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Guo, Baogang
- Journal of Chinese Political Science; Sep2022, Vol. 27 Issue 3, p543-565, 23p
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POLITICAL science, ACTIVISM, PRESIDENTIAL administrations, HISTORICAL analysis, CONTENT analysis, and CHINA-United States relations
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The Sino-U.S. relations tumbled during the Trump Administration. The talk of decoupling permeated the decision-making circle in Washington D.C. Many factors have contributed to the free fall. The roles Congress has played are undoubtedly one of them. Based on the new institutionalist approach, this study provides three analyses of recent China-related legislative activities. First, the historical analysis of legislative data illustrates a surge in congressional activism on China-related legislative activities. Second, the content analysis reveals some of the triggers in the deterioration of bilateral relations in recent years. Third, the political analysis of the critical congressional players and the structures and procedures Congress created provides some insight into the domestic and political logic of the congressional crusade against China. Finally, the paper ends with assessing the impact of the surge in Congressional activism on the new Biden Administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Ban, Pamela, Grimmer, Justin, Kaslovsky, Jaclyn, and West, Emily
- Quarterly Journal of Political Science; 2022, Vol. 17 Issue 3, p355-387, 33p
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CONGRESSIONAL hearings (U.S.), DELIBERATION, SOCIAL groups, WOMEN legislators, and PARTICIPATION
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The rising number of women in Congress changes deliberation. Using committee hearing transcripts from 1995 to 2017, we analyze how the gender composition of committees affects group dynamics in committee hearings. While we find limited evidence that increasing proportions of women affects women's participation, we find that discussion norms within committees change significantly in the presence of more women. Namely, interruptions decrease when there are more women on the committee; with higher proportions of women, men are less likely to interrupt others. Furthermore, committee members are more likely to engage and stay on the same topics in the presence of more women, suggesting a shift in norms toward more in-depth exchange. Overall, our results show that increasing the proportion of women changes discussion dynamics within Congress by shifting norms away from interruptions and one-sided talk in committees, thereby shifting group norms that govern decision-making during an important policy-making stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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McMillion, Barry J.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 10/3/2022, p1-4, 4p
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JUDICIAL selection & appointment, UNITED States district courts, and CIRCUIT courts
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The article provides information and analysis related to the number of U.S. circuit and district court nominees confirmed by the Senate during lame duck sessions of Congress from 1940 to 2021. It mentions that out of the 22 lame duck sessions during which the Senate was in session, U.S. circuit and/or district court nominations were confirmed in 16 including John Patrick Hartigan, and Louis Earl Goodman.
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CHAPPELL, JOHN RAMMING
- National Security Law Brief; 2022, Vol. 12 Issue 2, p45-82, 38p
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PRESIDENTS of the United States, AGGRESSION (International law), NUCLEAR weapons, WAR powers, EXCLUSIVE & concurrent legislative powers, and WAR of 1812
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This article argues that Congress can exercise its constitutional war powers to enact a law restricting the President from using nuclear weapons first. The article contends that using a nuclear weapon is qualitatively different from conventional warfare and that the first use of nuclear weapons marks a decision to enter into war. Therefore, nuclear first use is not a battlefield decision within the President's commander in chief power but rather a choice to enter the United States into a new type of conflict that could pose a direct, immediate, and existential threat to the U.S. homeland. Regulating that decision falls under Congress's exclusive war powers. Congress can limit its authorizations of war and prohibit military actions beyond its authorization. Therefore, Congress could stipulate that its war authorizations extend only to conventional hostilities unless Congress expressly authorizes the first use of nuclear weapons. Using its authority to limit authorizations of for the use of military force, Congress can enact a no-first-use law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Lin, Gang, Zhou, Wenxing, and Wu, Weixu
- Journal of Contemporary China; Jul2022, Vol. 31 Issue 136, p609-625, 17p, 5 Charts, 1 Graph
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QUANTITATIVE research, CHINA-United States relations, LEGISLATION, ACTIVISM, and GOVERNMENTALITY
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Through a quantitative analysis of Taiwan–related legislation between 1979 and 2020, the article finds that the degree of Taiwan–related legislation is significantly correlated with the degree of tension in U.S.—China relations. While a deteriorating cross–Taiwan Strait relationship is clearly associated with the increasing legislative activities for the sake of Taiwan, an improving relationship from the state of fair to good cannot guarantee a decrease of such activities. A unified government and the extent of the Taiwan lobby are both helpful in passing pro–Taiwan acts but statistically insignificant. A content analysis of pro–Taiwan bills approved by the Trump administration suggests a creeping movement to "normalize" U.S–Taiwan relations with congressional activism and the less-restrained White House as a co–engine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Hudiburg, Jane A.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 11/8/2022, Preceding p1-29, 31p
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LAME duck sessions (Political science), CONSTITUTIONAL amendments, ADJOURNMENT (Law), POCKET veto, and UNITED States presidential elections
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A “lame duck” session of Congress occurs whenever one Congress meets after its successor is elected but before the end of its own constitutional term. Under present conditions, any meeting of Congress between election day in November and the following January 3 is a lame duck session. Prior to 1933, when the Twentieth Amendment changed the dates of the congressional term, the last regular session of Congress was always a lame duck session. Today, however, the expression is primarily used for any portion of a regular session that falls after an election. Congress has held 23 lame duck sessions since the implementation of the Twentieth Amendment. From the first modern lame duck session in 1940 to 1998, the sessions occurred sporadically. Beginning in 2000, both houses of Congress have held a lame duck session following every election. In this report, the data presentation is separate for the sporadic period (76th -105th Congresses) and the consistent period (106th -present) in order to identify past and emerging trends. Lame duck sessions can occur in several ways. Either chamber or both chambers may (1) provide for an existing session to resume after a recess spanning the election; (2) continue meeting in intermittent, or pro forma, sessions during the period spanning the election; or (3) reconvene after an election pursuant to contingent authority granted to the leadership in a recess or adjournment resolution. Two other possibilities have not occurred: (4) Congress could set a statutory date for a new session to convene after the election, then adjourn its existing session sine die; and (5) while Congress is in recess or sine die adjournment, the President could call it into extraordinary session at a date after the election. During both the sporadic and the consistent periods, election breaks have usually begun by midOctober and spanned between one and two months with Congress reconvening, usually, in midNovember. Until the 110th Congress (2007-2008), Congress most often adjourned before Christmas so that the lame duck session lasted about a month. Beginning in 2008, however, a new pattern emerged with both the House and Senate most often adjourning in January. In six of the past seven Congresses, lame duck sessions have continued into the new year, producing later adjournments, longer sessions, and more days convened in daily sessions. Lame duck sessions have been held for a variety of reasons. Their primary purpose is to complete action on legislation. However, they have also been used to prevent recess appointments and pocket vetoes, to consider motions of censure or impeachment, or to keep Congress assembled on a standby basis. In recent years, most lame duck sessions have focused on program authorizations and appropriations legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Holt, Daniel S.
