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Book
1 online resource : digital, PDF file(s).
How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler's 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy's fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today's new and old democracies under siege.
eReserve
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xii, 221 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • 1. Sovereign credibility and public revenue-- Part I. The Glorious Revolution and the English State: 2. The market for taxes and platforms-- 3. More credible platforms, more taxes-- 4. Pricing sovereign debts-- 5. Establishing monopoly brokerage of sovereign debts-- 6. The consequences of monopoly brokerage of debt-- 7. Property rights-- 8. From constitutional commitment to Industrial Revolution-- 9. Summarizing the Revolution-- Part II. The English Constitutional Diaspora: 10. Exporting the Revolution - the early adopters-- 11. Exporting the Revolution - the late adopters-- 12. Good political institutions.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9781316506097 20160704
How did England, once a minor regional power, become a global hegemon between 1689 and 1815? Why, over the same period, did she become the world's first industrial nation? Gary W. Cox addresses these questions in Marketing Sovereign Promises. The book examines two central issues: the origins of the great taxing power of the modern state and how that power is made compatible with economic growth. Part I considers England's rise after the revolution of 1689, highlighting the establishment of annual budgets with shutdown reversions. This core reform effected a great increase in per capita tax extraction. Part II investigates the regional and global spread of British budgeting ideas. Cox argues that states grew only if they addressed a central credibility problem afflicting the Ancien Regime - that rulers were legally entitled to spend public revenue however they deemed fit.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781316506097 20160704
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xxviii, 114 pages ; 22 cm.
  • Forewords vii Preface xxvii Chapter I 3 Chapter II 57 Chapter III 89 Index 113.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780691169330 20160704
The modern state, however we conceive of it today, is based on a pattern that emerged in Europe in the period from 1100 to 1600. Inspired by a lifetime of teaching and research, On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State is a classic work on what is known about the early history of the European state. This short, clear book book explores the European state in its infancy, especially in institutional developments in the administration of justice and finance. Forewords from Charles Tilly and William Chester Jordan demonstrate the perennial importance of Joseph Strayer's book, and situate it within a contemporary context. Tilly demonstrates how Strayer's work has set the agenda for a whole generation of historical analysts, not only in medieval history but also in the comparative study of state formation. William Chester Jordan's foreword examines the scholarly and pedagogical setting within which Strayer produced his book, and how this both enhanced its accessibility and informed its focus on peculiarly English and French accomplishments in early state formation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780691169330 20160704
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xvi, 266 pages : illustrations, maps ; 24 cm.
  • 1. Introduction-- 2. The protection of voters' autonomy-- 3. Electoral intimidation by state employees-- 4. Electoral intimidation by private actors-- 5. The production of irregularities at times of elections: a quantitative analysis-- 6. The adoption of electoral reforms-- 7. Labor scarcity, rural inequality, and electoral reforms: the determinants for electoral reform of the Prussian electoral system-- 8. Voting for opposition candidates: economic concentration, skills, and political support for social democracy-- 9. Dilemmas on the right and the road to proportional representation-- 10. From macro- to micro-historical analysis in comparative research.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107495296 20160618
The expansion of suffrage and the introduction of elections are momentous political changes that represent only the first steps in the process of democratization. In the absence of institutions that protect the electoral autonomy of voters against a range of actors who seek to influence voting decisions, political rights can be just hollow promises. This book examines the adoption of electoral reforms that protected the autonomy of voters during elections and sought to minimize undue electoral influences over decisions made at the ballot box. Empirically, it focuses on the adoption of reforms protecting electoral secrecy in Imperial Germany during the period between 1870 and 1912. Empirically, the book provides a micro-historical analysis of the democratization of electoral practices, by showing how changes in district level economic and political conditions contributed to the formation of an encompassing political coalition supporting the adoption of electoral reforms.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107495296 20160618
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xx, 316 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm.
  • Part I. Modalities of Distributive Politics: 1. Between clients and citizens: puzzles and concepts in the study of distributive politics-- Part II. The Micro-Logic of Clientelism: 2. Gaps between theory and fact-- 3. A theory of broker-mediated distribution-- 4. Testing the theory of broker-mediated distribution-- 5. A disjunction between the strategies of leaders and brokers?-- 6. Clientelism and poverty-- Part III. The Macro-Logic of Vote-Buying: What Explains the Rise and Decline of Political Machines?: 7. Party leaders against the machine-- Part IV. Clientelism and Democratic Theory: 8. What's wrong with buying votes?
