Max Glonek, Jonathan Tuke, Lewis Mitchell, and Nigel Bean
Applied Network Science, Vol 4, Iss 1, Pp 1-18 (2019)
Community detection, Graph labelling, Random walk, Markov chain, Political networks, Applied mathematics. Quantitative methods, and T57-57.97
Graph labelling is a key activity of network science, with broad practical applications, and close relations to other network science tasks, such as community detection and clustering. While a large body of work exists on both unsupervised and supervised labelling algorithms, the class of random walk-based supervised algorithms requires further exploration, particularly given their relevance to social and political networks. This work refines and expands upon a new semi-supervised graph labelling method, the GLaSS method, that exactly calculates absorption probabilities for random walks on connected graphs. The method models graphs exactly as discrete-time Markov chains, treating labelled nodes as absorbing states. The method is applied to roll call voting data for 42 meetings of the United States House of Representatives and Senate, from 1935 to 2019. Analysis of the 84 resultant political networks demonstrates strong and consistent performance of GLaSS when estimating labels for unlabelled nodes in graphs, and reveals a significant trend of increasing partisanship within the United States Congress.
This article is based on a content analysis of the 17,811 Instagram posts made by all 534 members of the United States Congress who were seated for the duration of the first 6 months of the 115th session. I find that women are significantly more likely than men to have an Instagram account. Senators and women post significantly more times to their accounts. And a member’s personal characteristics, such as their chamber, party, and age, had significant effects on the type of content posted to Instagram. I conclude that members of Congress use Instagram similarly to how they use other social media platforms, that parties in and out of power use Instagram in substantively different ways, and that the more personal accounts of younger members suggest future changes in Congressional representation.
Todd Collins, Kenneth A. Wink, James L. Guth, and C. Don Livingston
Politics and Religion, Vol 7, Iss 2 (2017)
Legislative Behavior, Religion, Foreign Policy, U.S. House of Representatives, U.S. Congress, Religion (General), and BL1-50
Recent literature in the religion and politics area has focused on the effect of various measures of religious affiliation on the political behavior of the mass public. Here we add to the evolving literature examining the influence of religious orientation on political elite behavior, focusing on the U.S. House of Representatives. Method. We use data on the religious affiliations of U.S. House members and National Journal scores of foreign policy voting to test the influence of religion on foreign policy ideology from 1998-2003. Our findings indicate that even after controlling for traditional political factors, religious identity influenced foreign policy voting in the House. African-American Protestants, Latter-day Saints (Mormons), and Evangelical Protestants present the most distinctive patterns. Conclusions. From this analysis we see further indications that religion influences legislative behavior in a way that, although intertwined with political partisanship, appears distinct from traditional political factors.
Dina Abdelwahab Elhamahmi, MD, FRCP, Thomas Chaly, Jr, MD, Guo Wei, MS, and Isaac E. Hall, MD, MS
Transplantation Direct, Vol 5, Iss 1, p e412 (2019)
Surgery and RD1-811
Background. Deceased-donor kidney discard rates vary by region, but it is unknown whether discard rates and transplant outcomes vary during the American Transplant Congress (ATC) each year. Methods. Using national registry data, we determined rates of kidney discard, delayed graft function, graft failure, and mortality from December 31, 1999, through December 30, 2015, during ATC dates and compared these rates with those on the same days of the week during the 2 weeks before and after the ATC (non-ATC). We used multivariable regression to determine associations between ATC and these outcomes. Results. From 7902 donors (1575 ATC; 6327 non-ATC), 12 588 recipients received kidney transplants (2455 ATC; 10 133 non-ATC), and 2666 kidneys were discarded (582 ATC; 2084 non-ATC). Kidneys were more often discarded during ATC (19% vs 17%, P = 0.006; adjusted odds ratio, 1.21; 95% confidence interval, 1.05-1.40). There were no significant differences in donor, transplant, or recipient characteristics by ATC/non-ATC dates or by ATC/non-ATC transplant dates for delayed graft function, graft failure, or mortality. Conclusions. On the basis of a 21% increased odds of discard, the ATC itself may result in 5 additional kidney discards during this important conference every year, which suggests the need for innovative staffing or other logistic solutions during these planned meetings.
