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Pfeiffer, Deirdre, Wegmann, Jake, and Schafran, Alex
Urban Affairs Review . Nov2020, Vol. 56 Issue 6, p1630-1658. 29p.
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HOLLAND, Michael
- SITC - STI Policy Briefs, vol 2013, iss STI No. 8
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budget, united states, policy history, and science and technology
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GOLDSTON, David
- SITC - STI Policy Briefs, vol 2013, iss STI No. 5
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Science and technology, congress, policy, and decision hierarchy
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Dowling, Marisa K., Terry, Aisha T., Kirilichin, Natalie L., Lee, Jennifer S., and Blanchard, Janice C.
- Western Journal of Emergency Medicine: Integrating Emergency Care with Population Health, vol 21, iss 5
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health policy, health law, Congress, COVID-19, and coronavirus
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Tamblyn, Robyn, Meyers, David, Kratzmann, Meredith, Bazemore, Andrew, Bierman, Arlene S, Bindman, Andrew B, Hogg, William, Price, David, Rowe, Brian H, Roy, Denis, Steinberg, Judith, and Reid, Robert H
- Canadian family physician Medecin de famille canadien, vol 64, iss 12
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Humans, Primary Health Care, Delivery of Health Care, Canada, United States, Congresses as Topic, Public Health And Health Services, General & Internal Medicine, and Public Health and Health Services
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Messé, Steven R, Mullen, Michael T, Cox, Margueritte, Fonarow, Gregg C, Smith, Eric E, Saver, Jeffrey L, Reeves, Mathew J, Bhatt, Deepak L, Matsouaka, Roland, and Schwamm, Lee H
- Journal of the American Heart Association, vol 7, iss 21
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Humans, Acute Disease, Tissue Plasminogen Activator, Fibrinolytic Agents, Treatment Outcome, Patient Admission, Retrospective Studies, Cohort Studies, Aged, Quality of Health Care, Guideline Adherence, United States, Female, Male, Congresses as Topic, Stroke, quality indicators, stroke care, tissue‐type plasminogen activator, tissue-type plasminogen activator, and Cardiorespiratory Medicine and Haematology
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Background Patients presenting to hospitals during non-weekday hours experience worse outcomes, often attributed to reduced staffing. The American Heart Association International Stroke Conference ( ISC ) is well attended by stroke clinicians. We sought to determine whether patients with acute ischemic stroke ( AIS ) admitted during the ISC receive less guideline-adherent care and experience worse outcomes. Methods and Results We performed a retrospective cohort study of US hospitals participating in Get With The Guidelines-Stroke and assessed use of intravenous tissue plasminogen activator, other quality measures, and outcomes for patients with AIS admitted during the ISC compared with those admitted the weeks before and after the conference. A total of 69 738 patients with AIS were included: mean age, 72 years; 52% women; 29% nonwhite. There was no difference between the average weekly number of AIS cases admitted during ISC weeks versus non- ISC weeks (1984 versus 1997; P=0.95). Patient and hospital characteristics were similar between ISC and non- ISC time periods. There were no significant differences in 14 quality metrics and 5 clinical outcomes between patients with AIS treated during the ISC versus non- ISC weeks. Patients with AIS who presented within 2 hours of onset had no difference in the likelihood of receiving intravenous tissue plasminogen activator within 3 hours (adjusted odds ratio, 0.89; 95% confidence interval, 0.77-1.03; P=0.13) or the likelihood of receiving intravenous tissue plasminogen activator within 60 minutes of arrival (adjusted odds ratio, 0.92; 95% confidence interval, 0.83-1.02; P=0.13). Conclusions Patients with acute stroke admitted to Get With The Guidelines-Stroke hospitals during ISC received the same quality care and had similar outcomes as patients admitted at other times.
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Larimian, Taimaz, Freeman, Claire, Palaiologou, Falli, and Sadeghi, Negin
Local Environment . Oct2020, Vol. 25 Issue 10, p747-764. 18p. 3 Diagrams, 3 Charts.