- Tocqueville Review -- La Revue Tocqueville; 2022, Vol. 43 Issue 2, p115-144, 30p
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POLITICAL development, BUREAUCRACY, DEMOCRACY, and POLITICAL systems
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The institutional history of the United States Congress has lagged in recent decades as historians of American political development have focused on the history of administration and defined the state in terms of the autonomy of bureaucratic government institutions. In this article, I argue that the history of both Congress and the American state would benefit from analyzing Congress as an institution of the democratic state—an ongoing historical project in which the American people and their representatives in Congress have shaped American democracy and the creation, evolution, and administration of the American state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Egerod, Benjamin C. K.
- Political Science Research & Methods; Oct2022, Vol. 10 Issue 4, p722-738, 17p
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PRIVATE sector, OPPORTUNITY costs, LEGISLATORS, LOBBYISTS, and UNITED States senators
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Does the potential for a successful private sector career induce legislators to leave office? How does this affect the representation voters receive? I show that when former US senators—who now work as lobbyists—become more successful, currently serving senators with similar characteristics are more likely to take private sector employment. I replicate all results on data from the House. A number of tests suggest that senators react to the opportunity costs of holding office. Investigating selection effects, I find that legislative specialists are attracted the most in the Senate. Preliminary evidence suggests that the least wealthy respond most strongly in the House. This suggests that the revolving door shapes the skill set of legislators and the representation voters receive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Natow, Rebecca S.
- Review of Higher Education; Fall2022, Vol. 46 Issue 1, p1-32, 32p
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HIGHER education, EDUCATION policy, LEADERSHIP, and NEGOTIATION
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It has become increasingly difficult for the two major parties in Congress to reach agreement on major higher education legislation. As a result, the Higher Education Act is long overdue for reauthorization. Congressional stalemates on higher education legislation are not conducive to effective and productive governance in this important area of federal policy. The purpose of this comparative case study is to understand why some federal higher education legislative bills are successfully enacted while others, including some with bipartisan support, are not. Through the lens of negotiation theory, this study examines six federal higher education bills in order to understand the common characteristics of successfully enacted legislation and the common characteristics of unenacted legislation. Data sources include interviews with 28 policy actors and analysis of documents relevant to each case-study bill. [End Page 1] Findings from this study illuminate factors that make the passage of federal higher education bills more likely, including leadership and presidential priorities, cost savings, noncontroversial issues involving sympathetic policy beneficiaries, urgency, favorable congressional rules, support from the higher education lobby, and avoidance of political victories for the opposing party. Understanding how and why Congress members reach agreements on legislation may help forge a pathway toward more effective legislating in the higher education policy arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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- Political Intelligence Briefing; 10/30/2022, p37-42, 6p
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UNITED States elections, UNITED States politics & government, and REPUBLICANS
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The article discusses the Midterm congressional elections to be held on November 8, 2022 in the U.S. Topics include the decision on the composition of the upper and lower chamber of the bicameral Congress, Republicans' aim to regain control of the Congress, and the likely defeat of Democrats due to rising inflation and President Joe Biden's low job approval ratings.
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McHugh, Kelly A.
- Democracy & Security; Jul-Sep2022, Vol. 18 Issue 3, p228-262, 35p
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WAR, AERIAL bombing, PRESIDENTIAL administrations, WAR powers, ACTIVISM, DRONE warfare, and UNITED States presidential election, 2020
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During his four years in office, Congress made historic challenges to President Donald Trump's authority as Commander in Chief, twice invoking the 1973 War Powers Resolution. The first resolution, passed in 2019, expressed disapproval of the U.S.' logistical and material support for Saudi Arabia's campaign against the Houthi rebel movement in Yemen. The second challenge occurred in 2020 after Trump authorized a drone strike that killed Iranian Major General Qassam Soleimani. In response, Congress passed a WPR that stipulated that any future military action against the regime would require express legislative authorization. Using a case study approach, this essay examines why Congress chose to employ the WPR as a policy tool after decades of dormancy. Ultimately, I argue that a confluence of factors compelled majorities in both chambers of Congress to use the War Powers Resolution to make a powerful rebuke of the administration's policy. Drawing on a wealth of existing literature about the factors that impede or compel Congressional activism in use-of-force debates, I find that in both cases, members of Congress faced strong moral, legal, and strategic incentives to act, with few attendant political risks. As such, while the passage of two wars powers resolutions represented an important milestone in interbranch relations, it likely does not presage a new era of Congressional assertiveness in war powers. Keywords: U.S. foreign policy; Donald Trump; Congress [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Billington, Mike
- Executive Intelligence Review; 5/6/2022, Vol. 49 Issue 18, p33-40, 8p
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BELT & Road Initiative, GREEN New Deal (United States), VETERANS, POLITICAL parties, and REPUBLICANS
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Ladewig, Jeffrey W.
