Journal of Chinese Political Science; Sep2022, Vol. 27 Issue 3, p543-565, 23p
Subjects
POLITICAL science, ACTIVISM, PRESIDENTIAL administrations, HISTORICAL analysis, CONTENT analysis, and CHINA-United States relations
Abstract
The Sino-U.S. relations tumbled during the Trump Administration. The talk of decoupling permeated the decision-making circle in Washington D.C. Many factors have contributed to the free fall. The roles Congress has played are undoubtedly one of them. Based on the new institutionalist approach, this study provides three analyses of recent China-related legislative activities. First, the historical analysis of legislative data illustrates a surge in congressional activism on China-related legislative activities. Second, the content analysis reveals some of the triggers in the deterioration of bilateral relations in recent years. Third, the political analysis of the critical congressional players and the structures and procedures Congress created provides some insight into the domestic and political logic of the congressional crusade against China. Finally, the paper ends with assessing the impact of the surge in Congressional activism on the new Biden Administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Ban, Pamela, Grimmer, Justin, Kaslovsky, Jaclyn, and West, Emily
Quarterly Journal of Political Science; 2022, Vol. 17 Issue 3, p355-387, 33p
Subjects
CONGRESSIONAL hearings (U.S.), DELIBERATION, SOCIAL groups, WOMEN legislators, and PARTICIPATION
Abstract
The rising number of women in Congress changes deliberation. Using committee hearing transcripts from 1995 to 2017, we analyze how the gender composition of committees affects group dynamics in committee hearings. While we find limited evidence that increasing proportions of women affects women's participation, we find that discussion norms within committees change significantly in the presence of more women. Namely, interruptions decrease when there are more women on the committee; with higher proportions of women, men are less likely to interrupt others. Furthermore, committee members are more likely to engage and stay on the same topics in the presence of more women, suggesting a shift in norms toward more in-depth exchange. Overall, our results show that increasing the proportion of women changes discussion dynamics within Congress by shifting norms away from interruptions and one-sided talk in committees, thereby shifting group norms that govern decision-making during an important policy-making stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Congressional Research Service: Report; 10/3/2022, p1-4, 4p
Subjects
JUDICIAL selection & appointment, UNITED States district courts, and CIRCUIT courts
Abstract
The article provides information and analysis related to the number of U.S. circuit and district court nominees confirmed by the Senate during lame duck sessions of Congress from 1940 to 2021. It mentions that out of the 22 lame duck sessions during which the Senate was in session, U.S. circuit and/or district court nominations were confirmed in 16 including John Patrick Hartigan, and Louis Earl Goodman.
National Security Law Brief; 2022, Vol. 12 Issue 2, p45-82, 38p
Subjects
PRESIDENTS of the United States, AGGRESSION (International law), NUCLEAR weapons, WAR powers, EXCLUSIVE & concurrent legislative powers, and WAR of 1812
Abstract
This article argues that Congress can exercise its constitutional war powers to enact a law restricting the President from using nuclear weapons first. The article contends that using a nuclear weapon is qualitatively different from conventional warfare and that the first use of nuclear weapons marks a decision to enter into war. Therefore, nuclear first use is not a battlefield decision within the President's commander in chief power but rather a choice to enter the United States into a new type of conflict that could pose a direct, immediate, and existential threat to the U.S. homeland. Regulating that decision falls under Congress's exclusive war powers. Congress can limit its authorizations of war and prohibit military actions beyond its authorization. Therefore, Congress could stipulate that its war authorizations extend only to conventional hostilities unless Congress expressly authorizes the first use of nuclear weapons. Using its authority to limit authorizations of for the use of military force, Congress can enact a no-first-use law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
QUANTITATIVE research, CHINA-United States relations, LEGISLATION, ACTIVISM, and GOVERNMENTALITY
Abstract
Through a quantitative analysis of Taiwan–related legislation between 1979 and 2020, the article finds that the degree of Taiwan–related legislation is significantly correlated with the degree of tension in U.S.—China relations. While a deteriorating cross–Taiwan Strait relationship is clearly associated with the increasing legislative activities for the sake of Taiwan, an improving relationship from the state of fair to good cannot guarantee a decrease of such activities. A unified government and the extent of the Taiwan lobby are both helpful in passing pro–Taiwan acts but statistically insignificant. A content analysis of pro–Taiwan bills approved by the Trump administration suggests a creeping movement to "normalize" U.S–Taiwan relations with congressional activism and the less-restrained White House as a co–engine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Congressional Research Service: Report; 11/8/2022, Preceding p1-29, 31p
Subjects
LAME duck sessions (Political science), CONSTITUTIONAL amendments, ADJOURNMENT (Law), POCKET veto, and UNITED States presidential elections
Abstract
