Sociology of Education, v92 n1 p1-20 Jan 2019. 20 pp.
Hispanic American Students, African American Students, Engineering Education, College Students, Racial Composition, College Environment, Whites, Cultural Influences, Student Experience, Racial Segregation, Peer Relationship, Student Adjustment, High Schools, Social Capital, Equal Education, Social Class, Student Attitudes, and Racial Bias
Drawing on interviews with 38 black and Latino/a engineering students at a predominantly white, elite university, I use a cultural analytic framework to explicate the role of pre-college integration in the heterogeneous psychosocial and academic experiences of students of color on predominantly white campuses. I identify three cultural strategies students of color adopt to navigate the university's ethnoracially segregated peer network landscape and more specifically, engage majority-white academic peer networks: integration, marginalized segregation, and social adaptation. Integrators, who hail from predominantly white high schools, engage majority-white academic networks with ease, do not experience ethnoracial marginalization, and form predominantly white networks in college. Marginalized segregators, who come from predominantly black, Latino/a, or mixed high schools, exhibit discomfort engaging majority-white academic networks, experience ethnoracial marginalization, and form predominantly same-race or co-ethnic networks in college. Finally, social adapters, who come from high schools with varying ethnoracial compositions, manage their experiences with ethnoracial marginalization to engage majority-white academic networks with ease, and the ethnoracial composition of their college networks varies. The findings extend previous scholarship on the experiences of black and Latino/a students on predominantly white campuses and uncover the cultural processes that contribute to the reproduction of inequality among students of color.
Sociology of Education, v86 n1 p3-17 Jan 2013. 15 pp.
Student Characteristics, Racial Factors, Ethnicity, Stereotypes, White Students, Racial Differences, Grade 10, African American Students, Hispanic American Students, High School Students, Asian American Students, Surveys, Teacher Attitudes, Student Attitudes, Parent Attitudes, Student Behavior, English Teachers, and Mathematics Teachers
Previous research demonstrates that students taught by teachers of the same race and ethnicity receive more positive behavioral evaluations than students taught by teachers of a different race/ethnicity. Many researchers view these findings as evidence that teachers, mainly white teachers, are racially biased due to preferences stemming from racial stereotypes that depict some groups as more academically oriented than others. Most of this research has been based on comparisons of only black and white students and teachers and does not directly test if other nonwhite students fare better when taught by nonwhite teachers. Analyses of Asian, black, Hispanic, and white 10th graders in the 2002 Education Longitudinal Study confirm that the effects of mismatch often depend on the racial/ethnic statuses of both the teacher and the student, controlling for a variety of school and student characteristics. Among students with white teachers, Asian students are usually viewed more positively than white students, while black students are perceived more negatively. White teachers' perceptions of Hispanic students do not typically differ from those of white students. Postestimation comparisons of slopes indicate that Asian students benefit (perceptionwise) from having white teachers, but they reveal surprisingly few instances when black students would benefit (again, perceptionwise) from having more nonwhite teachers. (Contains 4 tables.)
This study compares the impact of the educational aspirations of parents, teachers, close relatives, and peers on students' educational expectations across various racial groups. Using data from the National Education Longitudinal Study, the authors found that both the levels of significant others' aspirations and the effects of these aspirations vary by students' racial statuses and types of significant others. First, Asian, Hispanic, and African American parents tend to hold higher educational aspirations for their children than do white parents, but the relative influences of Asian and Hispanic mothers and African American fathers on students' educational expectations are smaller than those of their white counterparts. Second, the aspirations of close relatives have greater effects on African American and Hispanic American students' educational expectations. Third, although teachers and friends vary in their aspirations for students, depending on their race, the effects of these aspirations are similar for all racial groups. The results suggest different processes through which familial significant others and other socializing agents influence the educational attitudes of students across racial groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]