- Political Research Quarterly; Sep2021, Vol. 74 Issue 3, p599-614, 16p
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INCOME inequality, PARTISANSHIP, and UNITED States legislators
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Over the past twenty years, there has been much discussion about two of the most important recent trends in American politics: the increase in income inequality in the United States and the increase in ideological and partisan polarization, particularly in the U.S. House. These two national-level trends are commonly thought to be positively related. But, there are few tested theoretical connections between them, and it is potentially problematic to infer individual-level behavior from these aggregate-level trends. In fact, an examination of the literature reveals, at least, three different theoretical outcomes for district-level income inequality on voter and congressional ideological positions. I explore these district-level theoretical and empirical possibilities as well as test them over decades with three different measures of income inequality. I argue and demonstrate that higher district levels of income inequality are related to higher levels of ideological liberalism in the U.S. House. This stands in contrast to the national-level trends, but it tracks closely to traditional understandings of congressional behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Bolger, Daniel, Thomson, Robert, and Ecklund, Elaine Howard
- Social Science Quarterly (Wiley-Blackwell); Jan2021, Vol. 102 Issue 1, p324-342, 19p, 3 Charts
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SOCIOCULTURAL factors, UNITED States presidential election, 2016, POLITICAL campaigns, and UNITED States politics & government, 2017-2021
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Objectives: The political discourse surrounding the 2016 U.S. presidential election highlighted discontent with both Congress and corporations, a reality corroborated in recent scholarship highlighting declines in institutional confidence among U.S. citizens. Here we test theories of institutional confidence to understand the social and cultural determinants of confidence in Congress and corporations prior to the start of the 2016 presidential campaigns. Methods: We draw on data from the Religious Understandings of Science Survey, a nationally representative survey conducted in 2013–2014 (N = 9,416). Results: We find that political ideology largely explained confidence in corporations while social location (particularly racial‐ethnic identity and gender) strongly related to confidence in Congress. Seemingly opposing factors converged to predict trust in both institutions. Conclusions: Institutional confidence is shaped not only by social and cultural factors but also by the symbolic functions of institutions themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Hudiburg, Jane A.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 3/21/2022, preceding p1-12, 15p
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MUNICIPAL government, COMMISSIONERS, and STATEHOOD (American politics)
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Delegates, representing territories that had not yet achieved statehood, have served in the House since the late 1700s. In the 20th century, the concept of delegate grew to include representation of territories where the United States exercises some degree of control but were not expected to become states. In the 117th Congress (2021-2022), the U.S. insular areas of American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, the Virgin Islands, and the federal municipality of the District of Columbia are each represented in Congress by a delegate to the House of Representatives. In addition, Puerto Rico is represented by a resident commissioner, whose position is treated the same as a delegate. This report provides historical background on the development of the position of delegate to Congress and on the rights of a delegate once seated. The Constitution makes no provision for territorial representation, and early laws providing for territorial delegates to Congress did not specify the duties, privileges, and obligations of these representatives. It was left to the House and the delegates themselves to define their role. On January 13, 1795, the House took an important step toward establishing the functions of delegates when it appointed James White, the first territorial representative, to membership on a select committee. In subsequent years, delegates continued to serve on select committees as well as on conference committees. The first assignment of a delegate to a standing committee occurred under a House rule in 1871, which gave delegates places as additional members on two standing committees. In these committees, the delegates exercised the same powers and privileges as they did in the House; that is, they could debate but not vote. In the 1970s, delegates gained the right to be elected to standing committees (in the same manner as Members of the House) and to exercise in those committees the same powers and privileges as Members of the House, including the right to vote. Today, delegates enjoy powers, rights, and responsibilities identical, in most respects, to those of House Members from the states. Like these Members, delegates can speak, introduce bills and resolutions, and offer amendments on the House floor; they can speak, offer amendments, and vote in House committees. Under the rules of the 117th Congress (2021-2022), delegates may not vote in House floor sessions or preside over them. However, they may preside over the Committee of the Whole and vote in those sessions. This report will be updated as events warrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Юрьевна, Спутницкая Нина and Федорович, Казючиц Максим
- Art & Culture Studies / Hudozestvennaa Kul'tura; 2022, Issue 2, p106-137, 32p
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DOCUMENTARY films, TELEVISION programs, INVESTIGATIVE reporting, TELEVISION series, SCIENTIFIC community, and SOCIAL networks
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Copyright of Art & Culture Studies / Hudozestvennaa Kul'tura is the property of Editorial Board of Journal Art & Culture Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
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Collins-Chase, Edward J.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 12/20/2022, Preceding p1-32, 35p
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Arcadi, Teal
- Modern American History; Mar2022, Vol. 5 Issue 1, p53-77, 25p
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PARTISANSHIP, EXPRESS highways, PUBLIC works, BANK loans, INFRASTRUCTURE (Economics), and UNITED States history
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In the mid-1950s, the Eisenhower administration and Congress erupted in a sharp partisan debate over how to pay for the novel National System of Interstate and Defense Highways, slated to become the most expensive and expansive public works project in United States history. Republicans advocated for interest-bearing bonded debt borrowed from banks, while Democrats preferred to avoid debt service costs and apply a direct tax-and-pave approach to the enormous state building project. The chosen fiduciary practices promised to be as permanent as the physical infrastructure they paid to construct and maintain. Consequently, the fraught episode saw the two parties contest not only transportation infrastructure and the capital supply upon which it depended, but indeed the very nature and future of American political economy. When the tax-and-pave approach prevailed, it saved taxpayers interest costs, but came with its own perilous consequences as it set near-limitless development in motion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Sekar, Kavya, Bodie, Agata, Cornell, Ada S., Duff, Johnathan H., Heisler, Elayne J., and Nicchitta, Isaac A.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 8/3/2021, preceding p1-38, 42p
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COVID-19 pandemic, FEDERAL aid to public health, SOCIAL services, and CORONAVIRUS Aid, Relief, & Economic Security Act (U.S.)
