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EXPERTISE, HIGH speed trains, ENERGY shortages, INFRASTRUCTURE funds, and REINVESTMENT

The Northeast Corridor Improvement Project aimed to upgrade the most important passenger route in the country so that it could support high-speed trains. By the early 1970s, North America's rail network had been in decline for decades. However, the energy crisis and strong congressional support prompted a policy of reinvestment. Execution of the Northeast Corridor Improvement Project was plagued with problems owing to both lack of experience delivering major rail projects and a counter-productive, complex administrative structure resulting from conflicts between Congress and the White House. The project's original scope, which was necessary to achieve high-speed operations, was reduced over time as budgetary limits were exceeded. Compared to the coeval Paris–Lyon high-speed rail project, Northeast Corridor Improvement Project history demonstrates the importance of continuous infrastructure investment to maintain the expertise necessary to effectively deliver major capital projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PARTISANSHIP, SEXUAL harassment, CITIZEN attitudes, LEGISLATIVE voting, PRACTICAL politics, PUBLIC officers, SEXUAL assault, and LEGISLATIVE hearings

Two current members of the U.S. Supreme Court took their seats despite allegations of sexual harassment (Clarence Thomas) and sexual assault (Brett Kavanaugh) leveled against them during their confirmation hearings. In each instance, the Senate vote was close and split mainly along party lines: Republicans for and Democrats against. Polls showed that a similar division existed among party supporters in the electorate. There are, however, differences among rank-and-file partisans that help shape their views on the issues raised by these two controversial appointments to the nation's highest court. Using data from a national survey of registered voters, we examine the factors associated with citizens' attitudes about the role of women in politics, the extent to which sexism is a problem in society, the recent avalanche of sexual harassment charges made against elected officials and other political (as well as entertainment, business, and academic) figures, and the #MeToo movement. We are particularly interested in whether a strong sense of partisan identity adds significantly to our understanding of people's attitudes on these matters. In addition, our experimental evidence allows us to determine whether shared partisanship overrides other factors when an elected official from one's own party is accused of sexual misbehavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PUBLIC officers and TOMBS

The present paper publishes a new, nearly complete bulla excavated in 2013 beneath Robinson's Arch in Jerusalem. It was first identified in 2019 during sifting of soil excavated from a Roman-era drainage channel. The bulla belonged to a Judahite government official, 'the One Who Is Over the House'. The excavation of this bulla validates the authenticity of several other bulla bearing the same legend and clarifies both epigraphic and biblical attestations of the title 'the One Who Is Over the House'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UNITED States senators, CONSTITUENTS (Persons), POLICY sciences, DOMESTIC travel, REPRESENTATIVE government, ELECTION districts, and ATTENTION

Is local attention a substitute for policy representation? Fenno (1978) famously described how legislators develop personal ties with their constituents through periodic visits to their districts and carefully crafted communications. Existing work suggests that such interactions insulate incumbents electorally, creating less need to represent constituents' policy preferences. Surprisingly, this important argument has never been tested systematically. In this paper, I use data on senator travel and staffing behavior along with survey data from the 2011–2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to investigate this claim. In addition to showing that areas with important campaign donors are significantly more likely to receive resources, I find that local visits may decrease approval among ideologically opposed constituents. Furthermore, I find inconsistent evidence regarding the effectiveness of local staff. These results suggest that local attention does not always cultivate goodwill in the district. Under polarized politics, home style does not effectively substitute for policy representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SOCIAL media, AUTOMATIC classification, ELECTIONS, CLASSIFICATION, POLITICAL campaigns, OFFENSIVE behavior, and VIDEO coding

Negativity in election campaign matters. To what extent can the content of social media posts provide a reliable indicator of candidates' campaign negativity? We introduce and critically assess an automated classification procedure that we trained to annotate more than 16,000 tweets of candidates competing in the 2018 Senate Midterms. The algorithm is able to identify the presence of political attacks (both in general, and specifically for character and policy attacks) and incivility. Due to the novel nature of the instrument, the article discusses the external and convergent validity of these measures. Results suggest that automated classifications are able to provide reliable measurements of campaign negativity. Triangulations with independent data show that our automatic classification is strongly associated with the experts' perceptions of the candidates' campaign. Furthermore, variations in our measures of negativity can be explained by theoretically relevant factors at the candidate and context levels (e.g., incumbency status and candidate gender); theoretically meaningful trends are also found when replicating the analysis using tweets for the 2020 Senate election, coded using the automated classifier developed for 2018. The implications of such results for the automated coding of campaign negativity in social media are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FEDERAL Rules of Evidence (U.S.), CIVIL procedure, CRIMINAL procedure, CIVIL rights, and FEDERAL laws

