articles+ search results

PUBLIC service advertising and PRIOR learning

Campaigns use different strategies across communication channels. How does this affect voters? What are the consequences of being exposed to targeted campaign messages? How do voters react when they are exposed to campaign messages that are aimed at different voters? Does mistargeting always punish candidates or does it reward them under certain conditions? In a survey experiment relying on a sample of 1137 U.S. adults, participants evaluated a fictional candidate running for the U.S. Senate after being exposed to various sets of campaign messages originally delivered via e-mail and TV. A fictional candidate was used to prevent the effects of prior knowledge while the campaign information given to the participants was based on a real campaign's e-mails and television ads to achieve a degree of realism. Voters perceive the same candidate differently depending on the messages they receive. Politicians may benefit or suffer from mistargeting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

DAIRY industry, AGRICULTURE, FUTURES, RHETORIC, and PLANT-based diet

In this essay, I utilize the U.S. Congress' DAIRY PRIDE Act to critique the animal-sourced dairy industry's use of legislative and nutritional discourse to claim the name "dairy" and its analogs. Contextualizing the role of naming, re-naming, and un-naming in environmental communication, I begin with an overview of the U.S. animal-sourced dairy industry's effort to suppress plant-based alternatives through strategic un-naming practices. I call this genre of un-naming "hypocognitive rhetoric." I problematize hypocognitive rhetoric by demonstrating how the U.S. animal-sourced dairy industry uses this rhetorical strategy to obfuscate alternative (more specifically, plant-based) agricultural futures. In claiming dairy's name and painting industrialized, animal-sourced dairying practices as natural, normal, and necessary for human advancement, the animal-sourced dairy industry not only renders invisible the human inequities inherent in animal-sourced dairy production and consumption, but also cloaks the experiences the nonhuman animals used for lactation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NATIONAL security, BIPARTISANSHIP, and TERRORISM

The National Security Act of 1947 enabled the CIA to "to perform such other functions and duties related to intelligence affecting the national security as the National Security Council [NSC] may from time to time direct." Although intended to establish the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)'s control over the collection of clandestine foreign intelligence, this language was vague enough to authorize other covert operations (psychological, political, and paramilitary) at the direction of the NSC. Attempts at covert action oversight gained traction only after the exposure of unacknowledged CIA activities. The term "covert action" was not defined in legislation until the 1990s. This article categorizes congressional attempts to establish the parameters and regulate covert action both in terms of prohibiting or enabling such action and of enacting substantive or procedural rules. The success of such attempts has depended heavily on the extent of bipartisan support in Congress. Congress is more likely to choose substantive laws when faced with recent intelligence scandals, and Congress is less likely to create prohibitive laws as bipartisan support increases. These trends are supported by the legislative history of the 1991 Intelligence Authorization Act and the 2004 Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CHINESE people, TRIALS (Law), CIVIL war, HABEAS corpus, WOMEN immigrants, and STATUS (Law)

This article examines how Chinese women and men used habeas corpus proceedings in California to contest transpacifi c relations of gender, commerce, law, and power. The fi rst section looks at habeas hearings about runaway or allegedly kidnapped Chinese women already in the United States. The second chronicles how these hearings correlated with and diverged from the habeas proceedings involving the detention of Chinese women immigrants upon arrival. The California judges' approach to these cases mirrored Congress's concern over "the enormous diversity of domestic arrangements" in slavery by the end of the Civil War, when lawmakers introduced monogamous marriage and dependency on a male head of household as the most acceptable conditions for a nonwhite woman's freedom. The habeas proceedings concerning Chinese women thus revealed a Pacifi c, subnational practice of governance that was consonant with the national trend of reconstructing nonwhite women's sociolegal status in the Civil War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TRIALS in absentia, EMIGRATION & immigration lawsuits, APPELLATE courts, JUDICIAL process, and IMMIGRATION status

Within the politically charged immigration system in the United States, Congress mandates the entry of in absentia removal orders against immigrants who fail to appear for immigration court hearings. Statutory guidance similarly constrains the ability of appellate courts to overturn those in absentia orders. In this article, we examine how federal circuit court judges make decisions in the review of in absentia orders when faced with discretion-revoking congressional statutory language pitted against a highly politicized area of law where policy preferences sit at the forefront of judges' minds. Using an original dataset of U.S. Courts of Appeals cases decided from 2001 to 2020, we find that pro-immigrant decisions are rare, as intended by the governing statute. We also find, however, that judicial policy preferences predict the degree to which federal judges support the petitioning immigrant through statutory factors related to the adequacy of government notice and the presence of exceptional circumstances to justify nonappearance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CAMPAIGN funds, POLITICAL action committees, BUSINESS & politics, VOTING, and UNITED States legislators

Political scientists have repeatedly failed to establish a relationship between the money companies funnel into political campaigns and how members of Congress vote. Notably, studies have mainly examined how campaign contributions affect the voting of their direct recipients. However, considering the partisan divide and intense power struggle between the two major American parties, this paper proposes that the influence of campaign contributions operates at the party level. That means a member of Congress is more likely to side with a firm whose donations favor her party, even if the firm has not given to the member's own campaign. Correspondingly, legislators should be less likely to vote in line with the policy preferences of firms whose donations predominately go to the other party. A quantitative analysis of campaign contributions, corporate policy positions, and roll-call votes in Congress bears out these propositions. While the paper also uncovers a recipient effect, the party effect is more substantial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EARMARKING (Public finance), PUBLIC finance, PARTISANSHIP, SOCIAL groups, and REPUBLICANS

This paper examines how Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. House of Representatives vary in their earmarking behavior. After a 10-year moratorium, Congress enabling members to request small grants for community programs in their districts in the 2021 appropriations process. As part of a reform designed to limit corruption and wasteful spending, members had to submit written justifications for the grants, which provides insight into how members of Congress view their role as representatives. In performing a content analysis on 3007 earmark justifications, we find that Democrats are more likely to name the specific social groups comprising their party coalition in their justifications; Republicans rarely do so. Democrats are also more likely to request grants on their core partisan priorities, while Republicans tend to focus on large local infrastructure projects that are seemingly unrelated to their national priorities. Finally, we find some, but limited, evidence that earmark requests are a result of the different kinds of districts that members represent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

POLITICAL corruption, PARTISANSHIP, RESIGNATION from public office, PRESIDENTS of the United States, and GOVERNORS

Political science research is conflicted about the impact of political scandals on survival in office. Scholars have found strong negative impacts to some scandals but others have found minimal or no effects. The literature has explored several consequences but no one work examines them collectively. This article examines presidential, gubernatorial, and Congressional scandals from 1972 to 2021 to assess the impact of scandal in a polarizing America. We find the negative consequences from scandals vary across time and institutions. Scandals in the Watergate era led to more resignations in Congress but fewer resignations of White House officials in the 1990s. During the Trump administration, White House officials did not survive in office at rates greater than past eras, demonstrating little support for the "Trump Effect." However, politicians generally survived scandal more in the polarized era, hinting at the changing role of political scandals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

REPRESENTATIVE government, LEGISLATIVE voting, MINORITIES, and WORKING class

Previous scholarship has linked increased representation of women, racial/ethnic minorities, the LGB community, and the working class to more representative legislative agendas and roll call voting. But it is unclear if descriptive representation of historically excluded groups also affects policy innovativeness. Borrowing from interdisciplinary research, we argue that diverse legislatures are more innovative, so long as legislators operate in a quality deliberative environment. We measure the descriptive representation of seven different underrepresented groups in state legislatures from 1984 to 2016. We find that representation of women is a key predictor of innovation, operationalized as the tendency for states to adopt new policies early. We also find the effect of women is not dependent on critical mass, is undermined by high levels of polarization, and helps boost the capacity of legislatures to produce unique policy language. Some models are suggestive of a relationship between racial/ethnic minority (Black, Latinx, Native American) representation and innovation, but the results are inconsistent. The study provides insights into how representation of women can enhance legislative capacity to innovate in public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INVESTORS, BANKING industry, CRYPTOCURRENCIES, and MARKETING

The crypto boom and crash of 2020–22 demonstrated that (i) cryptocurrencies with fluctuating values are extremely risky and highly volatile assets and (ii) cryptocurrencies known as “stablecoins” are vulnerable to systemic runs whenever there are substantial doubts about the adequacy of reserves backing those stablecoins. Crypto firms amplified the crypto boom with aggressive and deceptive marketing campaigns that targeted unsophisticated retail investors. Scandalous failures of prominent crypto firms accelerated the crypto crash by inflicting devastating losses on investors and undermining public confidence in crypto-assets. Federal and state regulators allowed banks to become significantly involved in crypto-related activities. Several FDIC-insured banks that provided financial services to crypto firms experienced serious problems during the crypto crash. The failures of three of those banks in March 2023 threatened to unleash a systemic banking crisis. Meanwhile, stablecoins issued by nonbanks and uninsured depository institutions have become a hazardous new form of “shadow deposits,” which could undermine the integrity of our banking system and require costly future bailouts. This article presents a three-part plan for responding to the dangers posed by fluctuating-value cryptocurrencies and stablecoins. First, policymakers must protect investors by recognizing the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) as the primary federal regulator of most fluctuating-value cryptocurrencies. Federal securities laws provide a superior regime for regulating such cryptocurrencies. In particular, the SEC has broader powers, a more robust mandate to protect investors, and a stronger enforcement record than the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC). Second, federal bank regulators must protect the banking system by prohibiting FDIC-insured banks and their affiliates from investing and trading in fluctuating-value cryptocurrencies, either on their own behalf or on behalf of others. In addition, federal bank regulators should bar FDICinsured banks and their affiliates from providing financial services to crypto firms unless those firms are registered with and regulated by the SEC and/or the CFTC. Third, Congress should mandate that all issuers and distributors of stablecoins must be FDIC-insured banks. That mandate would ensure that all providers of stablecoins must comply with the regulatory safeguards governing FDIC-insured banks and their parent companies and other affiliates. Those safeguards provide crucial protections for our banking system, our economy, and our society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ELECTRONIC wallets, ELECTRONIC services, BUSINESSPEOPLE, LOYALTY, and BUSINESS enterprises

EMERGING infectious diseases, WORLD health, NON-communicable diseases, AIDS, and EMERGENCY management

This Viewpoint discusses the importance of the US Congress reauthorizing funding for the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, a program developed in 2003 that has played a critical role in fighting HIV/AIDS worldwide as well as other emerging infections and noncommunicable diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ADMINISTRATIVE procedure, GOVERNMENT agencies, INFLUENCE, and LEGISLATION drafting

As one of the most powerful executive actions, rulemaking by U.S. federal agencies involves all three branches and governs many issue areas, but some rules are routine and others are highly consequential. We build a new rule universe composed of nearly forty-thousand considered rules listed in the Unified Agenda since Spring 1995 and employ an item response model with 15 raters to generate integrated estimates of rule significance for each of the rules. To showcase the usefulness of this new measure, we propose and test competing models on agency productivity, finding that the president and Congress influence rule promulgation in a nuanced way. The president is dominant when agencies consider moderately noteworthy rules, and Congress has more influence over the most significant regulations, suggesting that the branches' influences vary with the consequential nature of the issues considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LEGISLATIVE voting, NORTH American Free Trade Agreement, and PUBLIC opinion

Are U.S. legislators responsive to public opinion on trade? Despite the prevalence of preference-based approaches to international trade, not much work has directly assessed the relationship between constituency opinion and positioning by members of Congress on trade bills. We assess dynamic responsiveness (whether shifting constituency opinion on trade yields corresponding changes among legislators) by exploiting an original dataset on the positions of members of Congress on the North American Free Trade Agreement at various points leading up to the November 1993 roll-call vote. We find no evidence of dynamic re-sponsiveness to shifting constituency opinion on even a highly salient piece of trade legislation. We provide qualitative evidence that interest group influence may instead be the predominant source of shifting legislator positioning on trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LEGISLATORS and ELECTIONS