A “lame duck” session of Congress occurs whenever one Congress meets after its successor is elected but before the end of its own constitutional term. Under present conditions, any meeting of Congress between election day in November and the following January 3 is a lame duck session. Prior to 1933, when the Twentieth Amendment changed the dates of the congressional term, the last regular session of Congress was always a lame duck session. Today, however, the expression is primarily used for any portion of a regular session that falls after an election. Congress has held 23 lame duck sessions since the implementation of the Twentieth Amendment. From the first modern lame duck session in 1940 to 1998, the sessions occurred sporadically. Beginning in 2000, both houses of Congress have held a lame duck session following every election. In this report, the data presentation is separate for the sporadic period (76th -105th Congresses) and the consistent period (106th -present) in order to identify past and emerging trends. Lame duck sessions can occur in several ways. Either chamber or both chambers may (1) provide for an existing session to resume after a recess spanning the election; (2) continue meeting in intermittent, or pro forma, sessions during the period spanning the election; or (3) reconvene after an election pursuant to contingent authority granted to the leadership in a recess or adjournment resolution. Two other possibilities have not occurred: (4) Congress could set a statutory date for a new session to convene after the election, then adjourn its existing session sine die; and (5) while Congress is in recess or sine die adjournment, the President could call it into extraordinary session at a date after the election. During both the sporadic and the consistent periods, election breaks have usually begun by midOctober and spanned between one and two months with Congress reconvening, usually, in midNovember. Until the 110th Congress (2007-2008), Congress most often adjourned before Christmas so that the lame duck session lasted about a month. Beginning in 2008, however, a new pattern emerged with both the House and Senate most often adjourning in January. In six of the past seven Congresses, lame duck sessions have continued into the new year, producing later adjournments, longer sessions, and more days convened in daily sessions. Lame duck sessions have been held for a variety of reasons. Their primary purpose is to complete action on legislation. However, they have also been used to prevent recess appointments and pocket vetoes, to consider motions of censure or impeachment, or to keep Congress assembled on a standby basis. In recent years, most lame duck sessions have focused on program authorizations and appropriations legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
POLITICAL development, BUREAUCRACY, DEMOCRACY, and POLITICAL systems
Abstract
The institutional history of the United States Congress has lagged in recent decades as historians of American political development have focused on the history of administration and defined the state in terms of the autonomy of bureaucratic government institutions. In this article, I argue that the history of both Congress and the American state would benefit from analyzing Congress as an institution of the democratic state—an ongoing historical project in which the American people and their representatives in Congress have shaped American democracy and the creation, evolution, and administration of the American state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Political Science Research & Methods; Oct2022, Vol. 10 Issue 4, p722-738, 17p
Subjects
PRIVATE sector, OPPORTUNITY costs, LEGISLATORS, LOBBYISTS, and UNITED States senators
Abstract
Does the potential for a successful private sector career induce legislators to leave office? How does this affect the representation voters receive? I show that when former US senators—who now work as lobbyists—become more successful, currently serving senators with similar characteristics are more likely to take private sector employment. I replicate all results on data from the House. A number of tests suggest that senators react to the opportunity costs of holding office. Investigating selection effects, I find that legislative specialists are attracted the most in the Senate. Preliminary evidence suggests that the least wealthy respond most strongly in the House. This suggests that the revolving door shapes the skill set of legislators and the representation voters receive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
HIGHER education, EDUCATION policy, LEADERSHIP, and NEGOTIATION
Abstract
It has become increasingly difficult for the two major parties in Congress to reach agreement on major higher education legislation. As a result, the Higher Education Act is long overdue for reauthorization. Congressional stalemates on higher education legislation are not conducive to effective and productive governance in this important area of federal policy. The purpose of this comparative case study is to understand why some federal higher education legislative bills are successfully enacted while others, including some with bipartisan support, are not. Through the lens of negotiation theory, this study examines six federal higher education bills in order to understand the common characteristics of successfully enacted legislation and the common characteristics of unenacted legislation. Data sources include interviews with 28 policy actors and analysis of documents relevant to each case-study bill. [End Page 1] Findings from this study illuminate factors that make the passage of federal higher education bills more likely, including leadership and presidential priorities, cost savings, noncontroversial issues involving sympathetic policy beneficiaries, urgency, favorable congressional rules, support from the higher education lobby, and avoidance of political victories for the opposing party. Understanding how and why Congress members reach agreements on legislation may help forge a pathway toward more effective legislating in the higher education policy arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Political Intelligence Briefing; 10/30/2022, p37-42, 6p
Subjects
UNITED States elections, UNITED States politics & government, and REPUBLICANS
Abstract
The article discusses the Midterm congressional elections to be held on November 8, 2022 in the U.S. Topics include the decision on the composition of the upper and lower chamber of the bicameral Congress, Republicans' aim to regain control of the Congress, and the likely defeat of Democrats due to rising inflation and President Joe Biden's low job approval ratings.
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