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World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future
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World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future
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In order to secure an environmentally sustainable future, the world's local governments must begin to restructure social and economic life at the local level. The problems of solid waste, water pollution, transnational air pollution, climate change, stratospheric ozonedepletion, forest and soil loss, and environmental degradation in the developing world cannot adequately be addressed without a thorough mobilization at the local governmentlevel. By the end of the 20th century more than half of the world's population will live in urban areas. As the centers of industrialized life, cities are the major sources of garbage, sewage, chemical wastes, greenhouse gases and ozone depleting compounds. Standards fordealing with these wastes can be set at the national and international government levels, but such standards can only be implemented in an effective and timely way with local government assistance. Globally, local governments are often in the best position to correct unsustainable land use, construction, transportation, energy, agriculture and waste management practices of modern life. As local government leaders, we gather for a World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future, as a first step in exchanging successful local strategies, in alliance with the United Nations for the development and implementation of a global environmentalagenda. We further call for the establishment of an International Secretariat for Local Environmental Initiatives to coordinate, assist and promote local government implementation of sound environmental policy.
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Thum DiCesare, Jasmine A, Segar, David J, Donoho, Daniel, Radwanski, Ryan, Zada, Gabriel, and Yang, Isaac
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Humans, Attitude, Anxiety, Career Choice, Neurosurgery, Education, Distance, Education, Medical, Undergraduate, Mentors, Students, Medical, Videoconferencing, United States, Congresses as Topic, COVID-19, COVID-19 pandemic, Medical student education, Neurosurgery training camp, Virtual education, neurosurgery training camp, virtual education, Clinical Sciences, and Neurosciences
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BackgroundNational medical student surveys amidst the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19)-driven subinternship cancellations have demonstrated the need for supplemental, standardized subspecialty medical education, mentorship, and career planning nationally. We have presented the first live, cross-institutional virtual medical student subspecialty training camp to deliver standardized neurosurgical educational content to medical students during the COVID-19 pandemic, and its results on medical student anxiety and perceptions of neurosurgery.MethodsThe online training camp used a video conferencing platform that was open to all medical students. A post-training camp survey was administered.ResultsA total of 305 medical students registered for the event from 107 unique U.S. medical schools. Of the 305 medical students, 108 reported intending to apply to neurosurgery residency in 2021. The top medical student objectives for the training camp were program networking and mentorship. Of the 305 participants, 121 (39.7%) completed the post-training survey. Of the respondents, 65.0% reported improved neurosurgical knowledge, 79.8% reported decreased anxiety about subinternships and interviews, 82.5% reported increased enthusiasm about neurosurgery, and 100% desired a future annual virtual training camp because of the increased accessibility and decreased cost. This was especially important for students at institutions without home subspecialty programs and those with financial burdens.ConclusionsCOVID-19-driven innovations in medical education have accelerated changes that may have long been necessary. This virtual structure improved resource usage and scalability compared with in-person training, maintained social distancing, and democratized access to standardized, specialized content not often available through traditional medical curricula. Even as a supplement to in-person events, the virtual training camp model could be implemented by national medical societies, which might significantly increase medical students' preparedness for, and education in, neurosurgery and other subspecialties.
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Wish, Jay B, Charytan, Chaim, Chertow, Glenn M, Kalantar-Zadeh, Kamyar, Kliger, Alan S, Rubin, Robert J, Yee, Jerry, and Fishbane, Steven
- American journal of kidney diseases : the official journal of the National Kidney Foundation, vol 68, iss 6
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Humans, Kidney Diseases, Nephrology, Biomedical Research, Drug Utilization, United States, Congresses as Topic, Practice Guidelines as Topic, Biosimilar Pharmaceuticals, Biosimilar, anemia, biologic, cost, dialysis, drug approval, efficacy, end-stage renal disease, erythropoietin analogue, interchangeability, nephrology, pharmacovigilance, reference agent, regulatory, safety, therapeutic equivalency, Urology & Nephrology, Clinical Sciences, and Public Health and Health Services
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Biosimilars are biologic medicines highly similar to the reference product with no meaningful clinical differences in terms of safety, purity, and potency. All biologic medicines are produced by living cells, resulting in an inherent heterogeneity in their higher order structures and post-translational modifications. In 2010, the US Congress enacted legislation to streamline the approval process for biosimilars of products losing patent protection, with the goal of decreasing costs and improving patient access to therapeutically important but expensive biologic agents. In 2015, the US Food and Drug Administration approved the first biosimilar agent through this pathway. Approval of additional biosimilar agents in the United States, including those used by nephrologists, is anticipated. Given the relative lack of knowledge regarding biosimilars and their approval process and a lack of trust by the nephrology community regarding their safety and efficacy, the National Kidney Foundation conducted a symposium, Introduction of Biosimilar Therapeutics Into Nephrology Practice in the U.S., September 17 to 18, 2015. Issues related to manufacturing, the regulatory approval process, interchangeability, substitution/switching, nomenclature, and clinician and patient awareness and acceptance were examined. This report summarizes the main discussions at the symposium, highlights several controversies, and makes recommendations related to public policy, professional and patient education, and research needs.