Students of legislative politics are divided over the relationship between electoral vulnerability and the type of "home style" members of Congress adopt in terms of their district staffing decisions. The conventional wisdom asserts that an increase in electoral vulnerability corresponds with a legislator increasing the number of district staffers. However, another body of works implies that the inverse relationship should occur. To settle these competing claims, we explore the staffing decisions of legislators serving in the House of Representatives between the 101st and 113th Congress. We find that an increase in electoral vulnerability is associated with a decrease in district staffers. These results cast doubt on the widely held view that a legislator's electoral vulnerability results in an increase in district attentiveness at least in terms of their district staff. Additionally, our findings provide several insights into the relationship between elections and representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

POLICY sciences, INCENTIVE (Psychology), and LEGISLATIVE voting

Divergent preferences within and across American lawmaking institutions make it difficult to enact legislation. Yet, individual legislators and parties have incentives to effect policy change, even during periods of gridlock. We claim appropriations offer an alternative means of policymaking when legislation is likely to be unsuccessful using authorizations because appropriations bills have an extreme reversion point. Using an original dataset of appropriations laws, we measure the quantity of policy enacted given distributions of House, Senate, and executive preferences. The findings show that a larger gridlock interval and greater distance between the House and Senate medians promote the use of appropriations bills as substantive policymaking vehicles. This effect is especially pronounced when new chamber majorities come to power. We conclude that divergent preferences among lawmaking institutions affect legislative productivity, but winning coalitions can still make substantive policy changes using unorthodox lawmaking processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ARTIFICIAL blood circulation, ARTIFICIAL organs, CONDUCTING polymers, THORACIC surgery, and LUNG transplantation

The document provides a list of upcoming meetings related to artificial organs. The meetings include the 29th International Society for Mechanical Circulatory Support (ISMCS) Annual Meeting in Dallas, Texas, USA; the 70th Annual Southern Thoracic Surgical Association (STSA) Meeting in Orlando, Florida, USA; the Society of Thoracic Surgeons (STS) 60th Annual Meeting in San Antonio, TX, USA; the Electroactive Polymer Actuators and Devices (EAPAD) XXVI in Long Beach, CA, USA; the International Society of Heart & Lung Transplantation (ISHLT) 44th Annual Meeting in Prague, Czech Republic; the 12th Annual EuroELSO Congress in Krakow, Poland; the American Association for Thoracic Surgery (AATS) 104th Annual Meeting in Toronto, Canada; the American Society for Artificial Internal Organs (ASIAO) 68th Annual Conference in Baltimore, Maryland, USA; the American Transplant Congress (ATC) 2024 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA; and the European Society of Transplantation (ESOT) Congress 2024 in Seville, Spain. [Extracted from the article]

DEFENSE industries, DEFENSE contracts, and PERMANENT magnet industry

This section offers news briefs related to the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) as of November 2023. Topics discussed include Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment William LaPlante's co-chairmanship of the 48th Annual Defense Technological and Industrial Cooperation Committee meeting, award issued by the DoD to E-VAC Magnetics LLC to establish a domestic rare earth permanent magnet manufacturing plant, and the submission of DoD selected acquisition reports to the Congress.

TARIFF laws, TARIFF, CUSTOMARY law, ESCAPES, LEGAL reasoning, CLASSIFICATION, and LANGUAGE & languages

The literature on the political economy of trade protection has focused on how firms lobby for their preferred tariffs, but opportunities to change the tariff schedule in the United States by legislation are relatively uncommon. How can importers lobbying in their private capacity escape from tariffs without relying on Congress? In the United States, products must be sorted into tariff categories by the customs office before the appropriate duty can be determined. This article documents how firms seek to lower their tariffs by strategically requesting product classifications from customs. Firms hire lawyers to make legal arguments to customs officials promoting an interpretation of the tariff schedule which lowers their costs. Lobbying for favorable classification is most important to the firm when similar categories have very different tariffs. The language of product descriptions is political because legal arguments for a particular classification are more persuasive when the descriptions are worded flexibly. Using a data set of over 200,000 classification rulings between 1990 and 2020, I find evidence that firms request classifications in response to certain quotas and the China tariffs. The findings characterize the tariff schedule as a living document and describe how the distribution of tariffs and the language of product descriptions affect the structure of protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WAR, PEACE movements, INTERVENTION (International law), VIETNAM War, 1961-1975, and NATIONAL security

"Fire and Rain: Nixon, Kissinger, and the Wars in Southeast Asia" by Carolyn Woods Eisenberg is a book that explores the Vietnam War and its impact on the United States' involvement in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. The author uses declassified documents and memoirs to highlight the consequences of President Richard Nixon and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger's policies. The book also delves into the complex dynamics between the Nixon administration and various stakeholders, such as the anti-war movement, Congress, and the media. Additionally, it examines the shift in Washington's relationship with the Soviet Union and China during this time. The book concludes by discussing how Nixon's approach to the war influenced future debates on American foreign interventions. [Extracted from the article]

ASSISTED suicide laws, FEDERAL government of the United States, HEALTH policy, MEDICAL care, RIGHT to die, DESCRIPTIVE statistics, POLICY sciences, FINANCIAL management, and GOAL (Psychology)

This study examines the goals of medical aid-in-dying (MAID) legislation introduced to the US Congress from 1994–2020 using a policy mapping analysis approach. Using congress.gov, we identified 98 bills, 23 bills were analyzed in this study. Most of the bills aimed to restrict the use of federal funds, to regulate the drugs commonly used for MAID, to prohibit the development of policies or practices supporting MAID, and to regulate practitioners' roles in MAID. In practice, these bills would limit patient access to MAID by restricting drugs, funds, health care services, legal assistance, policy, and research. These findings suggest there lacks congressional support for MAID, even though polls of the public are divided yet favorable. Policymakers who support MAID should consider affirmative policies that 1) prevent MAID policies from discriminating against vulnerable groups, 2) support funding to study the use of MAID, and 3) build avenues to allow all qualified people to access MAID in places where it is legal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ENVIRONMENTAL law, LAW enforcement, COMMERCIAL treaties, and INTERNATIONAL law

Could a trade agreement strengthen the enforcement of domestic environmental laws? This article explores this question in the context of the US–Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (TPA). The article examines, in particular, the potential role of the Secretariat for Submissions on Environmental Enforcement Matters (SEEM) of the TPA. The SEEM is an advisory mechanism to the parties to the TPA which allows citizens to bring direct submissions. This article considers the extent to which the SEEM can facilitate the enforcement of domestic Peruvian environmental law thus helping secure Peruvians' constitutional right to a healthy environment. Existing domestic mechanisms of administrative, civil or criminal law are already available to Peruvian citizens. These can apply to varied situations and provide a range of remedies, but often, they are also costly and lengthy. The SEEM began operating in 2018, and its first six submissions already hint at its potential to become a useful complement to domestic legal avenues. The SEEM could become increasingly used in the future due to Peru's prevalent institutional problems and its interest in maintaining good commercial relations with the United States. The mechanism also has the potential to provide a way to address the autonomous actions of the Peruvian Congress or its subnational governments that sometimes act in defiance of the environmental laws and regulations enforced by the executive branch of the national government. Importantly, however, citizens need to be aware of the limitations of the SEEM as a non‐adjudicatory mechanism and the fact that it is not a policymaking forum. Future research on the SEEM could provide a better understanding of how the process of increasingly mainstreaming the environment in international trade law is beginning to have concrete effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PARTISANSHIP, COMMISSIONERS, LANGUAGE & languages, VOTING, and MACHINE learning

We analyze the partisanship of Commissioners at the SEC and Governors at the Federal Reserve Board. Using recent advances in machine learning, we identify partisan phrases in Congress, such as "red tape" and "climate change," and observe their usage among regulators. Although the Fed has remained relatively nonpartisan throughout our sample period (1930–2019), we find that partisanship among SEC Commissioners rose to an all-time high during the 2010-2019 period, driven by more-partisan Commissioners replacing less-partisan ones. Partisanship at the SEC appears in both the language of new SEC rules and the voting behavior of SEC Commissioners. Authors have furnished an Internet Appendix , which is available on the Oxford University Press Web site next to the link to the final published paper online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SOUTHERN United States history, MUSIC education, MUSIC archives, FOLK songs, and HISTORY education

Southern United States folk music is rich in not only sound, but in voices of the past. Folk songs were created by working class individuals who described aspects of their life in connection with societal issues and events. Folk songs, now digitally archived, can serve as primary historical sources that can be used to enhance the secondary social studies U.S. history curriculum. The vast offerings of folk songs can allow students to listen, read, and analyze the lyrics to gain a deeper understanding of the U.S. South, shed the hillbilly stereotype that Southerners have been historically subjected to, understand why and how Southerners spoke out against injustices through song, and analyze the lyrics that portray the history of southern folklife. Based on the National Council for the Social Studies' Themes of Social Studies and integrating folk songs from such online sites as the Library of Congress and Smithsonian Institute, curriculum implications are presented for students to reflect on the Southerners' settings, perspectives of events and issues, and methods of protest. Modern technology's preservation of folk songs that would otherwise be absent from history not only has the power to educate, but also to keep southern folk music alive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

GANGS, REPARATIONS for historical injustices, ANTISLAVERY movements, SLAVERY, WHITE supremacy, AFRICAN Americans, and ABOLITIONISTS

The abolitionist movement seeks to fundamentally dismantle the prison industrial complex. Modern abolitionists recognize that mass incarceration of Black and Brown people is twenty-first century slavery. True abolition, they note, cannot be realized by merely tinkering with the carceral state. Instead, the complete elimination of modern-day badges and incidents of slavery must occur. The U.S. Supreme Court has held that § 2 of the Thirteenth Amendment grants the U.S. Congress the power to pass legislation to eradicate any “badges and incidents” of slavery. By passing federal antigang legislation and failing to outlaw similar state statutes, which are modern badges of slavery themselves, Congress abdicates its duty to enforce the Thirteenth Amendment. The Reconstruction Amendments’ legislative history suggest that in the absence of Congressional action, federal courts are the last resort for striking down state laws that perpetuate the institutions of slavery and white supremacy. Thus, this Article calls upon the United States Supreme Court to exercise its duty and join the abolitionist movement to target antigang statutes as but one institutional legacy of slavery that must be toppled. Part I of this Article engages Thirteenth Amendment scholars’ writings and adopts a prominent position that the intent of the Thirteenth Amendment, to eradicate all forms of slavery, is applicable to many modern-day instances of oppression. This Part adds to other abolitionist scholars’ efforts by demonstrating that Black Codes, Jim Crow-era vagrancy laws, and gang injunctions have evolved into the sophisticated antigang statutes of today, and they were initially intended to be— and still are—”badges” and “incidents” of slavery. Part II identifies the specific individuals who drafted, advocated for, and facilitated the passing and the enforcement of the first gang statutes in this country. Those individual drafters’ racist ideologies and objectives will be exposed by way of their writings, public statements, and campaigns then challenged to upend their justification for gang statutes. Part III gives some sense of the economic cost of gang prosecution, the human toll on gang members and the communities from which they come and how gang statute prosecutions violate the plain language of the U.S. Constitution. In addition to the economic cost of gang enforcement regimes—which are almost impossible to fully calculate—this Part highlights how gang prosecutions do not address the public safety concerns of largely Black and Brown communities. Part IV applies an abolitionist framework to gang statutes and explores solutions that not only make better use of economic resources and restore integrity to constitutional due process, but actively work towards an abolitionist horizon. This Article offers a proposal for the reallocation of funds towards antiracist structural change and a centering of community justice based in the power of the Thirteenth Amendment. Th e United States was founded on genocide and white supremacy, but the Reconstruction Amendments presented an opportunity for the country to start again. By revisiting the legislative history of the Th irteenth Amendment, the abolitionist intent behind it, and the way in which white supremacists have thwarted such intentions, this Article argues that the present social climate is ripe for redressing Th irteenth Amendment jurisprudence, beginning with the total eradication of antigang statutes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CORPORATE taxes, TAXATION, and BUSINESS enterprises

