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Ban, Pamela, Grimmer, Justin, Kaslovsky, Jaclyn, and West, Emily
- Quarterly Journal of Political Science; 2022, Vol. 17 Issue 3, p355-387, 33p
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CONGRESSIONAL hearings (U.S.), DELIBERATION, SOCIAL groups, WOMEN legislators, and PARTICIPATION
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The rising number of women in Congress changes deliberation. Using committee hearing transcripts from 1995 to 2017, we analyze how the gender composition of committees affects group dynamics in committee hearings. While we find limited evidence that increasing proportions of women affects women's participation, we find that discussion norms within committees change significantly in the presence of more women. Namely, interruptions decrease when there are more women on the committee; with higher proportions of women, men are less likely to interrupt others. Furthermore, committee members are more likely to engage and stay on the same topics in the presence of more women, suggesting a shift in norms toward more in-depth exchange. Overall, our results show that increasing the proportion of women changes discussion dynamics within Congress by shifting norms away from interruptions and one-sided talk in committees, thereby shifting group norms that govern decision-making during an important policy-making stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Lin, Gang, Zhou, Wenxing, and Wu, Weixu
- Journal of Contemporary China; Jul2022, Vol. 31 Issue 136, p609-625, 17p, 5 Charts, 1 Graph
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QUANTITATIVE research, CHINA-United States relations, LEGISLATION, ACTIVISM, and GOVERNMENTALITY
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Through a quantitative analysis of Taiwan–related legislation between 1979 and 2020, the article finds that the degree of Taiwan–related legislation is significantly correlated with the degree of tension in U.S.—China relations. While a deteriorating cross–Taiwan Strait relationship is clearly associated with the increasing legislative activities for the sake of Taiwan, an improving relationship from the state of fair to good cannot guarantee a decrease of such activities. A unified government and the extent of the Taiwan lobby are both helpful in passing pro–Taiwan acts but statistically insignificant. A content analysis of pro–Taiwan bills approved by the Trump administration suggests a creeping movement to "normalize" U.S–Taiwan relations with congressional activism and the less-restrained White House as a co–engine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Billington, Mike
- Executive Intelligence Review; 5/6/2022, Vol. 49 Issue 18, p33-40, 8p
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BELT & Road Initiative, GREEN New Deal (United States), VETERANS, POLITICAL parties, and REPUBLICANS
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Hudiburg, Jane A.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 3/21/2022, preceding p1-12, 15p
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MUNICIPAL government, COMMISSIONERS, and STATEHOOD (American politics)
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Delegates, representing territories that had not yet achieved statehood, have served in the House since the late 1700s. In the 20th century, the concept of delegate grew to include representation of territories where the United States exercises some degree of control but were not expected to become states. In the 117th Congress (2021-2022), the U.S. insular areas of American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, the Virgin Islands, and the federal municipality of the District of Columbia are each represented in Congress by a delegate to the House of Representatives. In addition, Puerto Rico is represented by a resident commissioner, whose position is treated the same as a delegate. This report provides historical background on the development of the position of delegate to Congress and on the rights of a delegate once seated. The Constitution makes no provision for territorial representation, and early laws providing for territorial delegates to Congress did not specify the duties, privileges, and obligations of these representatives. It was left to the House and the delegates themselves to define their role. On January 13, 1795, the House took an important step toward establishing the functions of delegates when it appointed James White, the first territorial representative, to membership on a select committee. In subsequent years, delegates continued to serve on select committees as well as on conference committees. The first assignment of a delegate to a standing committee occurred under a House rule in 1871, which gave delegates places as additional members on two standing committees. In these committees, the delegates exercised the same powers and privileges as they did in the House; that is, they could debate but not vote. In the 1970s, delegates gained the right to be elected to standing committees (in the same manner as Members of the House) and to exercise in those committees the same powers and privileges as Members of the House, including the right to vote. Today, delegates enjoy powers, rights, and responsibilities identical, in most respects, to those of House Members from the states. Like these Members, delegates can speak, introduce bills and resolutions, and offer amendments on the House floor; they can speak, offer amendments, and vote in House committees. Under the rules of the 117th Congress (2021-2022), delegates may not vote in House floor sessions or preside over them. However, they may preside over the Committee of the Whole and vote in those sessions. This report will be updated as events warrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Юрьевна, Спутницкая Нина and Федорович, Казючиц Максим
- Art & Culture Studies / Hudozestvennaa Kul'tura; 2022, Vol. 21 Issue 2, p106-137, 32p
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DOCUMENTARY films, TELEVISION programs, INVESTIGATIVE reporting, TELEVISION series, SCIENTIFIC community, and SOCIAL networks
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Copyright of Art & Culture Studies / Hudozestvennaa Kul'tura is the property of Editorial Board of Journal Art & Culture Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
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Ladewig, Jeffrey W.