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107660397 20160612
Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism addresses major questions in distributive politics. Why is it acceptable for parties to try to win elections by promising to make certain groups of people better off, but unacceptable - and illegal - to pay people for their votes? Why do parties often lavish benefits on loyal voters, whose support they can count on anyway, rather than on responsive swing voters? Why is vote buying and machine politics common in today's developing democracies but a thing of the past in most of today's advanced democracies? This book develops a theory of broker-mediated distribution to answer these questions, testing the theory with research from four developing democracies, and reviews a rich secondary literature on countries in all world regions. The authors deploy normative theory to evaluate whether clientelism, pork-barrel politics, and other non-programmatic distributive strategies can be justified on the grounds that they promote efficiency, redistribution, or voter participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107660397 20160612
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xx, 276 pages ; 22 cm
  • 1. Introduction: the politics of nationalism in the French empire-- 2. Indigenes into Frenchmen? Seeking political equality in Morocco and Algeria-- 3. Political equality and nationalist opposition in the French empire-- 4. Empire disrupted: nationalist opposition accelerates-- 5. Nationalist mobilization in colonial Morocco-- 6. Conclusion.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107640757 20160612
During the first half of the twentieth century, movements seeking political equality emerged in France's overseas territories. Within twenty years, they were replaced by movements for national independence in the majority of French colonies, protectorates, and mandates. In this pathbreaking study of the decolonization era, Adria Lawrence asks why elites in French colonies shifted from demands for egalitarian and democratic reforms to calls for independent statehood, and why mass mobilization for independence emerged where and when it did. Lawrence shows that nationalist discourses became dominant as a consequence of the failure of the reform agenda. Where political rights were granted, colonial subjects opted for further integration and reform. Contrary to conventional accounts, nationalism was not the only or even the primary form of anti-colonialism. Lawrence shows further that mass nationalist protest occurred only when and where French authority was disrupted. Imperial crises were the cause, not the result, of mass protest.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107640757 20160612
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xxiii, 320 pages ; 23 cm
  • The conceptual framework
  • The natural state
  • The natural state applied : English land law
  • Open access orders
  • Explaining the transition from limited to open access orders : the doorstep conditions
  • The transition proper
  • A new research agenda for the social sciences.
All societies must deal with the possibility of violence, and they do so in different ways. This book integrates the problem of violence into a larger social science and historical framework, showing how economic and political behavior are closely linked. Most societies, which we call natural states, limit violence by political manipulation of the economy to create privileged interests. These privileges limit the use of violence by powerful individuals, but doing so hinders both economic and political development. In contrast, modern societies create open access to economic and political organizations, fostering political and economic competition. The book provides a framework for understanding the two types of social orders, why open access societies are both politically and economically more developed, and how some 25 countries have made the transition between the two types.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781107646995 20160610
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xiii, 285 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
  • What is quality of government?
  • Quality of government: what you get
  • Corruption: the killing fields
  • Creating political legitimacy: representative democracy versus quality of government
  • Curbing corruption: the indirect "big bang" approach
  • Quality of government and the welfare state
  • The low trust-corruption-inequality trap
  • Quality of government and social trust: two experiments
  • The tale of two countries: democratic Jamaica versus high quality of government Singapore
  • Preventing societies from self-destructing.
The relationship between government, virtue, and wealth has held a special fascination since Aristotle, and the importance of each frames policy debates today in both developed and developing countries. While it's clear that low-quality government institutions have tremendous negative effects on the health and wealth of societies, the criteria for good governance remain far from clear. In this pathbreaking book, leading political scientist Bo Rothstein provides a theoretical foundation for empirical analysis on the connection between the quality of government and important economic, political, and social outcomes. Focusing on the effects of government policies, he argues that unpredictable actions constitute a severe impediment to economic growth and development - and that a basic characteristic of quality government is impartiality in the exercise of power. This is borne out by cross-sectional analyses, experimental studies, and in-depth historical investigations. Timely and topical, "The Quality of Government" tackles such issues as political legitimacy, social capital, and corruption.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780226729572 20160605
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xiii, 235 p. : ill., maps ; 24 cm.
  • Diversity and collective action
  • Public goods provision in Kampala
  • Ethnicity and ethnic identifiability
  • Testing the mechanisms
  • A closer look at reciprocity
  • Beyond the lab
  • Conclusions.