The UK's effective corporate tax rate is reportedly at its highest in decades, while PwC executives are expected to face a Senate inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PHASE transitions, TIME-varying networks, MAGNETIC entropy, ARTIFICIAL neural networks, POLITICAL scientists, and POLITICAL change

Deciphering the non-trivial interactions and mechanisms driving the evolution of time-varying complex networks (TVCNs) plays a crucial role in designing optimal control strategies for such networks or enhancing their causal predictive capabilities. In this paper, we advance the science of TVCNs by providing a mathematical framework through which we can gauge how local changes within a complex weighted network affect its global properties. More precisely, we focus on unraveling unknown geometric properties of a network and determine its implications on detecting phase transitions within the dynamics of a TVCN. In this vein, we aim at elaborating a novel and unified approach that can be used to depict the relationship between local interactions in a complex network and its global kinetics. We propose a geometric-inspired framework to characterize the network's state and detect a phase transition between different states, to infer the TVCN's dynamics. A phase of a TVCN is determined by its Forman–Ricci curvature property. Numerical experiments show the usefulness of the proposed curvature formalism to detect the transition between phases within artificially generated networks. Furthermore, we demonstrate the effectiveness of the proposed framework in identifying the phase transition phenomena governing the training and learning processes of artificial neural networks. Moreover, we exploit this approach to investigate the phase transition phenomena in cellular re-programming by interpreting the dynamics of Hi-C matrices as TVCNs and observing singularity trends in the curvature network entropy. Finally, we demonstrate that this curvature formalism can detect a political change. Specifically, our framework can be applied to the US Senate data to detect a political change in the United States of America after the 1994 election, as discussed by political scientists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HDL cholesterol, TYPE 2 diabetes, JAPANESE people, HIGH density lipoproteins, TRIGLYCERIDES, COHORT analysis, BLOOD cholesterol, CHOLESTERYL ester transfer protein, and LONGITUDINAL method

Background: Several studies have verified that a high baseline TG/HDL-C ratio is a risk factor for incident type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM). However, for low baseline TG/HDL-C levels, the findings were inconsistent with ours. In addition, the association between baseline TG/HDL-C ratio and the risk of incident T2DM in Japanese men with normal glycemic levels is unclear. As a result, our study further investigated the relationship between baseline TG/HDL-C and the risk of incident T2DM in Japanese men with normal glycemic levels. Methods: This was a secondary longitudinal cohort study. We selected 7,684 male participants between 2004 and 2015 from the NAGALA database. A standardized Cox regression model and two piecewise Cox regression models were used to explore the relationship between the baseline high-density lipoprotein cholesterol ratio (TG/HDL-C) and incident T2DM. Results: During a median follow-up of 2,282 days, 162 men developed incident T2DM. In the adjusted model, the baseline TG/HDL-C ratio was strongly associated with the risk of incident T2DM, and no dose-dependent positive association was observed between the baseline TG/HDL-C ratio and incidence of T2DM throughout the baseline TG/HDL-C quartiles. Two-piecewise linear regression analysis showed a U-shaped association between baseline TG/HDL-C ratio and incidence of incident T2DM. A baseline TG/HDL-C ratio below 1.188 was negatively associated with incident T2DM (H.R. = 0.105, 95% CI = 0.025, 0.451; P = 0.002). In contrast, a baseline TG/HDL-C ratio >1.188 was positively associated with incident T2DM (H.R. = 1.248, 95% CI = 1.113, 1.399; P<0.001). The best TG/HDL-C threshold for predicting incident T2DM was 1.8115 (area under the curve, 0.6837). Conclusion: A U-shaped relationship between baseline TG/HDL-C ratio and incident T2DM in Japanese men with normal glycemic levels was found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LOBBYING, POLITICAL participation, FREE trade, COMMERCIAL treaties, INTERNATIONAL trade, COMMERCIAL policy, and INTERNATIONAL markets

Firm-based approaches to international trade have revolutionized the study of trade politics. Corporate participation in political processes is costly, limiting access to large, productive, well-resourced, and often internationally engaged firms. This implies a pro-trade bias in corporate lobbying demands over trade policy. I examine this relationship in the case of three free trade agreements passed by the United States Congress in 2011. I combine public statements from firms on the FTAs with corporate lobbying activities and find that both lobbying firms and those that lobbied and publicly disclosed their policy positions were more productive than the typical publicly traded firm. Likewise, firms with income from foreign affiliates were more likely to be politically active than others. These results contribute to a vibrant body of research into the complex relationships firms hold with policies governing access to international markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AGRICULTURE, FARMS, FOOD relief, FARM produce, FOOD crops, MONOCULTURE agriculture, and PROCESSED foods

Since then, the Farm Bill has grown immensely to include programs such as soil conservation, crop insurance, forest and wetland protection, nutrition and food assistance, and most recently climate change. Approximately every 5 years the Congress of the United States goes through the challenging process of setting national policy for agriculture that determines funding priorities and programs for the following 5 years. To do this, farmers must be encouraged to shift to practices that build healthy soils that hold water, resist erosion, and keep carbon in the ground. [Extracted from the article]

SYSTEM identification, RISK assessment, DRUG analysis, PREGNANCY outcomes, MEDICATION safety, and MEDICAL equipment

Congress mandated the creation of a postmarket Active Risk Identification and Analysis (ARIA) system containing data on 100 million individuals for monitoring risks associated with drug and biologic products using data from disparate sources to complement the US Food and Drug Administration's (FDA's) existing postmarket capabilities. We report on the first 6 years of ARIA utilization in the Sentinel System (2016–2021). The FDA has used the ARIA system to evaluate 133 safety concerns; 54 of these evaluations have closed with regulatory determinations, whereas the rest remain in progress. If the ARIA system and the FDA's Adverse Event Reporting System are deemed insufficient to address a safety concern, then the FDA may issue a postmarket requirement to a product's manufacturer. One hundred ninety‐seven ARIA insufficiency determinations have been made. The most common situation for which ARIA was found to be insufficient is the evaluation of adverse pregnancy and fetal outcomes following in utero drug exposure, followed by neoplasms and death. ARIA was most likely to be sufficient for thromboembolic events, which have high positive predictive value in claims data alone and do not require supplemental clinical data. The lessons learned from this experience illustrate the continued challenges using administrative claims data, especially to define novel clinical outcomes. This analysis can help to identify where more granular clinical data are needed to fill gaps to improve the use of real‐world data for drug safety analyses and provide insights into what is needed to efficiently generate high‐quality real‐world evidence for efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UNITED States senators, CONVERSATION analysis, LITERATURE, and VIDEOS

Using conversation analysis, this article examines how questioners manage resistant responses in the context of U.S. Senate hearings. In particular, we examine how questioning Senators use explicit metacommentary – a turn constructional practice in which speakers offer 'on-record' comments on the manner in which a prior turn was formulated – to manage a recipient's resistant responses to polar questions. Within these contexts, metacommentary becomes a resource for highlighting the preference organization of the original question and challenging the adequacy of the recipient's response. The analysis shows how metacommentary not only serves to guide a question recipient toward producing an adequate response, but additionally works to register the questioning Senator's stance toward the inadequacy of the response while highlighting this inadequacy for both the co-present audience and viewers of these publicly televised hearings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HEAT recovery, ARTIFICIAL respiration, INDOOR air quality, MINE ventilation, MASS transfer, AIR pollutants, AIR heaters, and BUILDING performance

To manage energy-efficient indoor air quality, mechanical ventilation with a heat recovery system provides an effective measure to remove extra moisture and air contaminants, especially in bathrooms. Previous studies reveal that heat recovery technology can reduce energy consumption, and its calculation needs detailed information on the thermal performance of exhaust air. However, there are few studies on the thermal performance of bathroom exhaust air during and after showers. This study proposed a detailed thermal performance prediction model for bathroom exhaust air based on the coupled heat and mass transfer theory. The proposed model was implemented into the AccuRate Home engine to estimate the thermal performance of residential buildings with heat recovery systems. The time variation of the water film temperature and thickness on the bathroom floor can be estimated by the proposed model, which is helpful in determining whether the water has completely evaporated. Simulation results show that changing the airflow rate in the bathroom has little effect on drying the wet floor without additional heating. The additional air heater installed in the bathroom can improve floor water evaporation efficiency by 24.7% under an airflow rate of 507.6 m3/h. It also demonstrates that heat recovery can significantly decrease the building energy demand with the fresh air load increasing and contribute about 0.6 stars improvement for the houses in Hobart (heating-dominated region). It may be reduced by around 3.3 MJ/(m2·year) for the houses in other regions. With this study, guidelines for optimizing the control strategy of the dehumidification process are put forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

MOLECULAR dynamics, BIOPHYSICS, UNIVERSITY faculty, HYDRODYNAMICS, and SYSTEM dynamics

The 18th Congress of the Polish Biophysical Society took place at the Faculty of Physics of the University of Warsaw in Warsaw, Poland, in September 2022. In total, 111 attendees (Attendance Profile: 107 in-person, 4 remote; Italy 1, Lithuania 1, Poland 104, United Kingdom 1, United States 4) participated in the event. The authors of lectures and posters at the Congress were invited to prepare their presentations in the form of articles in this special issue of the European Biophysics Journal. The 11 articles published in this special issue present a limited sampling of the subjects of the conference presentations. Nevertheless, they showcase excellence in Polish biophysics across a wide range of topics, using both theoretical and experimental approaches: mechanisms of receptor-ligand interactions, medical applications of proteins and nucleic acids, non-linear dynamics/molecular dynamics of protein systems, hydrodynamics and biosensing. We hope to improve on the representation of the international Polish biophysical community after the next Congress in 2025. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LEGISLATIVE voting, PARTISANSHIP, INTERNATIONAL relations, HAWKS, COLUMBIDAE, PUBLIC spending, and POLARIZATION (Social sciences)

The combination of partisan polarization and controversial military engagements has produced contentious debates over US foreign policy in Congress. Who has been winning these debates and exerting greater influence over the development of security and defense bills, hawkish or dovish legislators? The literature offers competing answers—on the one hand, arguing that hawks enjoy policy advantages because of Congress's commitment to US hegemony and, on the other, claiming that doves gain policy openings because of shifting partisan and security conditions. To determine the influence of hawkish versus dovish legislators, we examine congressional actions on all defense spending bills from 1971 to 2016. Specifically, we track roll call votes to see which legislators enjoy the greatest support for their measures. We find that hawks have disproportionate influence over the content of defense bills, whether Republicans or Democrats are in control, and whether the United States is at war or enjoying relative peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SEPARATION of powers, PROSECUTION, GOVERNMENT agencies, POWER (Social sciences), and NATIONAL Labor Relations Act (U.S.)

