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Book
xii, 403 pages : illustrations, maps ; 25 cm
  • Introduction: The Prehistory of "Separate but Equal" Part I: Degradation 1. Becoming Good Citizens 2. A Few Bad Men 3. Correcting Ill Habits 4. One Nation Only Part II: Amalgamation 5. To the Middle Ground 6. We Shall All Be Americans 7. The Practical Amalgamator Part III: Colonization 8. Of Color and Country 9. The Choice 10. Opening the Road 11. In These Deserts Epilogue: An Enterprise for the Young.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780465018413 20160619
Why did the Founding Fathers fail to include blacks and Indians in their cherished proposition that "all men are created equal"? The usual answer is racism, but the reality is more complex and unsettling. In Bind Us Apart, historian Nicholas Guyatt argues that, from the Revolution through the Civil War, most white liberals believed in the unity of all human beings. But their philosophy faltered when it came to the practical work of forging a color-blind society. Unable to convince others--and themselves--that racial mixing was viable, white reformers began instead to claim that people of color could only thrive in separate republics: in Native states in the American West or in the West African colony of Liberia. Herein lie the origins of "separate but equal." Decades before Reconstruction, America's liberal elite was unable to imagine how people of color could become citizens of the United States. Throughout the nineteenth century, Native Americans were pushed farther and farther westward, while four million slaves freed after the Civil War found themselves among a white population that had spent decades imagining that they would live somewhere else. Essential reading for anyone disturbed by America's ongoing failure to achieve true racial integration, Bind Us Apart shows conclusively that "separate but equal" represented far more than a southern backlash against emancipation--it was a founding principle of our nation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780465018413 20160619
Why did the Founding Fathers fail to include blacks and Indians in their cherished proposition that "all men are created equal"? Racism is the usual answer. Yet Nicholas Guyatt argues in Bind Us Apart that white liberals from the founding to the Civil War were not confident racists, but tortured reformers conscious of the damage that racism would do to the nation. Many tried to build a multiracial America in the early nineteenth century, but ultimately adopted the belief that non-whites should create their own republics elsewhere: in an Indian state in the West, or a colony for free blacks in Liberia. Herein lie the origins of "separate but equal."Essential reading for anyone hoping to understand today's racial tensions, Bind Us Apart reveals why racial justice in the United States continues to be an elusive goal: despite our best efforts, we have never been able to imagine a fully inclusive, multiracial society.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780465065615 20160619
Green Library
HISTORY-257-01, HISTORY-357-01
Book
233 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction Chapter 1. The Rights of Woman Chapter 2. Female Politicians Chapter 3. Patriotism and Partisanship Chapter 4. Women and the "War of Politics" Chapter 5. A Democracy-For Whom? Epilogue: Memory and Forgetting Acknowledgments.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780812240276 20160528
The Seneca Falls Convention is typically seen as the beginning of the first women's rights movement in the United States. Revolutionary Backlash argues otherwise. According to Rosemarie Zagarri, the debate over women's rights began not in the decades prior to 1848 but during the American Revolution itself. Integrating the approaches of women's historians and political historians, this book explores changes in women's status that occurred from the time of the American Revolution until the election of Andrew Jackson. Although the period after the Revolution produced no collective movement for women's rights, women built on precedents established during the Revolution and gained an informal foothold in party politics and male electoral activities. Federalists and Jeffersonians vied for women's allegiance and sought their support in times of national crisis. Women, in turn, attended rallies, organized political activities, and voiced their opinions on the issues of the day. After the publication of Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, a widespread debate about the nature of women's rights ensued. The state of New Jersey attempted a bold experiment: for a brief time, women there voted on the same terms as men. Yet as Rosemarie Zagarri argues in Revolutionary Backlash, this opening for women soon closed. By 1828, women's politicization was seen more as a liability than as a strength, contributing to a divisive political climate that repeatedly brought the country to the brink of civil war. The increasing sophistication of party organizations and triumph of universal suffrage for white males marginalized those who could not vote, especially women. Yet all was not lost. Women had already begun to participate in charitable movements, benevolent societies, and social reform organizations. Through these organizations, women found another way to practice politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780812240276 20160528
Green Library
HISTORY-257-01, HISTORY-357-01
Book
xi, 370 p. ; 24 cm.
  • Bricks without straw : grievances
  • The fault is all your own : rebuttals
  • To relieve the distressed : demands
  • Save the people : requisition
  • Who will call this justice? : quarrels
  • Honest laborers and idle drones: economics
  • The fate of republican govt : redemption
  • A revolution which ought to be glorious : disenchantment
  • A murmuring underneath : rebellion
  • Excess of democracy : reform
  • The nature of a contract: section 10
  • Divide et impera : statecraft
  • More adequate to the purposes : section 8
  • Take up the reins : ratification
  • More productive and less oppressive : taxes
  • As if impounded : consolidation.
Green Library
HISTORY-257-01, HISTORY-357-01
Book
xi, 390 p. : ill. ; 25 cm.
In mid-sixteenth-century England, people were born into authority and responsibility based on their social status. Thus elite children could designate property or serve in Parliament, while children of the poorer sort might be forced to sign labor contracts or be hanged for arson or picking pockets. By the late eighteenth century, however, English and American law began to emphasize contractual relations based on informed consent rather than on birth status. In By Birth or Consent, Holly Brewer explores how the changing legal status of children illuminates the struggle over consent and status in England and America. As it emerged through religious, political, and legal debates, the concept of meaningful consent challenged the older order of birthright and became central to the development of democratic political theory. The struggle over meaningful consent had tremendous political and social consequences, affecting the whole order of society. It granted new powers to fathers and guardians at the same time that it challenged those of masters and kings. Brewer's analysis reshapes the debate about the origins of modern political ideology and makes connections between Reformation religious debates, Enlightenment philosophy, and democratic political theory.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780807829509 20160528
Green Library
HISTORY-257-01, HISTORY-357-01
Book
xxix, 512 p. : ill. ; 25 cm.
In the rows of august marble busts that commemorate the American Revolution, we have lost sight of the true radical spirit of the longest and most disruptive upheaval in our history, argues distinguished American historian Gary B. Nash. In this brilliant reexamination of the swirl of ideology, grievance, outrage, and hope that animated the revolutionary decades, Nash demonstrates that though the Founding Fathers led the charge, the energy to raise a revolt emerged from all classes and races of American society. Millennialist preachers and enslaved Africans, frontier mystics and dockside tars, disgruntled women and aggrieved Indiansaall had their own fierce vision of what an independent America could and should be. According to Nash, the American Revolution was truly a peopleas revolution, a civil war at home as well as an armed insurrection against colonial control. In this ideal companion volume to Howard Zinnas classic "A Peopleas History of the United States, " Nash re-creates the heady and often-violent excitement that convulsed American lives during the last three decades of the eighteenth century and presents a unique look at the struggle to create a new country.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780670034208 20160527
Green Library
HISTORY-257-01, HISTORY-357-01
Book
x, 447 p. ; 21 cm.
Green Library, SAL3 (off-campus storage)
HISTORY-257-01, HISTORY-357-01

7. On revolution [1963]

Book
343 p. 22 cm.
Green Library
HISTORY-257-01, HISTORY-357-01