Max Glonek, Jonathan Tuke, Lewis Mitchell, and Nigel Bean
Applied Network Science, Vol 4, Iss 1, Pp 1-18 (2019)
Community detection, Graph labelling, Random walk, Markov chain, Political networks, Applied mathematics. Quantitative methods, and T57-57.97
Abstract Graph labelling is a key activity of network science, with broad practical applications, and close relations to other network science tasks, such as community detection and clustering. While a large body of work exists on both unsupervised and supervised labelling algorithms, the class of random walk-based supervised algorithms requires further exploration, particularly given their relevance to social and political networks. This work refines and expands upon a new semi-supervised graph labelling method, the GLaSS method, that exactly calculates absorption probabilities for random walks on connected graphs. The method models graphs exactly as discrete-time Markov chains, treating labelled nodes as absorbing states. The method is applied to roll call voting data for 42 meetings of the United States House of Representatives and Senate, from 1935 to 2019. Analysis of the 84 resultant political networks demonstrates strong and consistent performance of GLaSS when estimating labels for unlabelled nodes in graphs, and reveals a significant trend of increasing partisanship within the United States Congress.
Thomas V Maher, Charles Seguin, Yongjun Zhang, and Andrew P Davis
PLoS ONE, Vol 15, Iss 3, p e0230104 (2020)
Medicine and Science
Congressional hearings are a venue in which social scientists present their views and analyses before lawmakers in the United States, however quantitative data on their representation has been lacking. We present new, publicly available, data on the rates at which anthropologists, economists, political scientists, psychologists, and sociologists appeared before United States congressional hearings from 1946 through 2016. We show that social scientists were present at some 10,347 hearings and testified 15,506 times. Economists testify before the US Congress far more often than other social scientists, and constitute a larger proportion of the social scientists testifying in industry and government positions. We find that social scientists' testimony is increasingly on behalf of think tanks; political scientists, in particular, have gained much more representation through think tanks. Sociology, and psychology's representation before Congress has declined considerably beginning in the 1980s. Anthropologists were the least represented. These findings show that academics are representing a more diverse set of organizations, but economists continue to be far more represented than other disciplines before the US Congress.
Franklin G. Mixon, Chandini Sankaran, and Kamal P. Upadhyaya
Economies, Vol 7, Iss 2, p 36 (2019)
political ideology, roll-call voting, public choice, public policy, United States Congress, Economics as a science, and HB71-74
This study extends the political science and political psychology literature on the political ideology of lawmakers by addressing the following question: How stable is a legislator’s political ideology over time? In doing so, we employ Nokken−Poole scores of legislators’ political ideology for members of the United States (U.S.) House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate who were elected prior to the 103rd Congress that began in early 1991 and who served consecutively through the 115th Congress, which ended in early 2019. Results from individual time-series estimations suggest that political ideology is unstable over time for a sizable portion of the members of both major political parties who serve in the U.S. Congress, while analysis of the pooled data suggests that, after accounting for inertia in political ideology and individual legislator effects, Republican legislators become more conservative over time. These results run somewhat counter to the finding in prior studies that the political ideologies of lawmakers and other political elites are stable over time.
Thesaurus: Peru, United States, economic aid, territorial waters, fishing rights, Author’s keywords: expropriation, History (General) and history of Europe, History (General), and D1-2009
The expropriation of U.S. companies —such as the International Petroleum Company— has been signaled in historiography as a decisive factor in determining the stance of the U.S. government towards Peru’s military regime. This study shows that Congressional motivations were rather of a political nature, associated with the seizure of U.S. fishing vessels within the 200 nautical miles of territorial waters claimed by Peru. Moreover, the policies implemented by Peru’s military government were used by a group of congressmen to advance their own agendas, criticizing U.S. foreign policy at a moment of conflict of powers between the Executive and the Congress.