The National Labor Relations Board (“NLRB”) can no longer be described as an independent agency. The structural separation of the agency’s adjudicative and prosecutorial powers under the Taft-Hartley Amendments to the Wagner Act effectively permits the General Counsel to control a lion’s share of the agency’s policymaking discretion. The Trump administration’s NLRB is a prime but cautionary example of the immense power wielded by the General Counsel. This development comes alongside judicial decisions that signal a resurgence of separation of powers formalism. The current jurisprudential landscape suggests that the Supreme Court would likely fnd that the General Counsel is a principal offcer who serves at the pleasure of the President. To limit the prospect of total presidential capture of what has been described as an “independent agency,” this Essay offers two legislative solutions for Congress’s consideration. Both solutions closely track the agency models endorsed by the Supreme Court in Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Company Accounting Board and Morrison v. Olson. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EMPLOYEE attitudes, GOVERNMENT agencies, APPOINTEES, HUMAN capital, EMPLOYEE attitude surveys, and JOB satisfaction

Attention to vacancies in appointee positions subject to U.S. Senate confirmation has grown dramatically. Research regarding appointee vacancies commonly assumes negative consequences—loss of political control, promotion of second‐rate subordinates, undermined teamwork—for public agencies though little empirical work exists to confirm such expectations. This study tests whether vacancies at the top of U.S. federal agencies influence job satisfaction and turnover intention among upper‐level employees. Using vacancy data and multiple waves of the Federal Human Capital Survey/Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey, we find that upper‐level employees report marginally higher levels of satisfaction when vacancies occur. Further, these vacancies have a negative association with individual‐level intent to leave an agency for another job in the federal government, signaling a higher likelihood that institutional knowledge is maintained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BUSINESSPEOPLE, BUSINESS development, BUSINESS enterprises, RENEWABLE natural gas, and ECONOMIC aspects of diseases

He created Zoetic, a company that was a clearinghouse for the technologies of the future that could help us bend the curve on climate issues. A Round-table Discussion with Tim Ryan, Zoetic Chief Global Business Development Officer Tim Ryan passionately served the working families in Northeast Ohio's 13th Congressional District in the United States Congress for 20 years. Mr. Ryan: I appreciate the opportunity to be with you to talk about Zoetic Global and my role in working with the leadership team of the company. [Extracted from the article]

MARKET sentiment, ECONOMIC uncertainty, INDIVIDUAL investors, MARKET volatility, ECONOMIC policy, and BULL markets

We examine the predictive power of US investor sentiments on US sectoral returns and aggregated S&P 500 index in the presence of different risk and uncertainty indices. Investor sentiments are measured using the sentiment index proposed by Baker and Wurgler (2006). We also use bearish and bullish investor sentiment indices i.e., AAII sentiment indices, published by the American association of individual investors. We also use different risk and uncertainty indices i.e., economic policy uncertainty, financial uncertainty, geopolitical risk, and US equity market volatility. Results of the baseline model (i.e., the single model where the only predictor is sentiment index) show that the forecasting power of the predictor is weak. Augmenting the baseline model to account for uncertainty measures shows that the uncertainty's transmission impact is more accurate for out-of-sample forecasts than the single-factor model. We also highlight that the performance of the multi-factor predictive model incorporating USS B&W is superior to the benchmark model. Policy implications of the results are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PAY equity, GENDER stereotypes, REPRODUCTIVE rights, SELF-presentation, and VIRTUAL communities

Persistent gender stereotypes portray women as pleasant and polite, but in the wake of the #MeToo movement and polarized politics, female candidates are turning to Twitter and they aren't hiding their frustration. Congressional candidates use Twitter to connect with voters, but political stalemates over health care, reproductive rights, and pay equity are the fodder for female candidates' emotionally charged rhetoric on Twitter. Women are running and winning at rates comparable to men, but female candidates are relying on emotional appeals in distinct ways from their male counterparts. We use a dataset of tweets by candidates for the U.S. House from 2016–2020 to evaluate gender-based differences in the emotional appeals candidates make on Twitter. We find that women running for office adopt a unique style of angry emotional appeals on Twitter, as female candidates defy stereotypes by incorporating more angry rhetoric in their tweets. These differences persist after accounting for differences in party, electoral success, district competitiveness, and other potential confounds. Our research demonstrates that women seeking congressional office act differently than men in their self-presentation online, and offers insight into how anger has become central to online messaging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

JUDICIAL opinions, APPELLATE courts, CONSTITUTIONAL courts, MEASUREMENT errors, and POLITICAL debates

A longstanding debate in American judicial politics concerns whether the US Supreme Court anticipates or responds to the possibility that Congress will override its decisions. A recent theory proposes that opinions that are relatively hard to read are more costly for Congress to review, and that as a result, the Court can decrease the likelihood of override from a hostile Congress by obfuscating its opinions (i.e., writing opinions that are less readable when congressional review is a threat). I derive a straightforward but novel empirical implication of this theory; I then show that the implication does not in fact hold. This casts serious doubt on the claim that justices strategically obfuscate opinion language to avoid congressional override. I also discuss sentence tokenization as a source of measurement error in readability statistics for judicial opinions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

JUDGES, JUSTICE administration, and JUDICIAL selection & appointment

In this paper, I create a simulation model that predicts the portfolio of judges the president chooses to fill vacancies in the judiciary. I find that the president's strategy in terms of appointments depends on constraint from the Senate, the talent pool of possible judges to appoint, the ideology of the courts in the judiciary, and the number of vacancies to be filled. The model is successful in replicating results that have been found in previous research, while also generating new hypotheses about previously unexplored aspects of the appointment process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NANOSCIENCE, TECHNOLOGICAL innovations, BIOENGINEERING, NANOTECHNOLOGY, TECHNOLOGY convergence, and ANTICIPATORY governance

A succession of breakthrough discoveries at the nanoscale and the transforming vision formulated in 1999, which inspired the National Nanotechnology Initiative (NNI) in the US and other research programs around the world, set in motion a global scientific, technological, and societal endeavor. NNI was announced by President Clinton in January 2000 and formalized as a long-term national initiative by the US Congress in December 2003. Over thirty US research and regulatory agencies participate with a cumulative public R&D investment of about $40 billion by 2023. The initiative aims to establish a general-purpose science and technology field for matter, energy, and life systems, with anticipatory governance of societal implications. The revenues from products where nanotechnology is a condition for competitiveness have been estimated to increase by about 25% annually on average from 2000 to 2020 reaching about $3 trillion worldwide, of which about one-fourth is in the US. This paper presents an overview of research investments and governance of NNI, its outcomes, and lessons learned. The unifying concepts and the convergence of nanoscale science and engineering with modern biology, information, cognition, and artificial intelligence (AI) have opened new horizons in knowledge and technology. Emerging technologies include platforms for quantum information systems, AI systems, advanced semiconductors, wireless communication, modern bioeconomy, and advanced manufacturing. New knowledge and solutions are created to address sustainable society, nanomedicine, cognition, personalized learning, augmenting human capabilities, and independent aging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AFRICAN American legislators, RACE, AMERICAN speeches, addresses, etc., UNITED States legislators, and VOTER turnout

The rhetoric legislators use to discuss race is both important and understudied. In this article, we explore whether the presence of Black legislators influences symbolic representation in the US House. We ask three questions. First, do Black and white members of Congress talk about issues involving race at different rates? Second, when Black and white members of Congress talk about race, do they do so in different ways? Third, do these rhetorical differences matter for Black constituents? Using data from 790,654 US House floor speeches, the Cooperative Election Study, and data from an original survey experiment, we demonstrate that Black legislators are more likely to talk about civil rights, and they employ significantly more symbolic references when they do. This symbolism is linked to an increase in Black voter turnout as well as changes in the evaluations of Black constituents, underscoring that symbolic responsiveness is an important facet of representation for African Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FILIBUSTERS (Political science), LEGISLATORS, and SPEECHES, addresses, etc.

We investigate whether the filibuster stimulates public debate and discussion within Congress, as its advocates argue, or whether, instead, it discourages legislators from devoting time and attention to bills they know will not pass, as its critics attest. To do so, we exploit multiple sources of variation in the filibuster, measures of legislative discussion, and identification strategies. In the preponderance of analyses, we observe null effects. Where significant differences are observed, they nearly always suggest that a strengthening (weakening) of the filibuster coincides with a reduction (increase) in the volume of floor speeches or time devoted to legislative affairs. Whatever benefits the filibuster may confer, they do not appear to include enhanced discussion on the floors of Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WELL-being, SPIRITUALITY, GYNECOLOGY, PEDIATRICS, MENTAL health, HEALTH, ELDER care, WOMEN'S health, and RELIGION

This issue of JORH explores various concerns related to the care of the elderly within a number of countries (namely China, India, Iran, Israel, Turkey, USA). Issues relating to Women's Health are also considered across the life span but particularly with regard to gynaecology, paediatrics, cancer, mental health and wellbeing. Research is presented on the empirical measurement of religion, spirituality and health with scales developed and/or tested in Iran, India, Haiti, Taiwan, Jordan and the Netherlands. Finally, readers are reminded of the 9th European Congress on Religion, Spirituality and Health (ECRSH) during May 2024, 16-18th at the Paracelsus Medical University in Salzburg, Austria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LEGISLATIVE oversight, GOVERNMENT agencies, and LEGISLATIVE committees

Congressional oversight is a potentially potent tool to affect policy making and implementation by executive agencies. However, oversight of any agency is dispersed among several committees across the House and Senate. How does this decentralization affect the strategic incentives for oversight by each committee? And how do the strategic incentives of oversight committees align with the collective interest of Congress as a whole? We develop a formal, spatial model of decentralized oversight to investigate these questions. The model shows that when committees have similar interests in affecting agency policy, committees attempt to free ride on each other, and oversight levels are inefficiently low. But if committees have competing interests in affecting agency policy, they engage in "dueling oversight" with little overall effect, and oversight levels are inefficiently high. Overall, we contend that committee oversight incentives do not generally align with the collective interests of Congress, and the problem cannot be easily solved by structural changes within a single chamber. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NATIONAL security, AFRICANS, PRESIDENTS of the United States, TERRORIST organizations, TERRORISM, COUNTERTERRORISM, and TREATIES

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

PUBLIC diplomacy, SOCIAL media, and CHINA-United States relations

Copyright of Omer Halisdemir Universitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Omer Halisdemir University, Faculty of Economics & Admistrative Sciene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

LEGAL remedies and CIVIL rights

The Supreme Court currently faces two very different kinds of criticism. One contends that the Court is not doing enough to remedy violations of the Constitution and asks the Court to adopt a more robust set of such remedies, claiming that the Constitution itself requires more remedies than the Court is currently providing. From this perspective, a decision refusing to enjoin the enforcement of an unconstitutional statute is equivalent to nullification. A second seeks to reform the Court, either to change its membership and thereby its interpretation of the Constitution, or to disempower the Court. Expanding the Court's membership and removing its jurisdiction are among the reforms suggested. This article takes a different approach, neither pleading with the Court to enforce the Constitution more vigorously nor calling for the Court to be reformed. It contrasts the promise and the reality of Marbury: while Marbury states that a remedy is required for the violation of every legal right, Marbury himself obtained no remedy. It discusses a wide range of remedies that are not constitutionally required as well as a small number of remedies that are constitutionally required. It discusses potential criticisms, including arguments that existing doctrine limiting remedies is wrong, arguments that it is wrong to analyze remedies separately from each other, and arguments that it is wrong to conceive of constitutional remedies separately from constitutional rights. Finally, it suggests various ways in which legislatures can calibrate constitutional remedies. This analysis highlights the importance of democratic action by legislatures, especially by Congress, in safeguarding our rights and making them real. The ability of Congress to calibrate the enforcement of constitutional rights is an important tool for implementing its view of the Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PATENTS and INTELLECTUAL property

