed on the Korean peninsula. He explains the continuously changing nature of U.S.-Korea relations by discussing the goals the United States has sought for Korea, the ways in which these goals have been articulated, and the methods used to implement them. Using a careful analysis of declassified diplomatic documents, primary materials in English, Korean, Japanese, and Chinese, and extensive interviews with American and Korean officials, Lee draws attention to a number of factors that have affected U.S. policy: the functions of U.S. security policy in Korea, the role of the United States in South Korea's political democratization, President Clinton's policy of constructive engagement toward North Korea, President Bush's hegemonic policy toward North Korea, and the hexagonal linkages among the United States, China, Japan, Russia, and the two Koreas. Drawing on concepts of containment, deterrence, engagement, preemption, and appeasement, Lee's balanced and thoughtful approach reveals the frustrations of all players in their attempts to arrive at a modicum of coexistence. His objective, comprehensive, and definitive study reveals a dynamic-and incredibly complex-series of relationships underpinning a troubled and tenuous peace.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction: the challenge of the NEA region--
• 2. Exiting the 1980s: cold war logic and national aspirations--
• 3. 1991-3: border fever and cross-border duplicity--
• 4. 1994-6: civilization bridges and historical distrust--
• 5. 1997-8: strategic partnerships and national rivalries--
• 6. 1999-2000: sunshine policies and security dilemmas--
• 7. 2001-3: unilateralism and irrepressible regionalism--
• 8. Conclusion: lessons for constructing regionalism in NEA.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

A comprehensive picture of the pursuit of regionalism across Northeast Asia in the 15 years following the Cold War. In each of six periods, the main dynamic of regionalism and the problems that slowed regionalism's advance are identified. The evolving strategies of China, Japan, South Korea, and Russia are examined, emphasizing the importance of bilateral relations while keeping in mind the globalizing US role. By focusing on debates in each country, most rarely covered in English, the book demonstrates how suspicion of neighbors and clashing strategies have undermined aspirations for regionalism. Only by learning the lessons of this transitional era will regionalism be placed on a stable footing. These include: fully embrace globalization while using regionalism for balance, work together in integrating North Korea while recognizing South Korea's pivotal role, compromise to allow China and Japan to share leadership, and focus on a long-term vision of Northeast Asia.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)