RACE relations, PRISONERS -- Attitudes, MALE prisoners, MULTICULTURALISM, and GANGS

What do race relations among Canadian prisoners tell us about national mythology, liberal multiculturalism, and racial colour-blindness? Drawing from almost 500 semi-structured interviews conducted with male prisoners inside four provincial institutions in Western Canada as part of the University of Alberta Prison Project, we analyse prisoners' perceptions of race and detail how their beliefs in Canada's national mythology – particularly multiculturalism – foster racial colour-blindness in daily prison life. Our data speak to both support for, and critiques of, liberal multiculturalism as a lived political philosophy. For instance, racial colour-blindness helps reduce ethnic conflict and encourages inter-group relations among racially diverse prisoners. As critics of liberal multiculturalism suggest, however, our participants individualized racism, focusing on what is often called 'overt racism' (such as white supremacy). Few participants acknowledged 'structural racism' or dwelled on the overrepresentation of people of colour in the prison system (even when housed on a unit that could contain over 60 per cent Indigenous prisoners). Some prisoners expressed a belief that Canada had overcome racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RACE relations, ATTITUDES of ethnic groups, CONSUMER behavior, RACISM, ATTENDANCE, and FOOTBALL games

Recent protests by athletes focused on raising awareness of social issues and injustices, such as the Black Lives Matter protests led by Colin Kaepernick of the National Football League's San Francisco 49ers, have generated a great deal of attention and debate within society. Notably, the protests conducted by these players before games in the 2016 and 2017 seasons became such a sensational topic, that extraordinary amounts of attention was paid to it by the media, consumers, and even politicians who often denounced the players as being unpatriotic. Against this backdrop, the current research examines whether fluctuations in attendance at National Football League games are associated with explicit attitudes towards race, implicit racial prejudice, and racial animus within a population. Specifically, using multiple measures of racial attitudes as part of an econometric model estimating attendance at games, the results suggest that having a higher level of implicit bias in a market leads to a decline in consumer interest in attending games. Additionally, using interaction effects, it is found that while protests generally reduced the negative effects of implicit bias on attendance, markets with lower levels of implicit bias actually had greater declines of attendance during the protests. From this, the current study advances the understanding of racial attitudes and racial animus, and its impact on consumer behavior at the regional level. That is, this research highlights that racial sentiments in a local market were able to predict changes in market behaviors, suggesting that race relations can have wide reaching impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Market trend/market analysis, Presidents -- Elections, Presidents -- Analysis, Racism -- History, Racism -- Political aspects, Race relations -- Forecasts and trends, Race relations -- Analysis, and Brazil -- Elections

EMIGRATION & immigration, GOVERNMENT policy, EMPLOYMENT policy, RACE relations in the United States, UNITED States, AFRICAN American legislators, ELITE (Social sciences) -- United States, DEMOCRATS' attitudes, SOUTHERN States -- Politics & government, and TWENTY-first century

This paper investigates the question of whether and how race and race relations affect state legislators' support for restrictive immigration policy. Focusing on the nine new immigration destinations in the US Southeast, we compare the roll call votes cast by African American and White Democratic state legislators on 196 restrictive immigration measures proposed between 2005 and 2012. Overall, the majority of Black Democratic legislators support restrictive immigration legislation, although at a consistently lower rate than White Democratic legislators. We test hypotheses that Black-White differences in support for restrictive immigration legislation depend upon the material resources at stake and the symbolic significance associated with specific legislation. Using bill topic to measure these conditions, we find that Black and White Democrats equally support immigrant "competition" bills on employment topics. Black Democratic legislators are less likely than their White counterparts to support immigration bills on Black-immigrant "commonalities" topics related to civil rights issues: voter ID regulations, education, police, and omnibus restrictions. Further, for civil rights bills only, district threat indicators such as a rapidly growing district Latino population are much more likely to increase support for restrictive immigration bills among White Democratic legislators than among Black Democratic legislators. Some district characteristics even evoke a commonalities response from African American Democratic legislators, reducing their support for restrictive legislation. Our research thus expands the competition/commonalities debate and highlights the complexities and contingencies of race relations and state policymaking in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]