The United States' patent system provides a framework for the protection of an inventor's intellectual property: their inventions. A valid utility patent is useful, novel, and nonobvious. Patents incentivize an inventor to disclose their invention to the public in exchange for limited-in-time, exclusive rights to practice their invention. The United States Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) vets patent applications for validity. After the USPTO grants a patent, the patent remains subject to administrative review proceedings. These proceedings allow the USPTO to review a patent's validity. One such proceeding is inter partes review ("IPR"). An IPR is an adversarial process in which a third-party petitioner challenges a patent's validity. First, the USPTO must institute the IPR. Then, the Patent Trial and Appeal Board (PTAB) makes a final decision to determine whether the challenged patent still contains valid claims. The America Invents Act (AIA), which codified the IPR procedure, grants the USPTO's Director authority to make the institutional IPR decision and grants the PTAB authority to make the final IPR decision. However, by regulation, the Director delegated their institutional decision-making authority to the same PTAB panel that also makes the final IPR decision. This delegation of authority is problematic because it ignores Congress's legislative intent and the AIA's plain language. PTAB panel judges are susceptible to clear biases when they make both IPR decisions because of this delegation. Biases among PTAB panel judges violate a patent owner's due process rights. Further, the appearance of bias in the IPR process diminishes public credibility of the patent system. To fix blatant defects in IPR procedure, this Comment argues that the Supreme Court should bifurcate the two IPR decisions by requiring one group of PTAB judges to make institutional IPR decisions only and a separate group of PTAB judges to make final IPR decisions only. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TITLE IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, WOMEN college athletes, GENDER inequality in sports, and LEGAL judgments

The history of women in education is frustrating. Although it is commonplace to see women in education and sports today, women were not visible in these places prior to 1972, and they faced discrimination in many facets of life. Women were denied access to educational programs, even education altogether. Women could not go to medical school, faced more rigorous admission standards than men, and were rarely afforded the opportunity to play sports. In response to these inequalities, Congress passed Title IX of the Education Amendments in 1972. After 1972, women had protections that allowed them to become visible in educational settings. Title IX prohibits sex-based discrimination by federally funded institutions. These protections were extended to athletics in 1975. Recently, the Supreme Court decided NCAA v. Alston, permitting student-athletes to be compensated for use of their name, image, and likeness ("NIL"). This decision, while intended to benefit athletes, will jeopardize female athletes. Commentators have argued that Title IX will not apply to NIL deals, leaving female athletes with no protection from inequalities that emerge from NIL-related benefits. This result would not only undermine Title IX but also the progress made towards gender equality in sports. This Comment analyzes how Title IX does apply to NIL deals both directly--when a university donates, facilitates, or assists with the distribution of NIL-related compensation--and indirectly--when the university provides educational and marketing opportunities for student-athletes. This Comment also argues that Title IX should apply to NIL deals because the statutory language supports its application, and applying Title IX will avoid regressing the progress for women that Title IX has already effectuated. Lastly, this Comment recommends provisions that should be implemented into final NIL legislation so that Title IX unambiguously applies to student-athlete NIL deals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LEGAL judgments, MONOTONIC functions, APPELLATE courts, CONSTITUTIONAL courts, and MODELS & modelmaking

Standard methods for measuring latent traits from categorical data assume that response functions are monotonic. This assumption is violated when individuals from both extremes respond identically, but for conflicting reasons. Two survey respondents may "disagree" with a statement for opposing motivations, liberal and conservative justices may dissent from the same Supreme Court decision but provide ideologically contradictory rationales, and in legislative settings, ideological opposites may join together to oppose moderate legislation in pursuit of antithetical goals. In this article, we introduce a scaling model that accommodates ends against the middle responses and provide a novel estimation approach that improves upon existing routines. We apply this method to survey data, voting data from the U.S. Supreme Court, and the 116th Congress, and show that it outperforms standard methods in terms of both congruence with qualitative insights and model fit. This suggests that our proposed method may offer improved one-dimensional estimates of latent traits in many important settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FEDERAL government, REFORMS, and VOTING

Federal systems tend to have two venues of representation to ensure that both the people as a whole and the constituent units are represented at the federal level. While this double representation is put forward as a basic (normative) feature of federal systems, little to no empirical research has been conducted on this issue. This contribution therefore studies the representation of the people as a whole and of the constituent units in the Belgian House of Representatives by means of a representative claims analysis of 4,757 oral parliamentary questions. As federal systems tend to be dynamic, the analysis is based on six periods of federal reform through which Belgium decentralized. Our findings show that, over time, the representation of the constituent units increased and exceeded the representation of the people, providing unique empirical input for the debate about the idea that federalism is by definition beneficial for democracy. We problematize our results from a democratic point of view, as—despite being able to vote—the people as a whole are hardly any more represented by the House. Going beyond the Belgian case, we argue that processes of federalization should address the adequate representation of both the constituent units and the people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

REPUTATION, FILIBUSTERS (Political science), POLITICAL parties, UNITED States senators, LEGISLATIVE voting, and PRACTICAL politics

Filibusters and efforts to defeat them shape the public reputation of U.S. senators and their parties. I develop a formal model to study how senators' concerns about their own and the opposing party's reputation influence their behavior in the Senate. In the model, a majority and opposition party bargain over policy. Each party earns a reputation with a core primary constituency which observes legislative bargaining and forms beliefs about its party's policy priorities. Filibusters and attempts to defeat them are costly and can therefore credibly signal that a party values a particular issue. I identify conditions under which parties use these costly procedural moves to preserve or enhance their reputation when the costs of obstruction deter purely policy-motivated parties from filibustering or attempting to defeat a filibuster. Alternatively, under certain conditions parties strategically choose not to pursue policy victories that they otherwise would either to protect their own reputation with a constituency that values other issues more highly or to deny the opposing party the opportunity to signal. I examine the model's empirical implications for the relative frequency of filibusters, cloture votes, and tabling motions and identify conditions under which the Senate is endogenously supermajoritarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TURKEY

Copyright of Selçuk University Journal of Studies in Turcology / Selçuk Üniversitesi Türkiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

GOVERNMENT policy -- Law & legislation, INSTITUTIONAL cooperation, COMMITTEES, GOVERNMENT regulation, PRACTICAL politics, INTERVENTIONAL radiology, HEALTH care reform, DECISION making, CONSUMER activism, POLICY sciences, FEDERAL government, LOBBYING, and MEDICARE

Health care policy in the United States is made by nonphysician lawmakers and government employees. Through advocacy and lobbying, physicians have an opportunity to be involved in the process. Interventional radiologists (IRs) are the experts on issues related to IR. Government relation offers IRs the opportunity to engage with members of Congress, officials in Federal and State agencies, and State legislators to inform and influence their decision making. The Society of Interventional Radiology PAC (SIRPAC) is the only PAC to represent the interests of interventional radiology. Increased contributions to SIRPAC are essential to be sure that the voice of IR is heard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PRIVATE property, MENTAL imagery, CONSTITUTIONAL conventions, FAILURE (Psychology), NEOLIBERALISM, and CITIZENS

As an introductory framework to the dossier, this article analyzes the Chilean political process based on the images that (re)emerged with the 2019 revolt and that were deployed in the constitutional process channeled into a Constitutional Convention (2020–22). It shows how the old ghosts of class, gender, and the nation appear in these "mental images," the same ghosts that have historically operated in the defeat of transformative projects and contributed to the reproduction of an authoritarian and elitist society, whose neoconservative/neoliberal oligarchy has managed to restore the conditions of its domination. The article proposes these observations to stimulate the reading of the contributions to this dossier, which problematize different aspects of the political process under discussion: the aporetic relationship among revolt, violence, and law; the citizenry's turn from a desire of community and transformation expressed in the revolt to a feeling of fear and attachment to private property; writing as a practice, support, and challenge of the people's critical expression; the tension between the performance of the revolt as a failure and as a reset of neoliberal performativity; and the territorial and deterritorializing wagers in relation to affective infrastructures that became revolt and that continue through other means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

VETERANS' benefits, UNITED States armed forces, WORLD War II, VETERANS, MILITARY policy, and MILITARY personnel

More than a quarter million Filipino soldiers fought under American command during the Second World War, but the US Congress declared in 1946 that the vast majority would be ineligible to receive benefits under the GI Bill, a landmark piece of social legislation that provided financial and educational assistance to most veterans of the war. This article examines the contested politics of denying these benefits to veterans of the Philippine Commonwealth Army. It demonstrates how the US Federal Government's efforts to suppress its imperial past shaped military welfare policy in the post-war era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CONSUMPTION tax and TAX reform

Mauri Bornia and Gabriel Caldiron Rezende of Machado Associados discuss the status of the tax reform bill approved by the Chamber of Deputies, to be analysed by the Senate during the second half of 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ACID-base imbalances, BLOOD coagulation factors, VETERINARY critical care, LUNGS, TRACHEA, GERMAN shepherd dog, and VETERINARY medicine

Disease categories included: S ( I n i = 459, 29.8%); U ( I n i = 211, 13.7%); CV ( I n i = 52, 3.4%); M ( I n i = 817, 53.1%). EVALUATING THE EFFICACY OF SHELF STABLE BLOOD PRODUCTS FOR RESUSCITATION IN A CANINE HEMORRHA... Ryan M SP 1 sp , Ford R SP 2 sp , Hall K SP 1 sp , Venn E SP 3 sp , Hoareau G SP 2,4 sp SP 1 sp Colorado State University, Fort Collins, Colorado, USA SP 2 sp University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, USA SP 3 sp U.S. Army Institute for Surgical Research, San Antonio, Texas, USA SP 4 sp The Nora Eccles-Harrison Cardiovascular and Research Training Institute, University of Utah, School of Medicine, Salt Lake City, Utah, USA B Introduction b : Hemorrhagic shock is a significant cause of morbidity and mortality in canine trauma patients. Listing of Small Animal IVECCS Abstracts (in alphabetical order of presenter) ORAL PRESENTATIONS POINT-OF-CARE FELINE SERUM AMYLOID A AND FSAA:ALBUMIN RATIO IN CATS Allen AA, Destefano IM, Rozanski EA Tufts University, Cummings School of Veterinary Medicine, Grafton, Massachusetts, USA B Introduction b : Feline serum amyloid A (fSAA) is an inflammatory biomarker that increases early in a variety of diseases. Seventy-eight dogs received treatment for hypocoagulability and hemorrhage including transfusion of packed red blood cells ( I n i = 45), plasma products ( I n i = 28), or fresh whole blood ( I n i = 6); administration of tranexamic acid ( I n i = 37); and surgical hemostasis ( I n i = 21). [Extracted from the article]

ANTITRUST investigations, ANTITRUST law, ACCOUNTANTS, FREEDOM of Information Act (U.S.), GOVERNMENT accounting, and PROFESSIONS

While the role of lobbying in the US public accounting profession has been the subject of several studies, what has not been addressed is the profession's historic reluctance to lobby and the impact this may have had on the profession. This paper provides a case study of public accounting's interaction with government and the need for the profession to articulate the impact of government policies on the practice of accounting. It reviews and assesses the antitrust investigations by the US Justice Department and Federal Trade Commission that led to the repeal of the profession's anticompetitive ethics rules, rules that had governed American public accounting for most of the 20th century. These investigations are often blamed for an increased competitive atmosphere in public accounting that prioritized growth and profitability over quality in attest services. Using records obtained from Freedom of Information Act requests and archival sources, I attempt to reconstruct the US Government's motivations and the efforts of the American Institute of CPAs. I find a troubling lack of understanding of the audit profession by executive branch regulators and Congress and a reticence by the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants to advocate for the profession that led to what many observers see as a profound misapplication of the antitrust laws. While this study deals only with the US, similar regulatory changes took place in Canada, the UK, Australia, and New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PARTISANSHIP, UNITED States legislators, PUBLIC opinion, ELECTORAL coalitions, POLARIZATION (Social sciences), and POLITICAL communication

Contemporary public opinion in the United States has been characterized by affective polarization and the nationalization of political behavior. In this paper, we examine whether local framing can decrease voters' reliance on national partisan identities when evaluating their representatives in the United States Congress. Relying on both an experimental study and observational data from senators' Facebook posts, we find evidence that "talking local" is an effective means for representatives to bypass the "perceptual screen" of partisanship. Candidates who "go local" in their communication style are able to expand their electoral coalition by appealing to independents and outpartisans alike. Observational findings suggest that many politicians, especially those representing competitive districts, are aware of this and "go local" strategically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WATER pollution, POLLUTION control industry, WATER Pollution Control Act of 1948 (U.S.), BIOLOGISTS, and AUTHORITY