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The article discusses the U.S. Congressional Research Service report which summarizes COVID-19 supplemental funding for the public health service agencies and to Public Health and Social Services Emergency Fund in the 116th Congress.. It mentions that supplemental spending provides supplemental appropriations measures including Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act, Families First Coronavirus Response Act, and Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021.
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Bachman, Jeffrey S.
- International Journal of Human Rights; Oct2022, Vol. 26 Issue 8, p1353-1373, 21p
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PARTISANSHIP, WAR, DEMOCRATS (United States), PRESIDENTIAL administrations, WAR crimes, SOCIAL media, and ASSASSINATION
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Since March 2015, a coalition of states led by Saudi Arabia has been engaged in an armed conflict in Yemen. By the end of September 2018, and prior to the assassination of Jamal Khashoggi, the conflict had been ongoing for an equal 21 months under the Obama and Trump administrations. During this 42-month period, US support for the Coalition was largely consistent in terms of the material and logistical aid provided, despite well-documented war crimes and a humanitarian crisis in Yemen. Nonetheless, Congressional Democratic positions on US support for the Coalition shifted following the political transition from Obama to Trump. Through an analysis of congressional resolutions and social media engagement, it is argued that political interests rather than ideological preferences were the primary source of Democratic positions on US support for the Coalition in Yemen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Feickert, Andrew
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 8/30/2022, Preceding p1-34, 38p
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ARMED Forces, COUNTERTERRORISM, and DETERRENCE (Military strategy)
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The article focuses on the U.S. Ground Forces in the Indo-Pacific and strategic emphasis was placed largely on global counterterrorism, primarily focused on U.S. Central Command's (USCENTCOM's) and later U.S. Africa Command's (USAFRICOM's) areas of operation. It mentions Pacific Deterrence Initiative (PDI), created by the FY2021 National Defense Authorization Act with congressional involvement in regional security efforts and U.S. ground forces execution of regional wartime missions.
22. Housing Issues in the 117th Congress. [2022]
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Jones, Katie, Carpenter, David H., Getter, Darryl E., Horn, Diane P., Jaroscak, Joseph V., McCarty, Maggie, Perl, Libby, Webster, Elizabeth M., and Weinstock, Lida R.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 4/15/2022, preceding p1-40, 43p
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HOUSING, AMERICAN Rescue Plan Act of 2021 (U.S.), COVID-19 pandemic, and HOMELESSNESS
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The article discusses the housing challenges presented by the COVID-19 pandemic continued to be a primary concern in the U.S. 117th Congress. It mentions Congress passed the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, a wide-ranging pandemic relief and response law that included funding for several new and existing housing programs to help address the effects of the pandemic, including funding for rental assistance, homeowner assistance, and homelessness assistance.
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McMillion, Barry J.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 3/26/2021, p1-4, 4p
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JUDICIAL selection & appointment, CIRCUIT courts, DISTRICT courts, UNITED States appellate courts, and LEGISLATIVE power
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The article presents the recommendations by the 117th Congress' Judicial Conference of the U.S. for new circuit and district court judgeships as of March 2021. Topics include the congressional authority to authorize permanent and temporary judgeships, the increase in the number of judgeships due to population growth and geographic boundary expansions, and the recommended addition of two permanent judgeships for the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.
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KAMIŃSKI, MARIUSZ A.