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xx, 402 p. : ill., maps ; 24 cm.
  • Part I. The Structure of Rebel Organizations: 1. The industrial organization of rebellion-- 2. Four rebel organizations-- 3. Recruitment-- 4. Control-- Part II. The Strategies of Rebel Groups: 5. Governance-- 6. Violence-- 7. Resilience-- 8. Extensions.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521860772 20160528
Some rebel groups abuse noncombatant populations, while others exhibit restraint. Insurgent leaders in some countries transform local structures of government, while others simply extract resources for their own benefit. In some contexts, groups kill their victims selectively, while in other environments violence appears indiscriminate, even random. This book presents a theory that accounts for the different strategies pursued by rebel groups in civil war, explaining why patterns of insurgent violence vary so much across conflicts. It does so by examining the membership, structure, and behavior of four insurgent movements in Uganda, Mozambique, and Peru. Drawing on interviews with nearly two hundred combatants and civilians who experienced violence firsthand, it shows that rebels' strategies depend in important ways on how difficult it is to launch a rebellion. The book thus demonstrates how characteristics of the environment in which rebellions emerge constrain rebel organization and shape the patterns of violence that civilians experience.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521860772 20160528
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xvi, 313 p. ; 24 cm.
  • 1. Introduction and overview-- 2. Promise and peril: intellectual history-- 3. Sovereignty and commitment-- 4. The power of the purse: intergovernmental grants and fiscal discipline-- 5. Disease or cure? Political parties and fiscal discipline-- 6. An approach to comparative case studies-- 7. Fiscal federalism and bailouts in postwar Germany-- 8. The crisis of fiscal federalism in Brazil-- 9. The challenge of reform in federations-- 10. The origins of subnational sovereignty-- 11. Conclusions.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521842693 20160528
As new federations take shape and old ones are revived around the world, a difficult challenge is to create incentives for fiscal discipline. A key question is whether a politically-motivated central government can credibly commit not to bail out subnational governments in times of crisis if it funds most of their expenditures. The center can commit when subnational governments retain significant tax autonomy, as in the United States. Or if the center dominates taxation, it can tightly regulate borrowing, as in many unitary systems. In a third group of countries including Brazil and Germany, the center can neither commit to a system of market-based discipline nor gain a monopoly over borrowing. By combining theory, quantitative analysis, and historical and contemporary case studies, this book explains why different countries have had dramatically different experiences with subnational fiscal discipline.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521842693 20160528
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xv, 240 pages ; 20 cm
  • Introduction
  • Cultural roots
  • The origins of national consciousness
  • Creole pioneers
  • Old languages, new models
  • Official nationalism and imperialism
  • The last wave
  • Patriotism and racism
  • The angel of history
  • Census, map, museum
  • Memory and forgetting
  • Travel and traffic: on the geo-biography of Imagined communities.
What makes people love and die for nations, as well as hate and kill in their name? While many studies have been written on nationalist political movements, the sense of nationality - the personal and cultural feeling of belonging to a nation - has not received proportionate attention. In this widely acclaimed work, Benedict Anderson examines the creation and function of the "imagined communities" of nationality and the way these communities were in part created by the growth of the nation-state, the interaction between capitalism and printing and the birth of vernacular languages in early modern Europe.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781844670864 20160528
Law Library (Crown)
LAW-558-01, LAW-676-01, POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xiii, 405 p. ; 24 cm.