After the United States Congress passed the Water Pollution Control Act of 1948, biologists played an increasingly significant role in scientific studies of water pollution. Biologists interacted with other experts, notably engineers, who managed the public agencies devoted to water pollution control. Although biologists were at first marginalized within these agencies, the situation began to change by the early 1960s. Biological data became an integral part of water pollution control. While changing societal values, stimulated by an emerging ecological awareness, may explain broader shifts in expert opinion during the 1960s, this article explores how graphs changed experts' perceptions of water pollution. Experts communicated with each other via reports, journal articles, and conference speeches. Those sources reveal that biologists began experimenting with new graphical methods to simplify the complex ecological data they collected from the field. Biologists, I argue, followed the engineers' lead by developing graphical methods that were concise and quantitative. Their need to collaborate with engineers forced them to communicate, negotiate, and overcome conflicts and misunderstandings. By meeting engineers' expectations and promoting the value of their data through images as much as words, biologists asserted their authority within water pollution control by the early 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political theater that recently played out related to the US debt ceiling may have illustrated the chaos that polarization has brought to Washington, but it showed one other thing as well: even when it does not have much to do with the matter at hand—as in defaulting on the national debt—there's actually an appetite for federal permitting reform on both sides of the aisle. The Fiscal Responsibility Act (FRA) addressed some immediate priorities relating to infrastructure— including changes to the review process under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). But then, surprising many in the natural gas industry, as well as many of the industry's critics, the FRA actually ordered the regulatory permitting of the long‐delayed, controversial Mountain Valley Pipeline (MVP). For over five years, MVP has been in various stages of regulatory limbo, having received a certificate from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) years ago but continually failing to secure the other federal permits necessary for completion. That failure was generally not the result of actions of the agencies involved, but rather of successful efforts by project opponents to gain appellate court reversals of the agency actions approving the pipeline. The MVP saga has proven that even an "act of congress" does not necessarily end the drama. Well after the passage of the FRA, the Fourth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals, which had been the dominant forum for most of the previous stoppages, issued a stay of the construction under a U.S. Forest Service permit that MVP had already received. The outcome of that action is unknown at the time of publication, but presages the ongoing legal arm‐wrestling that will likely surround the FRA provision and the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

REGRESSION discontinuity design, STANDARD deviations, MISSING data (Statistics), TREATMENT effectiveness, and CAUSAL inference

The regression discontinuity design (RDD) is one of the most credible methods for causal inference that is often regarded as a missing data problem in the potential outcomes framework. However, the methods for missing data such as multiple imputation are rarely used as a method for causal inference. This article proposes multiple imputation regression discontinuity designs (MIRDDs), an alternative way of estimating the local average treatment effect at the cutoff point by multiply-imputing potential outcomes. To assess the performance of the proposed method, Monte Carlo simulations are conducted under 112 different settings, each repeated 5,000 times. The simulation results show that MIRDDs perform well in terms of bias, root mean squared error, coverage, and interval length compared to the standard RDD method. Also, additional simulations exhibit promising results compared to the state-of-the-art RDD methods. Finally, this article proposes to use MIRDDs as a graphical diagnostic tool for RDDs. We illustrate the proposed method with data on the incumbency advantage in U.S. House elections. To implement the proposed method, an easy-to-use software program is also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTERNET forums, AMPHIBIAN declines, AMPHIBIANS, RESEARCH questions, REPRODUCTIVE technology, and GEOLOGICAL surveys

The problem of global amphibian declines has prompted extensive research over the last three decades. Initially, the focus was on identifying and characterizing the extent of the problem, but more recently efforts have shifted to evidence‐based research designed to identify best solutions and to improve conservation outcomes. Despite extensive accumulation of knowledge on amphibian declines, there remain knowledge gaps and disconnects between science and action that hamper our ability to advance conservation efforts. Using input from participants at the ninth World Congress of Herpetology, a U.S. Geological Survey Powell Center symposium, amphibian on‐line forums for discussion, the International Union for Conservation of Nature Assisted Reproductive Technologies and Gamete Biobanking group, and respondents to a survey, we developed a list of 25 priority research questions for amphibian conservation at this stage of the Anthropocene. We identified amphibian conservation research priorities while accounting for expected tradeoffs in geographic scope, costs, and the taxonomic breadth of research needs. We aimed to solicit views from individuals rather than organizations while acknowledging inequities in participation. Emerging research priorities (i.e., those under‐represented in recently published amphibian conservation literature) were identified, and included the effects of climate change, community‐level (rather than single species‐level) drivers of declines, methodological improvements for research and monitoring, genomics, and effects of land‐use change. Improved inclusion of under‐represented members of the amphibian conservation community was also identified as a priority. These research needs represent critical knowledge gaps for amphibian conservation although filling these gaps may not be necessary for many conservation actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AIRBORNE warning & control systems, LOBBYING, NEGOTIATION, and PRESIDENTS of the United States

It was a fierce battle between the executive and the legislature, which it appeared that U.S. President Ronald Reagan would lose. Yet, he made it clear to the President where he stood on this issue.[79] President Reagan's complaint that Begin broke his promise not to lobby in Congress against the AWACS deal was unjustified and could only reflect the pressure the President was under, fighting for the approval of the AWACS deal. The AWACS was just another item on this list.[93] As an epilogue, President Reagan stated in a letter to Prime Minister Begin that while the Senate approved the President's bill for the supply of the AWACS, the Israel-United States special relationship would thrive and grow.[94] The letter could be read as a call to move forward, now that the source of friction had been removed. There is nothing in the Reagan-Begin meeting records about Begin's appearance in Congress.[78] We do not have a record of the report the President received after Lewis's meeting with Begin, but considering Reagan's disappointment, it seems that the President received the wrong message. [Extracted from the article]

SCHOLARSHIPS, EDUCATIONAL vouchers, COLLEGE enrollment, PRIVATE schools, and LOW-income students

Washington, DC's Opportunity Scholarship Program (OSP), the only federally funded school voucher program in the United States, has provided private school scholarships to low-income students in DC since 2004. From its inception, the program has received significant attention in national debates and has been the subject of rigorous evaluations mandated by Congress. We conduct an experimental evaluation of the effect of the OSP on college enrollment by comparing the college enrollment rates of students offered a scholarship in lotteries held in 2004 and 2005 with those of students who applied but did not win a scholarship. Students who won scholarships to attend private schools were not significantly more or less likely to enroll in college than students who did not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ECONOMIC sanctions, LOBBYING, INTERNATIONAL sanctions, HUMAN rights, PUBLIC opinion, and DIASPORA

Why does the US government choose to initiate human rights-based economic sanctions against some highly repressive target countries, but not others? And, under what conditions does it do so? In this paper, I posit an interactive theory wherein I argue that diaspora size moderates the relationship between target human rights conduct and the onset of human rights-based economic sanctions. I contend that as the size of a diaspora increases, its capacity to influence the onset of human rights-based economic sanctions strengthens, as it can more effectively (1) lobby decisionmakers in Congress and the White House directly as well as (2) indirectly via using contentious action to mobilize public opinion, which intensifies the pressure on Congresspersons and the President to act. To test my contention, I combine US sanctions data with data on American diasporas and homeland human rights conduct and find that while diaspora size strongly and consistently moderates the relationship between homeland human rights conduct and the onset of Congressional sanctions, its moderating impact on Presidential sanctions is inconsistent and, moreover, negligible when addressing endogeneity and other concerns. ¿Por qué el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos elige iniciar sanciones económicas basadas en los derechos humanos contra algunos países objetivo altamente represivos, pero no contra otros? y, ¿en qué condiciones lo hace? En este artículo, postulamos una teoría interactiva en la que sostenemos que el tamaño de la diáspora modera la relación entre el comportamiento en materia de derechos humanos en los países objetivo y el inicio de sanciones económicas relacionadas con los derechos humanos. Sostenemos que a medida que aumenta el tamaño de una diáspora, su capacidad para influir en el inicio de sanciones económicas basadas en los derechos humanos se fortalece, ya que puede ser más eficiente en materia de: (1) presionar a los tomadores de decisiones en el Congreso y en la Casa Blanca directamente, así como (2) indirectamente mediante el uso de acciones contenciosas para movilizar a la opinión pública, lo cual intensifica la presión sobre los congresistas y el presidente para que actúen. Con el fin de demostrar esta afirmación, combinamos los datos de las sanciones de los Estados Unidos con los datos sobre las diásporas estadounidenses y la conducta en materia de derechos humanos del país de origen y concluimos que, si bien el tamaño de la diáspora modera fuerte y consistentemente la relación entre la conducta en materia de derechos humanos del país de origen y el inicio de las sanciones por parte del Congreso, su impacto moderador en las sanciones presidenciales es inconsistente y, además, insignificante cuando se abordan la endogeneidad y otras preocupaciones. Pourquoi le gouvernement américain choisit-il d'appliquer des sanctions économiques en fonction du respect des droits de l'Homme seulement contre certains pays extrêmement répressifs? Et à quelles conditions le fait-il? Dans cet article, je postule une théorie interactive dans laquelle j'affirme que la taille de la diaspora modère la relation entre la conduite vis-à-vis des droits de l'Homme du pays cible et l'instauration de sanctions économiques en fonction du respect de ceux-ci. J'affirme que lorsque la taille de la diaspora augmente, sa capacité d'influencer l'instauration de sanctions économiques fondées sur le respect des droits de l'Homme se renforce, car elle est en mesure d'efficacement (1) faire pression sur les décideurs politiques au Congrès ou à la Maison-Blanche directement, mais aussi (2) indirectement, en agissant de manière controversée pour mobiliser l'opinion publique, ce qui intensifie la pression sur les membres du Congrès ou le Président. Pour vérifier mon hypothèse, je combine des données sur les sanctions américaines avec des données sur les diasporas aux États-Unis et les droits de l'Homme par pays d'origine. J'observe que, bien que la taille de la diaspora modère toujours fortement la relation entre la conduite vis-à-vis des droits de l'Homme dans le pays d'origine et l'apparition de sanctions par le Congrès, son effet de modération sur les sanctions présidentielles est fluctuant, en plus d'être négligeable dans la réponse à l'endogénéité et d'autres préoccupations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COLLEGE curriculum, UNITED States history, PUBLIC opinion, WEAPONS of mass destruction, and SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001

In the broad sweep of Americans' relationship with secret intelligence, one attitude has generally prevailed - ambivalence. Indeed, she goes to some lengths to debunk the misperceptions of intelligence that are rampant in the American polity, devoting her second chapter to "The Education Crisis: How Fictional Spies are Shaping Public Opinion and Intelligence Policy." Without quite saying so, in her cursory treatment of congressional intelligence oversight, Zegart prompts one to ask: If few in Congress have any idea of what intelligence is all about, how should citizens know any more than their elected representatives do?. [Extracted from the article]

FOREIGN loans and STATISTICS

Why has the United States delegated most of its crisis lending to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in recent years, although it provided large-scale bilateral bailouts to strategically important countries until the mid-1990s? Previous research on the choice of bailout strategy has failed to explain this important change, and a major problem with such research is that it has focused on executive branch preferences, overlooking those of the legislative branch. The legislature can significantly influence the choice of bailout policies, and existing research also implies that the US Congress has steered the recent change. This article hypothesizes that, caught in a dilemma between the need for bailouts and voters' opposition caused by widening inequality, Congress delegated bailouts to the IMF for blame avoidance. To test this hypothesis, the study conducts a statistical analysis of the IMF's capital increase votes and case analyses of the Mexican and Asian crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTERNET security, EMPLOYMENT, INFORMATION technology security, CAREER development, RESIGNATION of employees, and COACHING psychology

The article focuses on the pressing issue of the cybersecurity workforce shortage and highlights U.S. Congress's exploration of solutions. Topics discussed include the ISSA's Apprentices, Internships, and Mentorships (AIM) program, which aims to bridge the gap between cybersecurity education and employment, helping individuals find roles as Apprentices, Interns, or Mentors in the field.