- Przeglad Sejmowy; 2020, Vol. 160 Issue 5, p35-54, 20p
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SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001, UNITED States legislators, COUPS d'etat, INTELLIGENCE service, ASSASSINATION, and BLACK feminism
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Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
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O'Rourke, Ronald
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 6/1/2021, preceding p1-52, 56p
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MILITARY modernization (Equipment), MILITARY supplies, ARMS race, SEA power (Military science), and CHINA-United States relations
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In an era of renewed great power competition, China's military modernization effort, including its naval modernization effort, has become the top focus of U.S. defense planning and budgeting. China's navy, which China has been steadily modernizing for more than 25 years, since the early to mid-1990s, has become a formidable military force within China's near-seas region, and it is conducting a growing number of operations in more-distant waters, including the broader waters of the Western Pacific, the Indian Ocean, and waters around Europe. China's navy is viewed as posing a major challenge to the U.S. Navy's ability to achieve and maintain wartime control of blue-water ocean areas in the Western Pacific-the first such challenge the U.S. Navy has faced since the end of the Cold War. China's navy forms a key element of a Chinese challenge to the long-standing status of the United States as the leading military power in the Western Pacific. Some U.S. observers are expressing concern or alarm regarding the pace of China's naval shipbuilding effort and resulting trend lines regarding the relative sizes and capabilities of China's navy and the U.S. Navy. China's naval modernization effort encompasses a wide array of ship, aircraft, and weapon acquisition programs, as well as improvements in maintenance and logistics, doctrine, personnel quality, education and training, and exercises. China's navy has currently has certain limitations and weaknesses, and is working to overcome them. China's military modernization effort, including its naval modernization effort, is assessed as being aimed at developing capabilities for addressing the situation with Taiwan militarily, if need be; for achieving a greater degree of control or domination over China's near-seas region, particularly the South China Sea; for enforcing China's view that it has the right to regulate foreign military activities in its 200-mile maritime exclusive economic zone (EEZ); for defending China's commercial sea lines of communication (SLOCs), particularly those linking China to the Persian Gulf; for displacing U.S. influence in the Western Pacific; and for asserting China's status as the leading regional power and a major world power. Consistent with these goals, observers believe China wants its navy to be capable of acting as part of a Chinese anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) force-a force that can deter U.S. intervention in a conflict in China's near-seas region over Taiwan or some other issue, or failing that, delay the arrival or reduce the effectiveness of intervening U.S. forces. Additional missions for China's navy include conducting maritime security (including antipiracy) operations, evacuating Chinese nationals from foreign countries when necessary, and conducting humanitarian assistance/disaster response (HA/DR) operations. The U.S. Navy in recent years has taken a number of actions to counter China's naval modernization effort. Among other things, the U.S. Navy has shifted a greater percentage of its fleet to the Pacific; assigned its most-capable new ships and aircraft and its best personnel to the Pacific; maintained or increased general presence operations, training and developmental exercises, and engagement and cooperation with allied and other navies in the Indo-Pacific; increased the planned future size of the Navy; initiated, increased, or accelerated numerous programs for developing new military technologies and acquiring new ships, aircraft, unmanned vehicles, and weapons; begun development of new operational concepts (i.e., new ways to employ Navy and Marine Corps forces) for countering Chinese maritime A2/AD forces; and signaled that the Navy in coming years will shift to a more-distributed fleet architecture that will feature a smaller portion of larger ships, a larger portion of smaller ships, and a substantially greater use of unmanned vehicles. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. Navy is responding appropriately to China's naval modernization effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
26. Media Attention and Strategic Timing in Politics: Evidence from U.S. Presidential Executive Orders. [2022]
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Djourelova, Milena and Durante, Ruben
- American Journal of Political Science (John Wiley & Sons, Inc.); Oct2022, Vol. 66 Issue 4, p813-834, 22p
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EXECUTIVE orders, PRESIDENTS of the United States, MASS media & politics, GOVERNMENT policy, and DIVIDED government
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Do politicians tend to adopt unpopular policies when the media and the public are distracted by other events? We examine this question by analyzing the timing of executive orders signed by U.S. presidents over the past four decades. We find robust evidence that executive orders are more likely to be signed on the eve of days when the news is dominated by other important stories that can crowd out coverage of executive orders. This relationship only holds in periods of divided government when unilateral presidential actions are more likely to be criticized by Congress. The effect is driven by executive orders that are more likely to make the news and to attract negative publicity, particularly those on topics on which president and Congress disagree. Finally, the timing of executive orders appears to be related to predictable news but not unpredictable ones, which suggests it results from a deliberate and forward‐looking PR strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Lee, Jongkon
- Policy Studies; May-Jul2022, Vol. 43 Issue 4, p659-675, 17p, 2 Charts, 1 Graph
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GENDER, WOMEN legislators, WOMEN'S rights, VIOLENCE against women, and ABORTION laws
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As critical mass theorists have argued, the number of female legislators is important in the enactment of gender-status laws. Female legislators share strong beliefs on women's rights and have easily coordinated their legislative activities on gender issues. In addition, their strong coordination and consequent political influence have often allowed them to form a legislative majority by influencing male legislators. Gender policies, however, are frequently associated with non-gender policy dimensions on which female legislators tend to have different ideas. Thus, when a gender issue is interpreted in terms of a conspicuous non-gender policy dimension, critical mass theory may not work properly; the heterogeneity of female legislators regarding non-gender policy dimensions can weaken their legislative coordination, thereby hampering gender-status lawmaking. This article examines these propositions by reviewing the legislative histories of violence against women and the legality of abortion in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
28. Wins in Congress. [2023]
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VANDEN HEUVEL, KATRINA
- Nation; 1/23/2023, Vol. 316 Issue 2, p6-6, 1p
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BALLOTS, DEMOCRATS (United States), VOTER turnout, POOR people, SHOOTINGS (Crime), YOUNG adults, PRIMARIES, and CHILDREN of immigrants
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Within the CPC itself, Greg Casar of Texas was elected whip, the caucus's third-highest position. COMMENT EVEN IN THE A WHILE HISTORIC HOUSE GIVING cohort of republicans Representatives, of insurgent a narrow voters progressive margin elected newcomers, adding at least 11 new members to the Congressional Progressive Caucus. They are also bolstered by a growing progressive electoral infrastructure: Our Revolution, the Working Families Party, MoveOn, Indivisible, People's Action, the Progressive Congress Campaign Committee, and the CPC PAC, among others. [Extracted from the article]
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Plier, Austin
- William & Mary Law Review; 2020, Vol. 61 Issue 6, p1719-1758, 40p
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UNITED States Congressional elections, RACIAL minorities, and LEGAL status of voters
- Abstract
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The author comments on the single-member district mandate for U.S. House of Representatives elections that was enacted by the Congress in 1967. Topics covered include the Congress' intentions for enacting the law including the representation of racial minority communities in the House, the law's unintended consequences on the political process, and the implications for the First Amendment political association rights of voters.