Thesaurus: Peru, United States, economic aid, territorial waters, fishing rights, Author’s keywords: expropriation, History (General) and history of Europe, History (General), and D1-2009
The expropriation of U.S. companies —such as the International Petroleum Company— has been signaled in historiography as a decisive factor in determining the stance of the U.S. government towards Peru’s military regime. This study shows that Congressional motivations were rather of a political nature, associated with the seizure of U.S. fishing vessels within the 200 nautical miles of territorial waters claimed by Peru. Moreover, the policies implemented by Peru’s military government were used by a group of congressmen to advance their own agendas, criticizing U.S. foreign policy at a moment of conflict of powers between the Executive and the Congress.
agency, Psychology, communion, BF1-990, the U.S. Congress, language, Original Research, LIWC, U.S. Congress, and impression formation
What type of language makes the most positive impression within a professional setting? Is competent/agentic language or warm/communal language more effective at eliciting social approval? We examined this basic social cognitive question in a real world context using a big data approach—the recent record-low levels of public approval of the U.S. Congress. Using Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC), we text analyzed all 123+ million words spoken by members of the U.S. House of Representatives during floor debates between 1996-2014 and compared their usage of various classes of words to their public approval ratings over the same time period. We found that neither agentic nor communal language positively predicted public approval. However, this may be because communion combines two disparate social motives (belonging and helping). A follow-up analysis found that the helping form of communion positively predicted public approval, and did so more strongly than did agentic language. Next, we conducted an exploratory analysis, examining which of the 63 standard LIWC categories predict public approval. We found that the public approval of Congress was highest when politicians used tentative language, expressed both positive emotion and anxiety, and used human words, numbers, prepositions, numbers, and avoided conjunctions and the use of second-person pronouns. These results highlight the widespread primacy of warmth over competence as the primary dimensions of social cognition.
Abdelwahab Elhamahmi, Dina, Chaly, Thomas, Wei, Guo, and Hall, Isaac E.
Transplantation Direct. 5
Supplemental digital content is available in the text. Background Deceased-donor kidney discard rates vary by region, but it is unknown whether discard rates and transplant outcomes vary during the American Transplant Congress (ATC) each year. Methods Using national registry data, we determined rates of kidney discard, delayed graft function, graft failure, and mortality from December 31, 1999, through December 30, 2015, during ATC dates and compared these rates with those on the same days of the week during the 2 weeks before and after the ATC (non-ATC). We used multivariable regression to determine associations between ATC and these outcomes. Results From 7902 donors (1575 ATC; 6327 non-ATC), 12 588 recipients received kidney transplants (2455 ATC; 10 133 non-ATC), and 2666 kidneys were discarded (582 ATC; 2084 non-ATC). Kidneys were more often discarded during ATC (19% vs 17%, P = 0.006; adjusted odds ratio, 1.21; 95% confidence interval, 1.05-1.40). There were no significant differences in donor, transplant, or recipient characteristics by ATC/non-ATC dates or by ATC/non-ATC transplant dates for delayed graft function, graft failure, or mortality. Conclusions On the basis of a 21% increased odds of discard, the ATC itself may result in 5 additional kidney discards during this important conference every year, which suggests the need for innovative staffing or other logistic solutions during these planned meetings.
experimental archaeology, conference, early middle ages, late middle ages, canada, usa, Museums. Collectors and collecting, AM1-501, Archaeology, and CC1-960
The International Congress on Medieval Studies is held at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo each May. Now in its 52nd year, ICMS draws around 3,000 people attending approximately 575 sessions of papers, panel discussions, round tables, workshops and performances. Various societies, associations, and institutions also hosted 100+ business meetings and receptions over the course of the 4 day conference. This year EXARC facilitated one session and co-sponsored another one.
jel:F42, social networks, Facebook, archive, memory, privacy, copyright, privatization, U.S. Library of Congress, deposit requirement, digital death, jel:E62, Law, jel:F13, jel:D78, jel:K0, jel:E61, jel:K1, jel:K4, jel:K2, and jel:K3
This article explores the challenges posed by an archival interest in the broad palimpsest of daily life left on social networks that are controlled by private corporations. It addresses whether social networks should be archived for the benefit of future generations and proposes a policy thought experiment to help grapple with these questions, namely, the proposal for the formation of the public interest-oriented Networked Memory Project by the Library of Congress for the archiving of social networks. My discussion of the challenges posed by this thought experiment will focus on the U.S. legal framework within which the Library of Congress operates and take Facebook. To the extent that social networks have user-generated contents that range from the highly “private” to “public” as opposed to other networked platforms that contain materials that are considered “public”, the bar for the historical archival of social networks is much higher. Almost every archival effort must contend with the legal hurdle of copyright, but the archiving of social networks must also address how to handle the potentially sensitive nature of materials that are considered “private” from the perspective of the social and legal constructions of privacy. My theoretical exercise of proposing the formation of the Networked Memory Project by the Library of Congress responds to the need to consider the benefits of a public interest-oriented archive of social networks that can counter the drawbacks of the incidental corporate archiving taking place on social networks.