HUMAN rights violations, FORCED labor, LEGAL rights, and CAMPS

The article discusses the passing of H.Con.Res. 294 by the House of Representatives, a resolution condemning China's forced labor prison camp system known as the laogai, with a vote of 411 to 1.It mentions that this resolution sheds light on the extensive human rights violations in China's laogai system, where prisoners are subjected to forced labor in harsh conditions, have no legal rights, and often face torture, aiming to raise awareness.

MORAL hazard, WAR, INCENTIVE (Psychology), POLITICAL elites, and TWENTIETH century

We study agency frictions in the US Congress. We examine the long-standing hypothesis that political elites engage in conflict because they fail to internalize the associated costs. We compare the voting behavior of legislators with draft age sons versus draft age daughters during the conscription-era wars of the twentieth century. We estimate that having a draft age son reduces proconscription voting by 7–11 percentage points. Support for conscription recovers when a legislator's son ages out of eligibility. We establish that agency problems contribute to political conflict and that politicians are influenced by private incentives orthogonal to political concerns or ideological preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BREAST cancer surgery, MAMMAPLASTY, TRANSVERSUS abdominis muscle, PATIENTS' attitudes, PLASTIC surgery, and PATIENTS' rights

Therefore, the Women's Health and Cancer Rights Act (WHCRA) of 1998 mandates insurance coverage for breast reconstruction, revision, and symmetry procedures for patients who choose to undergo mastectomies [[3]]. Members of Congress must hear plastic surgeon's and patients' perspectives about their law's effects on breast cancer patients and take action to ensure that all patients have equal and fair access to the treatment options. B Dear Editors b , Breast cancer is a significant health issue in our society, with a global incidence of 11.7% [[1]]. [Extracted from the article]

COLLEGE athletes, NEGOTIATION, LABOR laws, MANAGERS of sports teams, COLLEGE sports, ANTITRUST law, and COLLECTIVE labor agreements

This study examines the remaining options for sport managers to balance the interests of college athletes and the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) in regulating college athlete name, image, and likeness (NIL). The paper is divided into six substantive sections. The first section, "Background: The NCAA's Defense of NIL Restrictions," provides a brief history of the NCAA's legal defense to challenges against its NIL regulations. The second section, "U.S. Congress Is Unlikely to Regulate College Athletes' NIL Rights," addresses proposed federal legislation and Congress' willingness to regulate the use of NIL by college athletes. The third section, "The Impact of O'Bannon and Alston on NCAA's NIL Restraints," examines controlling case law, specifically O'Bannon v. NCAA and NCAA v. Alston, and how current antitrust law precedent shapes the scope by which the NCAA can regulate college athletes' NIL. The fourth section, "State Laws Regulating the NIL Marketplace," addresses state legislation regulating college athlete NIL use. The fifth section, "The Applicability of Labor Law to Regulating College Athletes' NIL," discusses the current college athlete NIL marketplace and analyzes whether labor law presents an optimal way forward for the NCAA to regulate NIL post-Alston. The sixth section, "College Athletes' Employee Status as a Pathway to Redefine the NCAA's Amateurism," concludes by examining the law's role in regulating NIL and discussing stakeholder implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ANTEBELLUM Period (U.S.), BLACK women, HOUSEKEEPING, PROPERTY rights, SKILLED labor, SLAVE trade, and EMINENT domain

This article examines Black women's relationships to personal property in the antebellum era via the claims for compensation they submitted to the Southern Claims Commission. Formed by Congress in 1871, this commission was instituted to reimburse unionist Southerners in seceded states for property confiscated and appropriated by the US Army during the Civil War. These records not only reveal that Black women possessed considerable property before the Civil War; they also show how the women used credit as a survival strategy during the height of the domestic slave trade. They forged relationships of trust which were fundamental to the Southern economy, and their communities and families recognized their sole ownership of the property they earned through their skilled domestic labor. Leveraging their reputations as credible economic actors, Black women employed their property and entrepreneurial expertise to achieve a modicum of security. This helped them assert their stable places within Southern communities, even if those communities were defined by Black bondage and white capital accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PROTEIN-losing enteropathy, MEDICAL screening, RECEIVER operating characteristic curves, INTESTINAL lymphangiectasia, DOGS, and DOG bites

Background: The impact of undernutrition in dogs with protein‐losing enteropathy (PLE) caused by inflammatory enteritis, intestinal lymphangiectasia, or both and which variables are most predictive of outcome are unknown. Objectives: Develop an undernutrition screening score (USS) for use at the time of diagnosis of PLE in dogs, which is predictive of outcome. Animals: Fifty‐seven dogs with PLE prospectively recruited from 3 referral hospitals in the United Kingdom. Methods: An USS based on the presence and severity of 5 variables: appetite, weight loss, and body, muscle, and coat condition and scored out of 15, with higher scores reflecting worse undernutrition, was calculated at the time of diagnosis. Follow‐up information was obtained for at least 6 months. Results: Dogs that failed to achieve clinical remission within 6 months had higher USS at diagnosis compared with dogs that achieved remission (median, 7.5; range, 2‐14 and median, 5; range, 0‐14, respectively). The USS at diagnosis gave an area under the receiver operating characteristic curve (AUC) of 0.656 for predicting nonclinical remission within 6 months, whereas a score consisting of just epaxial muscle loss and coat condition resulted in a larger AUC of 0.728. Conclusions and Clinical Importance: Of the 5 variables assessed in the USS, a combination of epaxial muscle loss and coat condition was most predictive of not achieving clinical remission within 6 months in dogs with PLE. Additional studies will help determine the effect of changes in USS and the 5 associated variables after diagnosis on outcome variables in these dogs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TREND analysis, AMERICAN Community Survey, DEMOGRAPHIC change, and BORDERLANDS

In 2021, the undocumented population residing in the United States (US) increased slightly to 10.3 million, compared to 10.2 million the previous year. The gradual decline or near-zero growth of this population has continued for more than a decade. However, the large increases in apprehensions at the southern border in recent years, along with continued legislative gridlock in Congress, could portend a new era of growth of this population. Unfortunately, the data needed to determine whether the population will enter a period of growth after 2021 — or whether the era of near-zero growth will continue — will not be available for at least a year or two. The most accurate demographic estimates of the undocumented population are derived from data collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey. Estimates of the size of the undocumented population in 2022 will not be available until early 2024. This report focuses on the most significant trend in the undocumented population in the past decade — the remarkable decline of 1.9 million in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021. The decline for Mexico in this period was 600,000 more than the total population increase from the seven countries (in order) with the fastest growing US undocumented populations: Guatemala, Honduras, India, Venezuela, El Salvador, Brazil, and China. This paper finds that: The long-term decline, or near-zero growth, of the total undocumented population that began in 2008 continued in 2021. The percent of undocumented residents in the total US population declined from 3.8 percent in 2011 to 3.1 percent in 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico declined from 6.4 million in 2011 to 4.4 million in 2021, a drop of 1.9 million in 10 years. A total of 2.9 million, or 47 percent, of the US undocumented population from Mexico in 2011 had left the undocumented population by 2021. The drop in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021 occurred nationwide, and the decline affected the undocumented population in nearly every state. The fastest growing undocumented populations by country in the last 10 years were from Guatemala, Honduras, India, El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil. The combined undocumented populations from these six countries grew by 1.2 million. Countries that had declining populations after 2011 included Poland, Peru, Ecuador, Korea, and Philippines, in addition to the large drop for Mexico. California had the largest decline in undocumented residents — 665,000 from 2011 to 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico living in California during this period declined by 720,000. The combined undocumented population in California, New York, and Illinois fell by more than one million from 2021 to 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

DILEMMA, NATIONAL interest, NATION-state, DIAGNOSIS, THERAPEUTIC alliance, and MIRACLES

In late April this year, President Yoon visited the United States as a national guest. He emphasized the ROK-U.S. alliance and mentioned the word "alliance" 28 times during his speech to Congress. He explained how the alliance was formed and how it has developed so far. He also suggested a blueprint for the alliance and showed us a future direction and vision. His speech was touching and heart-fluttering since the alliance made a miracle of freedom and prosperity in South Korea. Nothing in the world, however, is perfect. Everything has its shortcomings and complements. From this perspective, this paper is for diagnosis of the current status of the ROK-U.S. alliance and suggestions for policy direction. Although the appearance of the alliance looks good, there are a couple of problems inside. This paper will examine various issues based on the alliance theories such as the security-autonomy exchange, balancing and bandwagoning theory, and alliance dilemma. The issues will be the transition of wartime operational control, integrated deterrence and Indo-Pacific strategy, and controversy over the effectiveness of extended deterrence. The paper will analyze whether the current government's stance on the issues is helpful for national interests and suggest how we can improve policy directions way ahead. First, efforts for early transfer of wartime operational control are needed. Second, South Korea should expand its role as a global pivotal country since it openly exclaimed that in its Indo-Pacific Strategy of freedom, peace, and prosperity. Last but not least, South Korea should also strengthen its independent deterrence and response capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CARBON emissions, CARBON offsetting, CITIES & towns, GREENHOUSE gas mitigation, SOCIOECONOMIC factors, and CONTINUITY

The variation in the urban spatial structure (USS) has profound impacts on carbon emissions. Studying the relationship between the two can provide guidance for carbon neutrality strategies and the construction of low-carbon cities in China. However, there is currently a lack of comparative research on the different regions within a province. In this paper, the spatiotemporal evolution of the USS and carbon emissions, at five-year intervals from 2000 to 2020, is investigated in 21 prefecture-level cities in Guangdong Province, China, and the overall relationship of the USS to carbon emissions and their spatiotemporal variations are analyzed by using a two-way fixed-effects model and a geographically and temporally weighted regression model, respectively. The results show that, first, over the past twenty years, the scale of cities has continued to expand, with increasing continuity and aggregation in the built-up areas, while the complexity and fragmentation of their shapes have gradually decreased. Second, the gap in carbon emissions between the Pearl River Delta and other regions in Guangdong shows a trend of first decreasing and then increasing, with high values concentrated in the Pearl River Delta region and the city of Shantou in the east. Third, compared to socio-economic factors, the USS has a more direct and pronounced impact on carbon emissions. Urban expansion and the increased complexity of land patches promote carbon emissions, whereas improving urban spatial continuity and compactness can reduce carbon emissions. Fourth, the dominant spatial structure indicators of carbon emissions differ among the regions of eastern, western, and northern Guangdong and the Pearl River Delta. This study proposes spatial optimization strategies for the low-carbon development of cities in Guangdong Province, providing a new perspective for integrating urban layout and emission reduction policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Monatsschrift Kinderheilkunde is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

COMMERCE, TRADE regulation, POWER (Social sciences), FEDERALLY recognized Indian tribes, PLENARY power (Constitutional law), CONSTITUTIONAL law, and DUE process of law