Surgical Endoscopy: And Other Interventional TechniquesOfficial Journal of the Society of American Gastrointestinal and Endoscopic Surgeons (SAGES) and European Association for Endoscopic Surgery (EAES). 32(Suppl 1):50-66
Surgical Endoscopy: And Other Interventional TechniquesOfficial Journal of the Society of American Gastrointestinal and Endoscopic Surgeons (SAGES) and European Association for Endoscopic Surgery (EAES). 32(Suppl 1):45-49
Surgical Endoscopy: And Other Interventional TechniquesOfficial Journal of the Society of American Gastrointestinal and Endoscopic Surgeons (SAGES) and European Association for Endoscopic Surgery (EAES). 32(Suppl 1):130-359
Surgical Endoscopy: And Other Interventional TechniquesOfficial Journal of the Society of American Gastrointestinal and Endoscopic Surgeons (SAGES) and European Association for Endoscopic Surgery (EAES). 32(Suppl 1):99-129
Surgical Endoscopy: And Other Interventional TechniquesOfficial Journal of the Society of American Gastrointestinal and Endoscopic Surgeons (SAGES) and European Association for Endoscopic Surgery (EAES). 32(Suppl 1):67-98
Surgical Endoscopy: And Other Interventional TechniquesOfficial Journal of the Society of American Gastrointestinal and Endoscopic Surgeons (SAGES) and European Association for Endoscopic Surgery (EAES). 32(Suppl 1):1-44
This article is based on a content analysis of the 17,811 Instagram posts made by all 534 members of the United States Congress who were seated for the duration of the first 6 months of the 115th session. I find that women are significantly more likely than men to have an Instagram account. Senators and women post significantly more times to their accounts. And a member’s personal characteristics, such as their chamber, party, and age, had significant effects on the type of content posted to Instagram. I conclude that members of Congress use Instagram similarly to how they use other social media platforms, that parties in and out of power use Instagram in substantively different ways, and that the more personal accounts of younger members suggest future changes in Congressional representation.
Dina Abdelwahab Elhamahmi, MD, FRCP, Thomas Chaly, Jr, MD, Guo Wei, MS, and Isaac E. Hall, MD, MS
Transplantation Direct, Vol 5, Iss 1, p e412 (2019)
Surgery and RD1-811
Background. Deceased-donor kidney discard rates vary by region, but it is unknown whether discard rates and transplant outcomes vary during the American Transplant Congress (ATC) each year. Methods. Using national registry data, we determined rates of kidney discard, delayed graft function, graft failure, and mortality from December 31, 1999, through December 30, 2015, during ATC dates and compared these rates with those on the same days of the week during the 2 weeks before and after the ATC (non-ATC). We used multivariable regression to determine associations between ATC and these outcomes. Results. From 7902 donors (1575 ATC; 6327 non-ATC), 12 588 recipients received kidney transplants (2455 ATC; 10 133 non-ATC), and 2666 kidneys were discarded (582 ATC; 2084 non-ATC). Kidneys were more often discarded during ATC (19% vs 17%, P = 0.006; adjusted odds ratio, 1.21; 95% confidence interval, 1.05-1.40). There were no significant differences in donor, transplant, or recipient characteristics by ATC/non-ATC dates or by ATC/non-ATC transplant dates for delayed graft function, graft failure, or mortality. Conclusions. On the basis of a 21% increased odds of discard, the ATC itself may result in 5 additional kidney discards during this important conference every year, which suggests the need for innovative staffing or other logistic solutions during these planned meetings.
Todd Collins, Kenneth A. Wink, James L. Guth, and C. Don Livingston
Politics and Religion, Vol 7, Iss 2 (2017)
Legislative Behavior, Religion, Foreign Policy, U.S. House of Representatives, U.S. Congress, Religion (General), and BL1-50
Recent literature in the religion and politics area has focused on the effect of various measures of religious affiliation on the political behavior of the mass public. Here we add to the evolving literature examining the influence of religious orientation on political elite behavior, focusing on the U.S. House of Representatives. Method. We use data on the religious affiliations of U.S. House members and National Journal scores of foreign policy voting to test the influence of religion on foreign policy ideology from 1998-2003. Our findings indicate that even after controlling for traditional political factors, religious identity influenced foreign policy voting in the House. African-American Protestants, Latter-day Saints (Mormons), and Evangelical Protestants present the most distinctive patterns. Conclusions. From this analysis we see further indications that religion influences legislative behavior in a way that, although intertwined with political partisanship, appears distinct from traditional political factors.