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Hunt, Valerie F.
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12. Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress [2014]
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Bloch Rubin, Ruth Frances
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Political Science, Congress, Intraparty, and Party
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The purpose of this dissertation is to supply a simple and synthetic theory to help us to understand the development and value of organized intraparty blocs. I will argue that lawmakers rely on these intraparty organizations to resolve several serious collective action and coordination problems that otherwise make it difficult for rank-and-file party members to successfully challenge their congressional leaders for control of policy outcomes. In the empirical chapters of this dissertation, I will show that intraparty organizations empower dissident lawmakers to resolve their collective action and coordination challenges by providing selective incentives to cooperative members, transforming public good policies into excludable accomplishments, and instituting rules and procedures to promote group decision-making. And, in tracing the development of intraparty organization through several well-known examples of party infighting, I will demonstrate that intraparty organizations have played pivotal -- yet largely unrecognized -- roles in critical legislative battles, including turn-of-the-century economic struggles, mid-century battles over civil rights legislation, and contemporary debates over national health care policy.
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Cervas, Jonathan Robert
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American studies, congress, elections, Electoral College, equality, and politics
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The United States mode for election of the President consist of a two-stage process where states appoint Electors, and those Electors then vote for the President. This structure of election is often criticized because it leads to non-majoritarian outcomes. There are two mechanical features that can lead to an electoral inversion: the two-seat Senate bonus and the winner-take-all method of appointment adopted by all but two states. This dissertation evaluates these mechanical aspects of the Electoral College and finds that while indeed inversions are possible, even likely when the national vote is close, the mode of election provides for very little mechanical bias. The goal is to neither bury nor to praise the Electoral College, but to evaluate it historically on several premises that are often used by reformers seeking reform.
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Hanley, John Ignatius
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Political Science, Congress, investigations, and oversight
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Academic studies have often emphasized the law-making aspects of Congress to the exclusion of examining how Congress uses its investigative power. This is despite the fact that Congress possesses great power to compel testimony and documents from public and private persons alike, and that exercises of the investigative power are among the most notable public images of Congress. While several recent studies have considered investigations in the context of relations between the executive and legislative branches, far less effort has been committed to looking at how much Congress uses coercive investigative power to gather information on non-governmental actors.I develop several new datasets to examine the historical and recent use of investigations of both governmental and non-governmental institutions. A major component of this work is a comprehensive study of all authorizations of subpoena power granted to committees over the period 1792-1944. I find that for both Executive and outside subjects, divided control of government was positively associated with the volume of investigations in the House, but not in the Senate. Through extended qualitative examination of contemporary news stories and other secondary sources, I consider how partisan and institutional factors influenced the focus, scope, and intensity of investigative projects, as well as which legislative chamber and committee came to undertake the information-gathering work. I demonstrate how stronger party leaderships limited opportunities for members to conduct investigations, and where necessary, shifted politically-sensitive subjects to venues--within the chamber, to the other chamber, or to joint committees--that would be more favorable to the desired results. Nevertheless, it was in the Senate that individual members consistently possessed greater opportunity to initiate inquiries to develop policy expertise as well as those that could be dangerous to their own party's interests. Confronting changes to how Congress has made such grants since World War II, I examine the exercise of investigative power in its capacity to generate media coverage and witnesses' invocations of the Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination. Whereas the House and Senate experienced an extended period of near-parity in the quantity of investigations until the mid-1990s, since that time the Senate has been the more involved and consistent actor. The number of different investigative topics receiving media attention has also declined since the early 1990s. Increasingly, Congress's investigative initiative focuses on a small set of subjects, which often receive simultaneous scrutiny from a number of different corners. To help motivate the evolution of Congressional investigations, I consider the Legislative branch's relations with the Executive and Judicial branches, as well as concerted attempts by the Legislature to build institutional capacity. I argue that the growth of the State and increased complexity of society have complicated Congress's investigative task, requiring it to seek new methods and driving it towards greater reliance on the other two branches, particularly the Judiciary. Ultimately, Congress's ability to summarily detain contumacious witnesses and police member qualifications and chamber legitimacy--the original means and ends of its powers as upheld in the 19th Century--are the weakest and most disused elements of its investigative repertoire. The work closes with a discussion of the possibilities for policy-making through investigations, and some ideas for encouraging greater member use of Congress's investigative power.