The scope of federal power is sometimes seen as a long-running battle between two stories. Story One sees the commerce power as initially broad, mistakenly contracted in the late nineteenth century, then properly restored in 1937 as the national power to deal with national problems. Story Two sees 1937 as the mistake, and the commerce power as properly read to be limited. The truth is more complicated. Story Two is partly right: the interstate commerce power-the power to regulate “commerce among the several states”-is limited to the transportation and sale of goods from one state into another. Local agriculture, mining, and manufacturing lie outside it. But Story One is also partly right. The foreign and tribal commerce powers to regulate “commerce with foreign Nations” and “commerce with the Indian Tribes” are much broader than the interstate-commerce power. Wherever citizens of France or members of the Cherokee Nation travel in America, all their commercial transactions with American citizens, however local or small-scale-purchasing a single cup of coffee, renting an apartment, or making a contract as part of practicing a profession-lie within federal power. Restoring this distinction among the three commerce powers solves several problems in constitutional law: (1) It allows the abandonment of the textually-untethered, Tenth Amendment-flouting “plenary power” over foreign affairs and tribes. (2) It justifies federal protection of tribal members in the Indian Child Welfare Act, challenged in Brackeen v. Haaland.(3) It allows Fourteenth Amendment protection of equality and civil liberty to shift back to the Privileges or Immunities Clause, limiting constitutional protection for non-citizens to “process of law” and “protection of the laws,” but supporting Congress’s 1870 and 1986 prohibitions on discrimination against non-citizens. (4) It explains three gaps in antidiscrimination law: federal citizenship classifications, racial tribal classifications, and state reservations of certain governmental functions to citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

DRAFT (Military service), MILITARY service, WORLD War II, and RECRUITING & enlistment (Armed Forces)

Do the electoral incentives of political leaders influence who is compelled to serve in the military? We argue that conscription policy is designed by political actors who care about winning elections. In wartime, politicians face the twin threats of military and electoral defeat. Therefore, they will shield swing communities, who hold considerable sway over the outcome of elections, from some costs of military service. We leverage a novel database of 9.2 million U.S. service-members during World War II. We find that counties that narrowly voted for President Roosevelt and Democratic members of Congress had substantially fewer conscripts in the Army during 1942, 1943, and 1945. Substantively, 139,000 fewer soldiers—six times the number of soldiers who landed at Normandy—were enlisted from swing counties than expected. Our findings imply that democratic leaders do not want to lose re-election during wartime, and in doing so sacrifice democratic norms of fairness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

MICROBLOGS, DEMOCRACY, POLARIZATION (Social sciences), and AUTHORITARIANISM

During his tenure in office, President Trump made repeated attacks on democratic norms and practices in his public statements, in particular via Twitter. Does this type of anti-democratic rhetoric lead to an erosion of citizens' democratic attitudes? We argue that reactions to Trump's rhetoric are not likely to be uniform given the highly polarized political climate in the United States. In order to test this theoretical proposition, we fielded a survey experiment on a module of the 2019 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. Treated respondents were exposed to a range of tweets sent by President Trump attacking three critical institutions of a liberal democracy (the media, Congress, and the Courts). We find limited evidence that Trump's rhetoric leads to an erosion of democratic attitudes. On the contrary, the results suggest there is significant pushback against anti-democratic messages, especially among Democrats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PRIMARIES, WORKING class, POLITICAL candidates, and POLITICAL science

How do working class candidates perform in primary elections? Working class candidates rarely emerge, but existing evidence suggests workers perform as well as white-collar candidates once on the ballot. However, this evidence comes from studies of general elections. It is unknown whether these findings extend to other types of elections like primaries, where candidates compete without the political and financial backing of a party. We collect and analyze novel data describing the occupational background of all candidates who competed in U.S. House primaries between 2008 and 2016. The results show that working class candidates received an average vote share 24 percentage points lower than nonworkers and are 31 percentage points less likely to win their primaries. Controlling for other candidate, contest, and district characteristics helps to attenuate the performance gap. We find mixed evidence that fundraising and prior officeholding experience moderates workers' performance, but weak or no evidence that voter bias, party affiliation, or primary type do so. The study suggests that workers struggle to compete in primaries and calls for further research explaining what prevents workers from winning public office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

GLASS ceiling (Employment discrimination), GENDER stereotypes, MORAL foundations theory, POLITICAL leadership, ETHICS, and GENDER identity

Moral rhetoric presents a strategic dilemma for female politicians, who must navigate stereotypes while appealing to copartisan voters. In this article, we investigate how gender shapes elite moral rhetoric given the influence of partisanship, ideology, gender stereotypes, and moral psychology. Drawing on moral foundations theory, we examine how female and male representatives differ in their emphasis on the five foundations of care, fairness, authority, loyalty, and purity. Using the Moral Foundations Dictionary, we analyze a corpus of 2.23 million tweets by U.S. Congress members between 2013 and 2021. We find that female representatives are more likely to emphasize care and less likely to emphasize authority and loyalty than their male peers. However, when subsetting by party, we find that gender effects are most pronounced among Democrats and largely negligible among Republicans. These findings offer insight into the rhetorical dynamics of political leadership at the intersection of gender and partisan identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

REPUBLICANS, GENDER, PRACTICAL politics, GENDER identity, CHARISMA, and WOMEN college teachers

The year 2022 has brought a series of political surprises, and thankfully it has also brought us Catherine N. Wineinger's I Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women's Representation in Congress i to help us understand the world better. Perhaps optimistically, Wineinger appears to believe that this clever maneuvering may eventually help more women integrate into the GOP (which, to my mind, is essential to the party's survival). [Extracted from the article]

GOVERNMENT liability, PHASES of matter, SEPARATION of powers, DAMAGE claims, and LEGISLATIVE bodies

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

FEDERAL budgets, PRESIDENTS of the United States, LEGISLATIVE bodies, and GOVERNMENT agencies

How do the prospects for executive branch coordination affect legislatures' willingness to expand or contract budgets for public agencies? A theory is advanced stating the conditions whereby Congress expands and contracts the budgets of U.S. federal executive agencies based upon the type of presidential loyalty displayed by agency heads, as well as whether Congress's policy interests are aligned with or opposed by presidents. One aspect of the theory posits that executive agencies' budgets exhibit relatively lower volatility in response to unreliable executive agency heads when Congress is controlled by a different party than the president compared to instances of unified party government. The evidence offers compelling, albeit mixed, support for the theory's testable predictions while gleaning novel empirical insights for understanding how the prospects for executive branch coordination via leadership appointees affect the contingent nature of Congress's decisions in shaping the funding of U.S. federal executive agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FEDERAL budget laws, AUTHORITY, PRESIDENTS of the United States, and POLITICAL development

The recent centennial of the 1921 Budget and Accounting Act presents an opportunity to reconsider the importance of the federal executive budget to American political development. Of particular interest is the apparent shift in political authority from Congress to the president that is sometimes attributed to the Act. The 1921 Act generally marks the rise of the modern presidency, where the president received a durable grant of authority. We examine the congressional hearings and debates regarding the budget process from 1919 to 1921 to assess Congress's expectations of the new budget system it was creating. We show that Congress expected to benefit from the executive budget process and did not view it as a threat to its budget authority. Congress recognized that the executive branch had influence in the budget process, but it preferred presidential influence to department heads' influence. The 1921 Act, at least initially, enhanced the budgeting capacities of both the president and Congress in mutually beneficial ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HOSPITAL mergers, MEDICAL care, MEDICAL laws, VOLUNTARY hospitals, CHILDREN'S hospitals, and HOSPITALS

The article focuses on U.S. Congress's attention to healthcare consolidation and its implications for costs, quality, and access. It discusses a Senate Finance Committee hearing, where concerns about rising healthcare costs due to consolidation were raised. It explores arguments both for and against consolidation, proposing policy solutions such as strengthening antitrust rules, site-neutral payments, and improving Medicare reimbursement.

PROSECUTION, JUSTICE administration, and DEMOCRACY

Politicizing the investigation of politically active groups is harmful for both the justice system and democratic accountability. I test whether members of the U.S. Congress affect the investigation and prosecution of politically active labor unions. Union officers are 1.5 percentage points more likely to be prosecuted when their supported candidate barely loses instead of barely wins (compared to the 3% base rate). Anecdotal evidence and a novel decomposition suggest a role for both union-supported winners protecting allies and union-opposed winners pushing for aggressive prosecution of their opponents. I show that prosecutions undermine unions' strength, and I calculate implications for the incumbency advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HISTORICAL source material, FRONTIER & pioneer life, AFRICAN American women, and FATHER-child relationship

In a number of U.S. history classrooms in various high schools in a large metropolitan area, I have witnessed teachers using I American Progress i to illustrate manifest destiny in the 1840s. Sourcing I American Progress i and giving the picture a cursory reading raises major challenges to its use in studying manifest destiny. The Library of Congress description dates the painting's creation as being more than two decades after the first phase of manifest destiny. Google manifest destiny pictures and the first visual seen is I American Progress i . [Extracted from the article]

ANIMAL fighting, ANIMAL welfare, LAW reform, LAW enforcement, and STATE laws

Nonhuman animal fighting is an ancient form of exploitation, still attracting millions of followers. While 19th-century proscriptions imposed in the U.S. succeeded in stigmatizing it, animal fighters adapted to these cultural and legal taboos and continued to operate, often clandestinely. Cockfighting thrived, operating as a quasi-legal enterprise until an incremental policy-making campaign succeeded in passing a raft of local, state, and federal laws to outlaw it everywhere in the U.S. Between 1998 and 2018, legal cockfighting was banned in the final five states; more than 40 other states reformed their laws; and Congress passed multiple reforms to ban animal fighting, including in the U.S. territories. The process of outlawing animal fighting faced fierce resistance, but these practices are now the most widely and severely criminalized forms of animal mistreatment in the U.S. Adherence to the law and enforcement are continuing challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTERNAL revenue, LAW schools, SOCIAL security, and HISTORIC buildings

Since its introduction in 1913, the federal income tax has viewed income expansively, subjecting virtually all types of enrichment as gross income unless Congress explicitly exempted the income from taxation. But in the income tax's second decade, the Bureau of Internal Revenue created an exception to the broad reach, an exception not grounded in any type of congressional enactment. The Bureau's practice of excluding certain benefits began innocuously in the late 1930s by excluding certain social security benefits from gross income. Over the decades, the IRS has used what it now refers to as the "general welfare exclusion" to exclude from gross income everything from subsistence benefits to payments made to preserve historic buildings. Confronted with difficult questions surrounding poverty and ability to pay, the general welfare exclusion has provided a way for the IRS to resolve complex and unanticipated questions about whether certain government welfare benefits constitute gross income. The general welfare exclusion, however, relies upon an enigmatic foundation of administrative rulings and decisions completely unhooked from any statutory authority or direction. While this administratively created general welfare exclusion is broad and affects tens of millions of taxpayers, it nonetheless has been largely overlooked by taxpayers, tax scholars, and even legislators. This Article does three things. First, it comprehensively traces the development and evolution of the general welfare exclusion. Second, it highlights the problems created by the ad hoc nature and lack of tether to any legislative authority. Third, it provides a path by which the general welfare exclusion can continue to benefit low-income taxpayers while reducing the complexity and overreach of the IRS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UNITED States presidential election, 2020, LEGISLATIVE voting, PRIMARIES, ELECTIONS, and REPUBLICANS

In early 2021, members of Congress cast a series of high-profile roll call votes forcing them to choose between condoning or opposing Donald Trump's efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election. Substantial majorities of House Republicans supported Trump, first by opposing the certification of electoral votes from Arizona and Pennsylvania on January 6th, then by opposing the president's impeachment for inciting the attack on the US Capitol, and then by opposing a bill that would have created a national commission to investigate the events of January 6th. We examine whether the House Republicans who voted to support Trump in 2021 were rewarded or punished in the 2022 congressional midterm elections. We find no evidence that members who supported Trump did better or worse in contested general election races. However, Trump supporters were less likely to lose primary elections, more likely to run unopposed in the general election, more likely to run for higher office, and less likely to retire from politics. Overall, there seem to have been no significant political costs and some significant rewards in 2022 for House Republicans who supported Trump's undemocratic behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CONSULTING firms and SCANDALS

Another 'big four' firm has been dragged into claims of impropriety as a Senate inquiry into consulting services continues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]