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Gagliarducci, Stefano and Paserman, M Daniele
- Economic Journal; Jan2022, Vol. 132 Issue 641, p218-257, 40p, 13 Charts, 5 Graphs
- Subjects
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BIPARTISANSHIP and GENDER
- Abstract
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This paper uses data on bill co-sponsorship in the U.S. House of Representatives to estimate gender differences in cooperative behaviour. We find that among Democrats there is no significant gender gap in the number of co-sponsors recruited, but women-sponsored bills tend to have fewer co-sponsors from the opposite party. On the other hand, we find robust evidence that Republican women recruit more co-sponsors and attract more bipartisan support on the bills that they sponsor. We interpret these results as evidence that cooperation is mostly driven by a commonality of interest, rather than gender per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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O'Rourke, Ronald
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 1/19/2021, preceding p1-53, 56p
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FOREIGN relations of the United States, LEADERSHIP, MILITARY readiness, INTERNATIONAL relations, INTERNATIONAL security, COVID-19 pandemic, and CHINA-United States relations
- Abstract
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The article discusses the background of the U.S. role in the world and its implication for the Congress. Topics discussed include the elements of the traditional U.S. role such as global leadership and defense and promotion of the liberal international order, attribution of some of the changes in U.S. foreign policy to changes in the international security environment, and the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on the U.S. role in the world in the area of strategic competition with China.
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Maher, Thomas V., Seguin, Charles, Zhang, Yongjun, and Davis, Andrew P.
- PLoS ONE; 3/25/2020, Vol. 15 Issue 3, p1-13, 13p
- Subjects
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SOCIAL scientists, POLITICAL scientists, CIVIL service positions, CONGRESSIONAL hearings (U.S.), and RESEARCH institutes
- Abstract
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Congressional hearings are a venue in which social scientists present their views and analyses before lawmakers in the United States, however quantitative data on their representation has been lacking. We present new, publicly available, data on the rates at which anthropologists, economists, political scientists, psychologists, and sociologists appeared before United States congressional hearings from 1946 through 2016. We show that social scientists were present at some 10,347 hearings and testified 15,506 times. Economists testify before the US Congress far more often than other social scientists, and constitute a larger proportion of the social scientists testifying in industry and government positions. We find that social scientists' testimony is increasingly on behalf of think tanks; political scientists, in particular, have gained much more representation through think tanks. Sociology, and psychology's representation before Congress has declined considerably beginning in the 1980s. Anthropologists were the least represented. These findings show that academics are representing a more diverse set of organizations, but economists continue to be far more represented than other disciplines before the US Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Petersen, R. Eric
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 2/15/2022, preceding p1-6, 8p
- Subjects
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UNITED States senators, UNITED States legislators, LEGISLATION, and COMMUNICATION
- Abstract
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The article provides an overview of roles and duties of the U.S. Member of Congress. It mentions the U.S. Constitution establishes qualifications for Representatives and Senators, but it is silent about the roles and duties of an individual Member of Congress, and the roles and duties carried out by a Member of Congress are understood to include representation, legislation, and constituent service and communication, as well as electoral activities.
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Sullivan, Mark P.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 1/22/2021, preceding p1-82, 82p
- Subjects
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CUBA-United States relations, ECONOMIC sanctions, TRAVEL restrictions, and COVID-19 pandemic
- Abstract
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The article discusses the U.S. policy on Cuba during the presidency of U.S. President Donald Trump. Topics covered include an active role played by Congress in shaping policy toward Cuba, the economic sanctions introduced by Trump, and the U.S. restrictions on travel and remittances. Also discussed is the economic conditions in Cuba amid the Covid-19 pandemic.
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Guber, Deborah Lynn, Bohr, Jeremiah, and Dunlap, Riley E.
- Environmental Politics; Jun2021, Vol. 30 Issue 4, p538-558, 21p, 1 Diagram, 1 Chart, 5 Graphs
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CLIMATE change & politics, UNITED States climate change policy, CLIMATE change skepticism, POLARIZATION (Social sciences), PARTISANSHIP, ENVIRONMENTAL policy, and UNITED States politics & government
- Abstract
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Scholars who study the failure of climate change policy in the United States tend to focus on the mechanics of denial and the coordinated efforts of political operatives, conservative think tanks, and partisan news outlets to cast doubt on what has become overwhelming scientific consensus. In contrast, we address a factor that has been understudied until now – the role of climate change advocacy in the U.S. Congress. Using quantitative text analysis on a corpus of floor speeches published in the Congressional Record between 1996 and 2015, we find notable differences in the language partisans use. Democrats communicate in ways that are message-based, emphasizing the weight of scientific evidence, while Republicans tend towards a softer, cue-based narrative based on anecdotes and storytelling. We end with a discussion of what climate change advocates can hope to accomplish through the 'politics of talk,' especially in an age of heightened polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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36. Elections and Policy Responsiveness: Evidence from Environmental Voting in the U.S. Congress. [2020]
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McAlexander, Richard J. and Urpelainen, Johannes
- Review of Policy Research; Jan2020, Vol. 37 Issue 1, p39-63, 25p, 4 Charts, 3 Graphs
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ENVIRONMENTAL policy, UNITED States elections, VOTING, and LEGISLATORS
- Abstract
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Copyright of Review of Policy Research is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
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Straus, Jacob R.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 12/20/2021, preceding p1-28, 31p
- Subjects
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COVID-19 pandemic, UNITED States economy, COVID-19, and LEGISLATION drafting
- Abstract
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The article looks at a report provides a comparative analysis of six congressional advisory commissions proposed in the 117th Congress that would investigate various aspects of the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak, governmental responses, governmental pandemic preparedness, and the virus's impact on the U.S. economy and society. It mentions Congress with a high-visibility forum to assemble expertise that might not exist within the legislative environment.