The Federal Rules of Evidence (FRE) rest on an unacceptably shaky constitutional foundation. Unlike other regimes of federal rulemaking-for Civil Procedure, for Criminal Procedure, and for Appellate Procedure-the FRE rulemaking process contemplated by the Rules Enabling Act is both formally and functionally defective because Congress enacted the FRE as a statute first but purports to permit the Supreme Court to revise, repeal, and amend those laws over time, operating as a kind of supercharged administrative agency with the authority to countermand congressional statutes. Formally, this system violates the constitutionally-delineated separation of powers as announced in Chadha, Clinton, and the non-delegation doctrine because it allows statutes of the United States to be effectively rewritten by the Supreme Court outside the constraints of bicameralism and presentment, requirements of Article I, Section 7. Especially in light of the Court's signals in recent terms that it may be seeking to revivify the non-delegation doctrine soon, focusing on the FRE's formal deficiencies is urgent. Yet functionalists about the separation of powers also need to condemn our current FRE rulemaking process. Functionally, the FRE rulemaking system is constitutionally suspect because it permits the Supreme Court-outside of its Article III authority to hear "cases and controversies"-to repeal and amend substantive statutes unilaterally, a power that can threaten bedrock commitments to our federalism and to our constitutional rights to the jury. The decisions about how and when to displace state law in favor of federal law and about how and when to grant powers to juries over judges cannot be vested in the Judicial Branch alone without the structural restraints of an Article III "case or controversy." The paper concludes by offering some ways to fix our evidence law and to put it on firmer footing, permitting better power-sharing and dialogue between two branches of government-Congress and the Supreme Court-that both have reasonable claims to some authority in the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

OSTEOPATHIC physicians, MEDICAL offices, MEDICAL laws & legislation, PHYSICIANS' assistants, SPECIALTY pharmacies, and ACADEMIC medical centers

Background: After Congress passed the Drug Quality and Security Act (DQSA) in 2013, new rules led to increased oversight of compounding pharmacies and also draft guidance relating to compounding in physicians' offices. Objective: To gather information from state medical board directors about the nature and frequency of reported adverse events associated with compounding in physicians' offices, and board policies regarding the regulation of such compounding. Design: Cross-sectional survey study. Participants were surveyed regarding: (1) the number of compounding-associated adverse events in physician offices; and (2) the extent to which their board implements United States Pharmacopeia (USP) standards on physician office compounding. Setting: Remote data collection at an academic medical center. Participants: Executive directors or comparable executives of state medical and osteopathic boards. Measurements: Adverse event reports associated with medications compounded in physician offices. State board rules consistent with USP compounding standards for physician offices. Results: Seventy percent of state boards (47/67) responded, with 42 complete responses analyzed. The majority (71%) of boards able to provide information on compounding errors had received no reports of these. None of the reported errors were known to have resulted in patient harm. Ninety percent of respondents had not incorporated any USP compounding standards into their regulations. Conclusion: These findings suggest that the incidence of adverse events associated with in-office compounding is low, and that this may be limiting the propensity of state medical and osteopathic boards to implement strict regulations, such as USP compounding standards, that would further restrict such compounding. Therefore, regulatory agencies and legislators would better serve their mission by reallocating resources to ensure the integrity of other aspects of the drug supply chain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PEDIATRIC neurology and EPILEPSY surgery

Epilepsia - May 2022 - Announcements Bridging Basic with Clinical Epileptology - 7: Accelerating Translation in Epilepsy Research b San Servolo (Venice), Italy https://www.ilae.org/congresses/2022-advanced-san-servolo-epilepsy-course B 23 - 25 September 2022 b B Canadian League Against Epilepsy 2022 Scientific Meeting b Kelowna, BC, Canada https://www.ilae.org/congresses/canadian-league-against-epilepsy-2022-scientific-meeting B 28 - 30 September 2022 b B 5th Swiss Federation of Clinical Neuro-Societies Congress b Basel, Switzerland https://sfcns2022.congress-imk.ch/frontend/index.php B 28 - 30 September 2022 b Cleveland Clinic Epilepsy Update and Review Course Ohio, USA & Virtual course https://www.clevelandclinicmeded.com/live/courses/EpilepsyUpdate22/ B 12 - 14 October 2022 b B 2022 ILAE British Branch Annual Scientific Meeting b Cardiff, UK https://www.ilaebritishconference.org.uk/ B 26 - 28 October 2022 b B Epilepsy Society of Australia 36th Annual Scientific Meeting b Adelaide, Australia https://www.ivvy.com.au/event/ESA2022/ B 14 - 17 December 2022 b B 12th World Congress for Neurorehabilitation b Vienna, Austria & Virtual congress https://www.wfnr-congress.org/ 2023 B 20 - 24 June 2023 b B 15th European Paediatric Neurology Society Congress (EPNS): From genome and connectome to cure b Prague, Czech Republic https://www.epns.info/epns-congress-2023/. [Extracted from the article]