  • 1. Introduction-- 2. Mapping institutional topography-- 3.1 Uneven institutional topography within one state-- 3.2 Powersharing in Senegal's groundnut basin-- 3.3 Administrative occupation in Casamance-- 3.4 Conclusion-- 4.1 Taxing rich peasants: ideology as strategy-- 4.2 Usurping 'rightful rulers': Asante-- 4.3 'Local powers do not exist': southern Cote d'Ivoire-- 4.4 Conclusion-- 5.1 The geopolitics of late development-- 5.2 Path switching in northern Cote d'Ivoire-- 5.3 Path switching in the Senegal River Valley-- 5.4 Conclusion: why institutional strategies change-- 6. Conclusion.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521532648 20160528
This study brings Africa into the mainstream of studies of state-formation in agrarian societies. Territorial integration is the challenge: institutional linkages and political deals that bind center and periphery are the solutions. In African countries, as in territorially diverse states around the world, rulers at the center are forced to bargain with regional elites to establish stable mechanisms of rule and taxation. Variation in regional forms of social organization make for differences in the interests and political strength of regional leaders who seek to maintain or enhance their power vis-...-vis their followers and subjects, and also vis-...-vis the center. The uneven political topography of the regions ultimately produces unevenness in the patterns and depth of center-region linkage. Six sub-regions of three West African countries - Senegal, Cote d'Ivoire, and Ghana - are the backbone of the study.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521532648 20160528
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xvii, 317 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
  • List of Figures ix List of Tables xi Preface and Acknowledgments xiii Introduction 1 PART I: VETO PLAYERS THEORY 17 One: Individual Veto Players 19 Two: Collective Veto Players 38 PART II: VETO PLAYERS AND INSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS 65 Three: Regimes: Nondemocratic, Presidential, and Parliamentary 67 Four: Governments and Parliaments 91 Five: Referendums 116 Six: Federalism, Bicameralism, and Qualified Majorities 136 PART III: POLICY EFFECTS OF VETO PLAYERS 161 Seven: Legislation 165 Eight: Macroeconomic Policies 187 PART IV: SYSTEMIC EFFECTS OF VETO PLAYERS 207 Nine: Government Stability 209 Ten: Judiciary and Bureaucracies 222 Eleven: Veto Players Analysis of European Union Institutions 248 Conclusion 283 Bibliography 291 Index 309.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780691099897 20160528
Political scientists have long classified systems of government as parliamentary or presidential, two-party or multi party, and so on. But such distinctions often fail to provide useful insights. For example, how are we to compare the United States, a presidential bicameral regime with two weak parties, to Denmark, a parliamentary unicameral regime with many strong parties? "Veto Players" advances an important, new understanding of how governments are structured. The real distinctions between political systems, contends George Tsebelis, are to be found in the extent to which they afford political actors veto power over policy choices. Drawing richly on game theory, he develops a scheme by which governments can thus be classified. He shows why an increase in the number of 'veto players', or an increase in their ideological distance from each other, increases policy stability, impeding significant departures from the status quo. Policy stability affects a series of other key characteristics of polities, argues the author. For example, it leads to high judicial and bureaucratic independence, as well as high government instability (in parliamentary systems). The propositions derived from the theoretical framework Tsebelis develops in the first part of the book are tested in the second part with various data sets from advanced industrialized countries, as well as analysis of legislation in the European Union. Representing the first consistent and consequential theory of comparative politics, "Veto Players" will be welcomed by students and scholars as a defining text of the discipline. From the preface to the Italian edition: 'Tsebelis has produced what is today the most original theory for the understanding of the dynamics of contemporary regimes...This book promises to remain a lasting contribution to political analysis' - Gianfranco Pasquino, Professor of Political Science, University of Bologna.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780691099897 20160528
Political scientists have long classified systems of government as parliamentary or presidential, two-party or multiparty, and so on, but such distinctions often fail to provide useful insights. For example, how are we to compare the United States, a presidential bicameral regime with two weak parties, to Denmark, a parliamentary unicameral regime with many strong parties? "Veto Players" advances an innovative understanding of how governments are structured. The real distinctions between political systems, contends George Tsebelis, are to be found in the extent to which they afford political actors veto power over policy choices. Drawing richly on game theory, he develops a scheme by which governments can thus be classified. He shows why an increase in the number of "veto players", or an increase in their ideological distance from each other, increases policy stability, impeding significant departures from the status quo. Policy stability affects a series of other key characteristics of polities, argues the author. For example, it leads to high judicial and bureaucratic independence, as well as high government instability (in parliamentary systems). The propositions derived from th.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780691099880 20160528
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xv, 321 p. : ill. ; 23 cm.