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Kraśnicka, Izabela
- Przeglad Sejmowy; 2022, Vol. 169 Issue 2, p85-108, 24p
- Subjects
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POLITICAL systems, CONGRESSIONAL hearings (U.S.), IMPEACHMENTS, IMPEACHMENT of presidents, BALANCE of power, INCUMBENCY (Public officers), and CONSTITUTIONAL history
- Abstract
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Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Full text View on content provider's site
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Baik, Jeeyun
- Information, Communication & Society; Jul2022, Vol. 25 Issue 9, p1211-1228, 18p
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RIGHT of privacy, PRIVACY, CONGRESSIONAL hearings (U.S.), FORUMS, GOVERNMENT corporations, DISCOURSE analysis, and PUBLIC spaces
- Abstract
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This study explores how emerging US data privacy regulations are discussed at state and federal levels, examining Twitter discourse around Senate public hearings on data privacy and public forums on the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA). The recent legal steps reflect growing public outcry over corporate data misuses and lack of appropriate legislation. The findings suggest that the issue public of Twitter users in this study largely considered corporations and the government as untrustworthy actors for privacy legislation. The political distrust was raising doubts over regulatory capture and if a future US federal privacy law will be weaker than state laws (e.g., CCPA) while overriding them. The study explores implications of the findings on the current deadlock over the state preemption clause in developing a comprehensive federal privacy law. I argue that the emerging regulatory efforts on data privacy may not be effective unless the public trust in institutions is regained in the US and that the continuing absence of a federal law amid the political distrust can leave people with limited individual privacy strategies as a result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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40. A Breath of Fresh Air in Congress. [2022]
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Eich, Ritch K.
- Journal of Values Based Leadership; Summer/Fall2022, Vol. 15 Issue 2, p90-103, 14p
- Subjects
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UNITED States presidential election, 2020 and FOR-profit universities & colleges
- Full text View on content provider's site
41. Middle East Policy in Transition: Issues for the 117th Congress & the New Administration. [2021]
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Feltman, Jeffrey, Mortazavi, Negar, Freeman, Chas W., and Moran, James P.
- Middle East Policy; Mar2021, Vol. 28 Issue 1, p3-22, 20p
- Subjects
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MIDDLE East-United States relations, FOREIGN relations of the United States -- 21st century, INTERNATIONAL relations -- Congresses, and CONFERENCES & conventions
- Abstract
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The following is an edited transcript of the 103rd in a series of Capitol Hill conferences convened by the Middle East Policy Council. The event took place on January 29, 2021, via Zoom, with Council Vice‐Chair Gina Abercrombie‐Winstanley moderating, Council President Richard J. Schmierer contributing, and Council Executive Director Bassima Alghussein serving as discussant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Sutter, Karen M., Sutherland, Michael D., and Gnanarajah, Raj
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 9/13/2022, p1-3, 3p
- Subjects
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AUDITING, EXCHANGE, COMMERCE, and ECONOMIC anthropology
- Abstract
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The article discusses securities exchange officials from the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC or China) announced an agreement on a preliminary auditing framework. Topics include agreement comes after nearly 20 years of efforts by the U.S. government to gain auditing access in China; China could still hinder PCAOB access, citing the sensitivity of corporate data to the PRC government, and past PRC approaches toward similar agreements.