- Political Research Quarterly; Sep2021, Vol. 74 Issue 3, p599-614, 16p
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INCOME distribution, PARTISANSHIP, and UNITED States legislators
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Over the past twenty years, there has been much discussion about two of the most important recent trends in American politics: the increase in income inequality in the United States and the increase in ideological and partisan polarization, particularly in the U.S. House. These two national-level trends are commonly thought to be positively related. But, there are few tested theoretical connections between them, and it is potentially problematic to infer individual-level behavior from these aggregate-level trends. In fact, an examination of the literature reveals, at least, three different theoretical outcomes for district-level income inequality on voter and congressional ideological positions. I explore these district-level theoretical and empirical possibilities as well as test them over decades with three different measures of income inequality. I argue and demonstrate that higher district levels of income inequality are related to higher levels of ideological liberalism in the U.S. House. This stands in contrast to the national-level trends, but it tracks closely to traditional understandings of congressional behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Arcadi, Teal
- Modern American History; Mar2022, Vol. 5 Issue 1, p53-77, 25p
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PARTISANSHIP, EXPRESS highways, PUBLIC works, BANK loans, INFRASTRUCTURE (Economics), and UNITED States history
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In the mid-1950s, the Eisenhower administration and Congress erupted in a sharp partisan debate over how to pay for the novel National System of Interstate and Defense Highways, slated to become the most expensive and expansive public works project in United States history. Republicans advocated for interest-bearing bonded debt borrowed from banks, while Democrats preferred to avoid debt service costs and apply a direct tax-and-pave approach to the enormous state building project. The chosen fiduciary practices promised to be as permanent as the physical infrastructure they paid to construct and maintain. Consequently, the fraught episode saw the two parties contest not only transportation infrastructure and the capital supply upon which it depended, but indeed the very nature and future of American political economy. When the tax-and-pave approach prevailed, it saved taxpayers interest costs, but came with its own perilous consequences as it set near-limitless development in motion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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8. Housing Issues in the 117th Congress. [2022]
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Jones, Katie, Carpenter, David H., Getter, Darryl E., Horn, Diane P., Jaroscak, Joseph V., McCarty, Maggie, Perl, Libby, Webster, Elizabeth M., and Weinstock, Lida R.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 4/15/2022, preceding p1-40, 43p
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HOUSING, AMERICAN Rescue Plan Act of 2021 (U.S.), COVID-19 pandemic, and HOMELESSNESS
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The article discusses the housing challenges presented by the COVID-19 pandemic continued to be a primary concern in the U.S. 117th Congress. It mentions Congress passed the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, a wide-ranging pandemic relief and response law that included funding for several new and existing housing programs to help address the effects of the pandemic, including funding for rental assistance, homeowner assistance, and homelessness assistance.
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Bolger, Daniel, Thomson, Robert, and Ecklund, Elaine Howard
- Social Science Quarterly (Wiley-Blackwell); Jan2021, Vol. 102 Issue 1, p324-342, 19p, 3 Charts
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SOCIOCULTURAL factors, UNITED States presidential election, 2016, POLITICAL campaigns, and UNITED States politics & government, 2017-2021
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Objectives: The political discourse surrounding the 2016 U.S. presidential election highlighted discontent with both Congress and corporations, a reality corroborated in recent scholarship highlighting declines in institutional confidence among U.S. citizens. Here we test theories of institutional confidence to understand the social and cultural determinants of confidence in Congress and corporations prior to the start of the 2016 presidential campaigns. Methods: We draw on data from the Religious Understandings of Science Survey, a nationally representative survey conducted in 2013–2014 (N = 9,416). Results: We find that political ideology largely explained confidence in corporations while social location (particularly racial‐ethnic identity and gender) strongly related to confidence in Congress. Seemingly opposing factors converged to predict trust in both institutions. Conclusions: Institutional confidence is shaped not only by social and cultural factors but also by the symbolic functions of institutions themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Lee, Jongkon
- Policy Studies; May-Jul2022, Vol. 43 Issue 4, p659-675, 17p, 2 Charts, 1 Graph
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GENDER, WOMEN legislators, WOMEN'S rights, VIOLENCE against women, and ABORTION laws
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As critical mass theorists have argued, the number of female legislators is important in the enactment of gender-status laws. Female legislators share strong beliefs on women's rights and have easily coordinated their legislative activities on gender issues. In addition, their strong coordination and consequent political influence have often allowed them to form a legislative majority by influencing male legislators. Gender policies, however, are frequently associated with non-gender policy dimensions on which female legislators tend to have different ideas. Thus, when a gender issue is interpreted in terms of a conspicuous non-gender policy dimension, critical mass theory may not work properly; the heterogeneity of female legislators regarding non-gender policy dimensions can weaken their legislative coordination, thereby hampering gender-status lawmaking. This article examines these propositions by reviewing the legislative histories of violence against women and the legality of abortion in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Guo, Baogang
- Journal of Chinese Political Science; Sep2022, Vol. 27 Issue 3, p543-565, 23p