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15. Taming the Senate: Party Power and the Rise of Omnibus Appropriations Bills in the U.S. Congress [2010]
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Hanson, Peter Christopher
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Political Science, Public Policy and Social Welfare, appropriations, Congress, omnibus, and political party
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Theories of party power in Congress differ on the circumstances under which majority parties have the ability to shift policy outcomes away from the preferences of pivotal voters and toward the majority's preferred position. The theory of Pivotal Politics states that it is unlikely parties have such power. The theory of Conditional Party Government states that parties can influence policy outcomes when they are ideologically unified, while the Cartel theory suggests that parties can influence outcomes all of the time by controlling the agenda. In this dissertation, I propose and test three hypotheses addressing the extent of party power using an original dataset of the legislative history of federal appropriations bills and case studies of two time periods in Congress. Appropriations bills are an effective way to study trends in Congress because they must be passed every year. In the last three decades, Congress has shifted from its traditional method of passing the 13 bills that fund the federal government individually to packaging them together in massive "omnibus" bills. I show that the decision of party leaders to create omnibus bills is a form of agenda control that allows party leaders to meet a variety of goals ranging from protecting the majority party's reputation to adopting partisan policy. Omnibus bills help party leaders meet their goals because they are multidimensional, "must pass" bills that members are reluctant to oppose. They are particularly useful in the Senate, where they provide an effective counter to the ever present threat of a filibuster. I make three major arguments. First, I contend that the ability of a majority party to control the agenda with omnibus spending bills is independent of its degree of ideological diversity. In the last 30 years, omnibus bills have been used both when the majority party is ideologically diverse and when it is unified. Second, I contend that the likelihood a majority party will seek to control the agenda with omnibus bills depends on the ideological distance from the majority's median voter to other pivotal voters on the floor. These distances have varied over time with the ideological diversity and margin of control of the majority party. Large ideological gaps between pivotal voters are an indication that the floor is a challenging arena for the majority party and create an incentive to control the agenda. Third, I contend that the policy consequences of omnibus bills vary with the majority party's ideological diversity. Diverse parties are likely to use omnibus bills to "keep the trains running" by passing the budget, while unified parties are likely to use omnibus bills to pursue partisan policy goals. My findings expand our understanding of the motivations of members of Congress. Theories of Congress rooted in the reelection motive state that individual behavior, and by extension, the behavior of parties, is motivated primarily by the desire to improve prospects for reelection. Evidence from the history of appropriations bills over the last 30 years suggests that ideologically unified parties will use omnibus bills to pursue policy goals even if those goals create some additional risk of not being reelected.
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Franco, Josue Alejandro
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Political science, Committees, Congress, District Courts, judicial pork, Judiciary, and pork barrel
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How does Congress structure the Judiciary, specifically the organization of the lower District Courts? Since 1789, Congress has allocated at least 84 judicial districts, 686 judicial seats, 533 judicial meeting places, and 604 judicial courthouses to the lower courts. While previous scholarship has examined instances when District Court seats are created, we still know very little about the structuring of the District Courts by Congress. By combining insights from both the judicial politics and distributive politics literatures, I argue that Congress allocates districts, seats, meeting places, and courthouses as a means of providing pork to members’ states. I develop a theory of the allocation of judicial pork where I argue that Congress allocates judicial institutions similarly to traditional pork, like bridges and highways. Specifically, I contend that states with representation on the Judiciary Committees in the Senate and House of Representatives are more likely to be allocated judicial pork than states without such representation. Using newly collected data gathered from the Federal Judiciary Center, I test my theory using observational data from 1813 to 2014 and four case studies. In line with my expectations, I find evidence that suggests rank-and-file representation on the Senate and House Judiciary Committees positively effects the allocation of judicial pork.