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O'Rourke, Ronald
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 10/7/2021, preceding p1-58, 61p
- Subjects
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COUNTERTERRORISM, COUNTERTERRORISM -- Government policy, CHINA-United States relations, RUSSIA-United States relations, and NUCLEAR weapons
- Abstract
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The emergence of great power competition with China and Russia has profoundly changed the conversation about U.S. defense issues from what it was during the post-Cold War era: Counterterrorist operations and U.S. military operations in the Middle East--which were moved to the center of discussions of U.S. defense issues following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001--are now a less-dominant element in the conversation, and the conversation now features a new or renewed emphasis on the following, all of which relate to China and/or Russia: • grand strategy and the geopolitics of great power competition as a starting point for discussing U.S. defense issues; • organizational changes within DOD; • nuclear weapons, nuclear deterrence, and nuclear arms control; • the global allocation of U.S. military force deployments; • U.S. and allied military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region; • U.S. and NATO military capabilities in Europe; • new U.S. military service operational concepts; • capabilities for conducting so-called high-end conventional warfare; • maintaining U.S. superiority in conventional weapon technologies; • innovation and speed of U.S. weapon system development and deployment; • mobilization capabilities for an extended-length large-scale conflict; • supply chain security, meaning awareness and minimization of reliance in U.S. military systems on foreign components, subcomponents, materials, and software; and • capabilities for countering so-called hybrid warfare and gray-zone tactics. The issue for Congress is how U.S. defense planning should respond to renewed great power competition with China and Russia, and whether to approve, reject, or modify the Biden Administration's proposed defense funding levels, strategy, plans, and programs for addressing renewed great power competition. Congress's decisions on these issues could have significant implications for U.S. defense capabilities and funding requirements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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TOBIN, JONATHAN
- inFOCUS; Winter2023, Vol. 17 Issue 1, p34-36, 3p
- Subjects
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CONSTRUCTION laws, DEMOCRATS (United States), IMMIGRATION law, LAW enforcement, FEDERAL court decisions, and MISDEMEANORS
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Butter, David
- FIU Law Review; 2021, Vol. 14 Issue 4, p739-774, 36p
- Subjects
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INTERNAL revenue law, TAX reform, TAX deductions, DRUG control, CANNABIS (Genus), and MARIJUANA legalization
- Abstract
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Historically, the Internal Revenue Code ("Code") and U.S. courts applied a taxpayer-friendly approach to determine the deductibility of business expenses. As long as the taxpayer paid taxes, the Code and U.S. courts allowed her to deduct certain business expenses, even if the source of her income was illegal. But, with the rise of President Richard Nixon's "War on Drugs" and the enforcement of "no tolerance" drug policies in the 1970s, Congress restricted the taxpayer-friendly approach. In 1981, Congress enacted Section 280E, which forbids businesses who traffic Schedule I or II substances from deducting ordinary business expenses when filing their federal taxes. Today, with thirty-three states and the District of Columbia allowing the sale of medical or adult-use cannabis--defying the plant's Schedule I status--state-legal cannabis business owners must pay taxes on gross receipts, instead of net income. Section 280E does not satisfy any War on Drugs policy goals and cripples the development of the legal cannabis industry. To remedy these shortcomings, Congress must reform Section 280E by enacting the STATES Act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Belkin, Paul, Nelson, Rebecca M., and Welt, Cory
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 12/9/2022, p1-3, 3p
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KASLOVSKY, JACLYN
- American Political Science Review; May2022, Vol. 116 Issue 2, p645-661, 17p
- Subjects
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UNITED States senators, CONSTITUENTS (Persons), POLICY sciences, DOMESTIC travel, REPRESENTATIVE government, ELECTION districts, and ATTENTION
- Abstract
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Is local attention a substitute for policy representation? Fenno (1978) famously described how legislators develop personal ties with their constituents through periodic visits to their districts and carefully crafted communications. Existing work suggests that such interactions insulate incumbents electorally, creating less need to represent constituents' policy preferences. Surprisingly, this important argument has never been tested systematically. In this paper, I use data on senator travel and staffing behavior along with survey data from the 2011–2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to investigate this claim. In addition to showing that areas with important campaign donors are significantly more likely to receive resources, I find that local visits may decrease approval among ideologically opposed constituents. Furthermore, I find inconsistent evidence regarding the effectiveness of local staff. These results suggest that local attention does not always cultivate goodwill in the district. Under polarized politics, home style does not effectively substitute for policy representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Schobel, Bruce D.
- Journal of Financial Service Professionals; Mar2020, Vol. 74 Issue 2, p36-40, 5p
- Subjects
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SOCIAL Security (United States), COST-of-living adjustments, RETIREMENT age, FINANCIAL security, and RIGHT & wrong
- Abstract
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Congress has a long menu of ways to reduce the growth of Social Security's future benefit costs. These include increasing the full retirement age, means testing benefits, reducing cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs), and modifying the benefit formula. Choosing from that long menu is totally a political matter, without obvious right and wrong answers. Something must be done before too long to solve Social Security's financial problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Jacobs, Nicholas F. and Milkis, Sidney M.
- Forum (2194-6183); Feb2022, Vol. 19 Issue 4, p709-744, 36p
- Subjects
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PARTISANSHIP, CAMPAIGN funds, POLITICAL campaigns, CAMPAIGN promises, PRESIDENTIAL candidates, and INAUGURATION
- Abstract
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On the campaign trail and at his inauguration, Joe Biden pledged, above all else, to be a uniter to restore the soul of America. At the end of his first year in office, many campaign promises have been met, but unity has not been one. Far from transcending partisanship as promised, Biden has embraced the levers of presidential discretion and power inherent within the modern executive office to advance partisan objectives. He is not just a victim of polarization, but actively contributes to it. This is not unexpected. Rather it is the culmination of a decades-long reorientation within both major parties: the rise of an executive-centered party-system, with Democrats and Republicans alike relying on presidents and presidential candidates to pronounce party doctrine, raise campaign funds, campaign on behalf of their partisan brethren, mobilize grass roots support, and advance party programs. Like Barack Obama and Donald Trump before him, Biden has aggressively used executive power to cut the Gordian knot of partisan gridlock in Congress. Even pandemic politics is not immune to presidential partisanship; in fact, it has accentuated the United States' presidency-centered democracy, which weakens the public resolve to confront and solve national problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Sutherland, Michael D. and Sutter, Karen M.
- Congressional Research Service: Report; 4/5/2021, p1-3, 3p
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CAPITAL market, CHINA-United States relations, and STOCKS (Finance)
- Abstract
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The article focuses on issues related to the U.S. Congress related to U.S. Capital Markets and China. It mentions U.S. investors see growth opportunities in Chinese stocks and other financial investments. It also mentions Congress passed the Holding Foreign Companies Accountable Act to address its concerns about the lack of compliance by Chinese firms with the U.S. Security and Exchange Commission's (SEC) statutory audit requirements.
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