GREEN movement, VOTING, THIRD parties (Politics), PRESIDENTIAL elections, and POLITICAL parties

The Wisconsin Green Party, a state affiliate of the US Green Party, is a third party in a two-party system. The US electoral system is not kind to third parties; 1949 was the last time a third party was represented in the US Congress, in the 2016 presidential election, just 1% of voters in Wisconsin voted for the Green Party candidate. Ethnographic fieldwork combined with in-depth interviews for this study finds that the policies and practices of the party may be inhibiting its efforts to grow support and improve its electoral standing. This paper details how the party operates in a narrow window of antiparty sentiment, with the emphasis on the intersection of their four core policy pillars, and party practices of 'being the message' serving to deter their two likeliest sources of new support; the logic of constituency representation given primacy over electoral competition. These issues, though currently acting as constraints on the party, potentially however also afford long-term opportunity for the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PRESIDENTIAL system, LEGISLATIVE voting, VOTING, COMMITTEE reports, PARTISANSHIP, CONFLICT of interests, and IDEOLOGY

Why do legislators switch their votes between the committee and floor stages in multiparty presidential systems? The literature on the US Congress has argued that switches are conditional on cross‐cutting pressures by competing principals (i.e., party leaders and interest groups), partisanship, electoral competitiveness, ideology, seniority, and informational updates. This article argues that unlike in the US two‐party system, in multiparty systems electoral competitiveness increases the likelihood of switching. Additionally, the practice of switching is more likely for legislators whose competing principals are leaders with conflicting electoral interests. We test these hypotheses analyzing vote switches between committee reports and roll‐call votes in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies. Our results indicate that legislative vote switching indeed behaves differently in multiparty than in a two‐party presidential system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FOOD labeling, INTERNET stores, CONSUMER behavior, INTERNET sales, FRUIT drinks, and GOVERNMENT agencies

Objective: The rapid growth in web-based grocery food purchasing has outpaced federal regulatory attention to the online provision of nutrition and allergen information historically required on food product labels. We sought to characterise the extent and variability that online retailers disclose required and regulated information and identify the legal authorities for the federal government to require online food retailers to disclose such information. Design: We performed a limited scan of ten products across nine national online retailers and conducted legal research using LexisNexis to analyse federal regulatory agencies' authorities. Setting: USA. Participants: N/A. Results: The scan of products revealed that required information (Nutrition Facts Panels, ingredient lists, common food allergens and per cent juice for fruit drinks) was present, conspicuous and legible for an average of only 36·5 % of the products surveyed, ranging from 11·4 % for potential allergens to 54·2 % for ingredients lists. More commonly, voluntary nutrition-related claims were prominently and conspicuously displayed (63·5 % across retailers and products). Our legal examination found that the Food and Drug Administration, Federal Trade Commission and United States Department of Agriculture have existing regulatory authority over labelling, online sales and advertising, and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Programme retailers that can be utilised to address deficiencies in the provision of required information in the online food retail environment. Conclusions: Information regularly provided to consumers in conventional settings is not being uniformly provided online. Congress or the federal agencies can require online food retailers disclose required nutrition and allergen information to support health, nutrition, equity and informed consumer decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SARS-CoV-2 Omicron variant, HARASSMENT, and OYSTERS

LUNAR SCIENCE Europe quits Russian Moon missions The European Space Agency (ESA) announced last week it will stop partnerships with Russia on three upcoming Moon missions because of the war in Ukraine. TOXICOLOGY EPA ups formaldehyde warning A long-delayed assessment of the health effects of formaldehyde has concluded that the widely used chemical poses a greater cancer risk than had been estimated, which could lead to greater regulation. A draft assessment 12 years ago by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) that linked formaldehyde exposure to an increased risk of leukemia and other cancers drew objections from members of Congress and industry representatives, who maintain that products containing formaldehyde are safe. [Extracted from the article]

PRISONERS, PREGNANT women, SOCIAL justice, GOVERNMENT policy, and REFLECTION (Philosophy)

In the last five decades, the number of women behind bars in the United States has risen exponentially. It is now estimated that there are nearly 58,000 admissions of pregnant people—disproportionately women of color—to jails and prisons each year. Recognizing the urgency and consequences of mass incarceration on pregnant people, their families, and communities, House Resolution 948: Justice for Incarcerated Moms Act of 2021 was introduced to Congress as a part of the Black Maternal Health Momnibus. The Justice for Incarcerated Moms Act aims to improve health care and promote dignity for incarcerated pregnant and parenting people through an array of policies and oversight. In this article, we review and reflect on the components of this bill within their broader public health and reproductive justice contexts. We close with recommendations for policymakers and professionals committed to promoting equity and justice for pregnant and postpartum incarcerated people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]