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Brooks, Corey Michael
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American history
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This dissertation reintegrates abolitionism into the main currents of U.S. political history. Because of a bifurcation between studies of the American antislavery movement and political histories of the sectional conflict, modern scholars have drastically underestimated the significance of abolitionist political activism. Historians often characterize political abolitionists as naïve idealists or separatist moral purists, but I recast them as practical, effective politicians, who capitalized on rare openings in American political institutions to achieve outsized influence in the face of a robust two-party system. Third-party abolitionists shaped national debate far beyond their numbers and played central roles in the emergence of the Republican Party. Over the second half of the 1830s, political abolitionists devised the Slave Power concept, claiming that slaveholder control of the federal government endangered American democracy; this would later become the Republicans' most important appeal. Integrating this argument with an institutional analysis of the Second Party System, antislavery activists assailed the Whigs and Democrats--cross-sectional parties that incorporated antislavery voices while supporting proslavery policies--as beholden to the Slave Power. This analysis thus provided the rationale for creation of the abolitionist Liberty Party and then became its chief rhetorical tool.Liberty partisans cast all elections as contests against the Slave Power and repeatedly forced slavery into political debate by controlling balances of power in many northern locales. Meanwhile, they developed a sophisticated lobbying strategy to exploit Congress as a public forum that could be made to magnify and widely disseminate the Slave Power argument. As northern Whigs and Democrats faced new antislavery electoral pressures and chafed under the Slave Power's increasing exactions, Liberty leaders redoubled their efforts to pry antislavery dissidents from the major parties. In the process Liberty men paved the way for a broader anti-Slave Power coalition and helped found the Free Soil Party in 1848. A small but dedicated Free Soil congressional bloc then built on Liberty tactics to further harness congressional debate as a platform for dramatizing the Slave Power's control of national policymaking. When the 1854 Kansas-Nebraska Act roused northern voters and deranged once-stable party allegiances, Free Soil leaders in and out of Congress seized on the opportunity to spearhead a party uniting all opponents of the Slave Power. In helping propel this new Republican Party to northern preeminence by 1856, erstwhile Liberty men and Free Soilers finally foresaw the end of the Slave Power's national supremacy, and, ultimately, of slavery itself.
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Yee, Martha M
- Library Resources & Technical Services, vol 53, iss 2
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American Library Association, Library of Congress, card distribution program, shared cataloging, cooperative cataloging, national bibliography, cataloging rules and standards, and library history united states
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This paper offers a historical review of the events and institutional influences in the nineteenth century that led to the development of the Library of Congress (LC) card distribution program as the American version of a national bibliography at the beginning of the twentieth century. It includes a discussion of the standardizing effect the card distribution program had on the cataloging rules and practices of American libraries. It concludes with the author's thoughts about how this history might be placed in the context of the present reexamination of the LC's role as primary cataloging agency for the nation's libraries.
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Gardner, David P.
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20. Report to Congress on Server and Data Center Energy Efficiency: Public Law 109-431: Appendices [2008]
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Brown, Richard, Alliance to Save Energy, ICF Incorporated, ERG Incorporated, and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency
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Energy conservation, consumption, and utilization, Energy planning, policy and economy, data centers, computers, Energy Star, information technology, servers, energy forecasting, and combined heat and power
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This report is the appendices to a companion report, prepared in response to the request from Congress stated in Public Law 109-431 (H.R. 5646), "An Act to Study and Promote the Use of Energy Efficient Computer Servers in the United States." This report assesses current trends in energy use and energy costs of data centers and servers in the U.S. (especially Federal government facilities) and outlines existing and emerging opportunities for improved energy efficiency. It also makes recommendations for pursuing these energy-efficiency opportunities broadly across the country through the use of information and incentive-based programs.
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