United States of America,So-Called Armenian Genocide,president,lobby and ABD,Sözde Ermeni Soykırımı,Kongre,Başkan,Lobi
When the foreign policy matters in the USA, there are 3 state organs is to be mentioned. First the executive, which is the the US Presidency, when the USA Constitution is examined the greatest authorithy is given to the US President in constituting the foreign policy and its execution. The second and the third organs are the ones that constituent the legislative power the Senate and the House of the Representatives. It can be said that in the USA system, the authority of the Senate in the foreign policy affairs is more than the the House of the Representatives. In this paper, the steps that are taken by the President and the Congress about the so-called genocide has been evaluated with the perspective of legal ground and political history. Dış politika söz konusu olduğunda ABD’de en az üç ayrı devlet organından söz etmek mümkündür. Birincisi yürütme, yani ABD Başkanlık makamıdır. ABD Anayasası incelendiğinde; dış politikanın oluşturulmasında ve yürütülmesinde en büyük yetkinin ABD Başkanına verildiği görülmektedir. İkinci ve üçüncü devlet organları ise birlikte yasama gücünü oluşturan Temsilciler Meclisi’nden ve Senato’dan ibarettir. ABD sisteminde Senato’nun dış politikadaki yetkilerinin, Temsilciler Meclisi’ne nazaran daha fazla olduğu söylenebilir. Bu çalışmada; Amerikan dış politika yapımında etkili olan Kongre’nin ve Başkan’ın sözde soykırımın tanınmasına yönelik atmış oldukları adımlar, hukuki bir zemin ve siyasi tarih perspektifi üzerinden değerlendirilmeye tabi tutulmuştur.
Revista de Derecho Político, Vol 1, Iss 99, Pp 231-261 (2017)
Parlamento, rezo, Constitución, I Enmienda, Tribunal Supremo, separación Iglesia-Estado, símbolos, autorepresentación. Key words: Parliament, prayer, Constitution, First Amendment, Supreme Court, separation between Church and State, symbols, self-recognit, Law of Europe, KJ-KKZ, Law in general. Comparative and uniform law. Jurisprudence, and K1-7720
Resumen: El origen de la institución parlamentaria está íntimamente ligado a la escenografía religiosa. Frente a lo sucedido en el parlamentarismo continental contemporáneo, en donde su eliminación se derivó de la corriente laicizadora propia del período revolucionario, la antigua costumbre de abrir las sesiones parlamentarias con el rezo de una oración ha pervivido en el contexto del parlamentarismo anglosajón, bajo la égida de la praxis seguida en Westminster. En Estados Unidos su origen se halla en las propias sesiones del Congreso Continental y en la conformación del texto constitucional de Filadelfia, celebrándose desde entonces las correspondientes oraciones a cargo de capellanes contratados por las Cámaras. Planteada la constitucionalidad del rezo en las mismas desde la óptica de la Cláusula de Establecimiento (I Enmienda), la Corte Suprema la ha afirmado en dos sentencias (Marsh v. Chambers y Town of Greece v. Galloway) bajo argumentos históricos a condición de no ser proselitistas. La pervivencia de las oraciones parlamentarias se explica en determinados contextos como símbolos o elementos de autoafirmación e integración de la propia institución parlamentaria, conectándose con la denominada religión civil cuya presencia se ha afirmado en el caso norteamericano. Abstract: The origin of Parliaments is closely linked with the religious scenography. In contrast with what happened in the contemporary continental parliamentarism, where its elimination derived from the laicist stream of the revolutionary parliament, the ancient costume consisting of opening the parliamentary sessions with a prayer has survived in the context of the anglo-saxon parliamentarism, under the influence of the praxis followed in Westminster. In the United States its origins coincide with the sessions of the Continental Congress and the approval of the Philadelphia Constitution, since then the prayers have been recited by the chaplains hired by the Chambers. Although it has been disputed the prayer´s constitutionality due to the text of the Establishment Clause (I Amendment), the Supreme Court has confirmed it in two decisions (Marsh v. Chambers y Town of Greece v. Galloway) invoking historic arguments and under the condition that the prayers should not have a proselytizing purpose. Prayer´s survival is explained in certain contexts as elements of self-recognition and integration of the parliamentary institution, connected with the so called civil religion whose presence has been maintained in the U. S.
The American Constitution scatters political power across a wide spectrum of positions within the government. First, it divides power in significant ways between the national government and the various state governments, and further fragments the power of the national government among the three major branches. Historical developments have carried this fragmentation well beyond the framers’ intention. Today, significant decision-making power is located in numerous sub-units of the three branch...