  • List of figures and tables-- Preface-- 1. Introduction-- 2. Mechanisms and process-- 3. Lithuania, 1940-41-- 4. Rebellion in an urban community: the role of leadership and centralization-- 5. The German occupation of Lithuania-- 6. Post-war Lithuania-- 7. More cases, more comparisons-- 8. Resistance in the Perestroika period-- 9. Fanatics and first actors-- 10. Conclusions-- Bibliography-- Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521770002 20160528
Resistance and Rebellion: Lessons from Eastern Europe explains how ordinary people become involved in resistance and rebellion against powerful regimes. The book shows how a sequence of casual forces - social norms, focal points, rational calculation - operate to drive individuals into roles of passive resistance and, at a second stage, into participation in community-based rebellion organization. By linking the operation of these mechanisms to observable social structures, the work generates predictions about which types of community and society are most likely to form and sustain resistance and rebellion. The empirical material centres around Lithuanian anti-Soviet resistance in both the 1940s and the 1987-1991 period. Using the Lithuanian experience as a baseline, comparisons with several other Eastern European countries demonstrate the breadth and depth of the theory. The book contributes to both the general literature on political violence and protest, as well as the theoretical literature on collective action.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521770002 20160528
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xviii, 697 p. ; 23 cm.
  • The dimensions of ethnic conflict
  • A family resemblance
  • Conflict theory and conflict motives
  • Group comparison and the sources of conflict
  • Group entitlement and the sources of conflict
  • The logic of secessions and irredentas
  • Ethnic parties and ethnic systems
  • Competition and change in ethnic party systems
  • Multiethnic coalitions
  • Multiethnic alliances and parties
  • The militarization of ethnic conflict
  • Paradigms of military ethnicity
  • The effects of intervention and the art of prevention
  • Ethnic policy : the constraints and the opportunities
  • Structural techniques to reduce ethnic conflict
  • Preferential policies to reduce ethnic conflict
  • Afterword: Ethnic conflict and democracy.
Drawing material from dozens of divided societies, Donald L. Horowitz constructs his theory of ethnic conflict, relating ethnic affiliations to kinship and intergroup relations to the fear of domination. A groundbreaking work when it was published in 1985, the book remains an original and powerfully argued comparative analysis of one of the most important forces in the contemporary world.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780520227064 20160604
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
vii, 343 p. ; 24 cm.
Originally a chapter in the "Handbook of Political Science", this analysis develops the fundamental destinction between totalitarian and authoritarian systems. It emphasizes the personalistic, lawless, non-ideological type of authoritarian rule the author calls the "sultanistic regime".
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781555878900 20160528
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xi, 244 p. : ill. ; 23 cm.
In the late-1990s in Syria, the image of President Hafiz al-Asad is everywhere. In newspapers, on television, and during orchestrated spectacles Asad is praised as the "father, " the "gallant knight, " even the country's "premier pharmacist". Yet most Syrians, including those who create the official rhetoric, do not believe its claims. Why would a regime spend scarce resources on a cult whose content is patently spurious? Lisa Wedeen concludes that Asad's cult acts as a disciplinary device, generating a politics of public dissimulation in which citizens act "as if" they revered their leader. By inundating daily life with tired symbolism, the regime exercises a subtle, yet effective form of power. The cult works to enforce obedience, induce complicity, isolate Syrians from one another, and set guidelines for public speech and behaviour. Wedeen's ethnographic research demonstrates how Syrians recognize the disciplinary aspects of the cult and seek to undermine them.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780226877877 20160528
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xiii, 266 p. ; 23 cm.
  • Preface-- Introduction-- 1. The costs of corruption-- Part I. Corruption as an Economic Problem: 2. The economic impact of corruption-- 3. Corruption of high level officials-- 4. Reducing incentives and increasing costs-- 5. Reform of the Civil Service-- Part II. Corruption as a Cultural Problem: 6. Bribes, patronage and giftgiving-- Part III. Corruption as a Political Problem-- 7. Corruption and politics-- 8. Democracy and corruption: incentives and reforms-- 9. Controlling political power-- Part IV. Achieving Reform: 10. The role of the international community-- 11. Domestic conditions for reform-- Conclusions.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521632935 20160528
This book suggests how high levels of corruption limit investment and growth can lead to ineffective government. Developing countries and those making a transition from socialism are particularly at risk, but corruption is a worldwide phenomenon. Corruption creates economic inefficiencies and inequities, but reforms are possible to reduce the material benefits from payoffs. Corruption is not just an economic problem, however; it is also intertwined with politics. Reform may require changes in both constitutional structures and the underlying relationship of the market and the state. Effective reform cannot occur unless both the international community and domestic political leaders support change. No single 'blueprint' is possible, but the primary goal should be to reduce the gains from paying and receiving bribes, not simply to remove 'bad apples'.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780521632935 20160528
Green Library
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01
Book
xiv, 417 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Green Library, SAL3 (off-campus storage)
POLISCI-440A-01, POLISCI-440A-01