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The Sino-U.S. relations tumbled during the Trump Administration. The talk of decoupling permeated the decision-making circle in Washington D.C. Many factors have contributed to the free fall. The roles Congress has played are undoubtedly one of them. Based on the new institutionalist approach, this study provides three analyses of recent China-related legislative activities. First, the historical analysis of legislative data illustrates a surge in congressional activism on China-related legislative activities. Second, the content analysis reveals some of the triggers in the deterioration of bilateral relations in recent years. Third, the political analysis of the critical congressional players and the structures and procedures Congress created provides some insight into the domestic and political logic of the congressional crusade against China. Finally, the paper ends with assessing the impact of the surge in Congressional activism on the new Biden Administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Gagliarducci, Stefano and Paserman, M Daniele
- Economic Journal; Jan2022, Vol. 132 Issue 641, p218-257, 40p, 13 Charts, 5 Graphs
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BIPARTISANSHIP and GENDER
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This paper uses data on bill co-sponsorship in the U.S. House of Representatives to estimate gender differences in cooperative behaviour. We find that among Democrats there is no significant gender gap in the number of co-sponsors recruited, but women-sponsored bills tend to have fewer co-sponsors from the opposite party. On the other hand, we find robust evidence that Republican women recruit more co-sponsors and attract more bipartisan support on the bills that they sponsor. We interpret these results as evidence that cooperation is mostly driven by a commonality of interest, rather than gender per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Sekar, Kavya, Bodie, Agata, Cornell, Ada S., Duff, Johnathan H., Heisler, Elayne J., and Nicchitta, Isaac A.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 8/3/2021, preceding p1-38, 42p
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COVID-19 pandemic, FEDERAL aid to public health, SOCIAL services, and CORONAVIRUS Aid, Relief, & Economic Security Act (U.S.)
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The article discusses the U.S. Congressional Research Service report which summarizes COVID-19 supplemental funding for the public health service agencies and to Public Health and Social Services Emergency Fund in the 116th Congress.. It mentions that supplemental spending provides supplemental appropriations measures including Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act, Families First Coronavirus Response Act, and Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021.
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Petersen, R. Eric
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 2/15/2022, preceding p1-6, 8p
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UNITED States senators, UNITED States legislators, LEGISLATION, and COMMUNICATION
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The article provides an overview of roles and duties of the U.S. Member of Congress. It mentions the U.S. Constitution establishes qualifications for Representatives and Senators, but it is silent about the roles and duties of an individual Member of Congress, and the roles and duties carried out by a Member of Congress are understood to include representation, legislation, and constituent service and communication, as well as electoral activities.
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Baik, Jeeyun
- Information, Communication & Society; Jul2022, Vol. 25 Issue 9, p1211-1228, 18p
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RIGHT of privacy, PRIVACY, CONGRESSIONAL hearings (U.S.), FORUMS, GOVERNMENT corporations, DISCOURSE analysis, and PUBLIC spaces
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This study explores how emerging US data privacy regulations are discussed at state and federal levels, examining Twitter discourse around Senate public hearings on data privacy and public forums on the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA). The recent legal steps reflect growing public outcry over corporate data misuses and lack of appropriate legislation. The findings suggest that the issue public of Twitter users in this study largely considered corporations and the government as untrustworthy actors for privacy legislation. The political distrust was raising doubts over regulatory capture and if a future US federal privacy law will be weaker than state laws (e.g., CCPA) while overriding them. The study explores implications of the findings on the current deadlock over the state preemption clause in developing a comprehensive federal privacy law. I argue that the emerging regulatory efforts on data privacy may not be effective unless the public trust in institutions is regained in the US and that the continuing absence of a federal law amid the political distrust can leave people with limited individual privacy strategies as a result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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16. A Breath of Fresh Air in Congress. [2022]
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Eich, Ritch K.
- Journal of Values Based Leadership; Summer/Fall2022, Vol. 15 Issue 2, p90-103, 14p
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UNITED States presidential election, 2020 and FOR-profit universities & colleges
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Kraśnicka, Izabela
- Przeglad Sejmowy; 2022, Vol. 169 Issue 2, p85-108, 24p
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POLITICAL systems, CONGRESSIONAL hearings (U.S.), IMPEACHMENTS, IMPEACHMENT of presidents, BALANCE of power, INCUMBENCY (Public officers), and CONSTITUTIONAL history
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Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
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McMillion, Barry J.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 3/26/2021, p1-4, 4p
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JUDICIAL selection & appointment, CIRCUIT courts, DISTRICT courts, UNITED States appellate courts, and LEGISLATIVE power
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The article presents the recommendations by the 117th Congress' Judicial Conference of the U.S. for new circuit and district court judgeships as of March 2021. Topics include the congressional authority to authorize permanent and temporary judgeships, the increase in the number of judgeships due to population growth and geographic boundary expansions, and the recommended addition of two permanent judgeships for the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.
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O'Rourke, Ronald
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 6/1/2021, preceding p1-52, 56p
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MILITARY modernization (Equipment), MILITARY supplies, ARMS race, SEA power (Military science), and CHINA-United States relations
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In an era of renewed great power competition, China's military modernization effort, including its naval modernization effort, has become the top focus of U.S. defense planning and budgeting. China's navy, which China has been steadily modernizing for more than 25 years, since the early to mid-1990s, has become a formidable military force within China's near-seas region, and it is conducting a growing number of operations in more-distant waters, including the broader waters of the Western Pacific, the Indian Ocean, and waters around Europe. China's navy is viewed as posing a major challenge to the U.S. Navy's ability to achieve and maintain wartime control of blue-water ocean areas in the Western Pacific-the first such challenge the U.S. Navy has faced since the end of the Cold War. China's navy forms a key element of a Chinese challenge to the long-standing status of the United States as the leading military power in the Western Pacific. Some U.S. observers are expressing concern or alarm regarding the pace of China's naval shipbuilding effort and resulting trend lines regarding the relative sizes and capabilities of China's navy and the U.S. Navy. China's naval modernization effort encompasses a wide array of ship, aircraft, and weapon acquisition programs, as well as improvements in maintenance and logistics, doctrine, personnel quality, education and training, and exercises. China's navy has currently has certain limitations and weaknesses, and is working to overcome them. China's military modernization effort, including its naval modernization effort, is assessed as being aimed at developing capabilities for addressing the situation with Taiwan militarily, if need be; for achieving a greater degree of control or domination over China's near-seas region, particularly the South China Sea; for enforcing China's view that it has the right to regulate foreign military activities in its 200-mile maritime exclusive economic zone (EEZ); for defending China's commercial sea lines of communication (SLOCs), particularly those linking China to the Persian Gulf; for displacing U.S. influence in the Western Pacific; and for asserting China's status as the leading regional power and a major world power. Consistent with these goals, observers believe China wants its navy to be capable of acting as part of a Chinese anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) force-a force that can deter U.S. intervention in a conflict in China's near-seas region over Taiwan or some other issue, or failing that, delay the arrival or reduce the effectiveness of intervening U.S. forces. Additional missions for China's navy include conducting maritime security (including antipiracy) operations, evacuating Chinese nationals from foreign countries when necessary, and conducting humanitarian assistance/disaster response (HA/DR) operations. The U.S. Navy in recent years has taken a number of actions to counter China's naval modernization effort. Among other things, the U.S. Navy has shifted a greater percentage of its fleet to the Pacific; assigned its most-capable new ships and aircraft and its best personnel to the Pacific; maintained or increased general presence operations, training and developmental exercises, and engagement and cooperation with allied and other navies in the Indo-Pacific; increased the planned future size of the Navy; initiated, increased, or accelerated numerous programs for developing new military technologies and acquiring new ships, aircraft, unmanned vehicles, and weapons; begun development of new operational concepts (i.e., new ways to employ Navy and Marine Corps forces) for countering Chinese maritime A2/AD forces; and signaled that the Navy in coming years will shift to a more-distributed fleet architecture that will feature a smaller portion of larger ships, a larger portion of smaller ships, and a substantially greater use of unmanned vehicles. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. Navy is responding appropriately to China's naval modernization effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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KASLOVSKY, JACLYN
- American Political Science Review; May2022, Vol. 116 Issue 2, p645-661, 17p
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UNITED States senators, CONSTITUENTS (Persons), POLICY sciences, DOMESTIC travel, REPRESENTATIVE government, ELECTION districts, and ATTENTION
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Is local attention a substitute for policy representation? Fenno (1978) famously described how legislators develop personal ties with their constituents through periodic visits to their districts and carefully crafted communications. Existing work suggests that such interactions insulate incumbents electorally, creating less need to represent constituents' policy preferences. Surprisingly, this important argument has never been tested systematically. In this paper, I use data on senator travel and staffing behavior along with survey data from the 2011–2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to investigate this claim. In addition to showing that areas with important campaign donors are significantly more likely to receive resources, I find that local visits may decrease approval among ideologically opposed constituents. Furthermore, I find inconsistent evidence regarding the effectiveness of local staff. These results suggest that local attention does not always cultivate goodwill in the district. Under polarized politics, home style does not effectively substitute for policy representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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