Information services industry, Company business management, United States. Congress -- Political activity, United States. Congress -- Management, Information services industry -- Discipline, and Human rights
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. lawmakers lashed out at Google Inc. and other prominent Internet companies Wednesday, with one Democrat questioning "how your corporate leadership sleeps at night" because of the [...]
Humans, Smoking, Health Behavior, Military Medicine, Human Rights, Health Policy, Military Personnel, United States, Smoking Prevention, Clinical Research, Prevention, Tobacco, Smoking and Health, 8.3 Policy, ethics and research governance, Strategic, Defence & Security Studies, Public Health and Health Services, Human Movement and Sports Sciences, Strategic, and Defence & Security Studies
The Institute of Medicine recently called for a tobacco-free military, citing evidence that high rates of tobacco use harm readiness and create enormous costs for the Department of Defense and the Veterans Administration. The pro-tobacco activities of the tobacco industry and others, sometimes supported by military authorities even when prohibited by policy, have created a culture highly hospitable to smoking. Through qualitative secondary analysis of data from interviews and focus groups, this article explores the reasons enlisted personnel and their supervisors, installation tobacco control managers, and service policy leaders give for why tobacco control policy change "cannot" effectively be achieved. Three primary reasons were given: policies would impinge on the "right to smoke," policies would be unenforceable and lead to disciplinary breakdown, and the rights of civilian workers on military installations precluded policy enforcement. Yet evidence suggests that these reasons are not only invalid, but inconsistent with military policies addressing other threats to the health of personnel. This pervasive tobacco "exceptionalism" is a significant barrier to achieving a tobacco-free military. The military, Congress, and the President should re-evaluate the "can'ts" that have prevented effective action, and act to regulate and eventually abolish tobacco use in the armed forces.
Government regulation, United States. Congress -- International relations, Amnesty International USA -- Reports, Human rights, Dissenters -- Laws, regulations and rules, Emigration and immigration law, Cuba -- Civil rights, and Cuba -- Laws, regulations and rules
SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY, Colombia, Peru, labor rights, USA, human rights, unions, free trade agreements, Colômbia, direitos laborais, direitos humanos, sindicatos, TLC's, Perú, EE.UU., derechos laborales, derechos humanos, and TLC
Resumen En 2004, los gobiernos de Perú y Colombia iniciaron, conjuntamente con Ecuador, la negociación de un acuerdo de libre comercio con el Gobierno de Estados Unidos. Retirado Ecuador del proceso y desligadas las negociaciones de los dos países restantes, el documento negociado entre Perú y Estados Unidos fue ratificadlo en 2006 y 2007 por los congresos de cada uno respectivamente. Por su parte, el negociado por Colombia vio prolongada su revisión y aprobación por parte del congreso norteamericano. ¿Qué explica las mayores dificultades para la aprobación del acuerdo entre Colombia y Estados Unidos? Para el periodo en revisión, se encuentra una mayor oposición conjunta al acuerdo colombiano que condiciona su aprobación a la solución de asuntos relacionados con derechos fundamentales de los trabajadores. Pero la divergencia se explica aquí tras un análisis de la respuesta del Gobierno colombiano a la presión trasnacional, que devela una ineficaz estrategia del presidente Uribe condicionada por la incompatibilidad percibida entre las demandas de la oposición y su política de seguridad interna. In 2004 the Peruvian and Colombian governments began, alongside Ecuador, negotiating a trade agreement with the government of the United States of America. After Ecuador's withdrawal from the process, Peru and Colombia separated their negotiations with the United States. Peru reached an agreement with the United States that was ratified in 2006 and 2007, respectively. However, the approval of the accord with Colombia by the United States' Congress was significantly delayed. What were the forces behind this delay? This article emphasizes a strong transnational opposition to the United States-Colombia agreement that, in turn, conditioned its approval on the Colombian government's recognition and protection of workers' rights. The divergence between the Peruvian and the Colombian case is explained by the Colombian government's response to such claims: one that reveals an ineffective strategy shaped by President Uribe's perceived incompatibility between those transnational demands and his national security policy. Resumo Em 2004 os governos do Peru e a Colômbia iniciaram, conjuntamente com o Equador, a negociação de um Acordo de Livre Comércio com o governo dos Estados Unidos. Retirado o Equador do processo e desligadas as negociações dos dois países restantes, o documento negociado entre o Peru e os Estados Unidos foi ratificado em 2006 e 2007pelos Congressos de cada um respetivamente, mas o negociado pela Colômbia viu prolongada a sua revisão e aprovação por parte do Congresso norte-americano. Que explica as maiores dificuldades para a aprovação do acordo entre a Colômbia e os Estados Unidos? Para o periodo em revisão, encontra-se uma maior oposição conjunta ao acordo colombiano que condiciona a sua aprovação à solução de assunto relacionados com direitos fundamentais dos trabalhadores. Mas a divergência explica-se aqui após uma análise da resposta do governo colombiano à pressão transnacional, que revela uma ineficaz estratégia do presidente Uribe, condicionada pela incompatibilidade percebida entre demandas da oposição e a sua política de segurança interna.
History, International relations, Amnesty International, Amnesty International USA, Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, and International League for the Rights of Man
Using archival collections and published primary sources, this dissertation offers a bottom-up, social historical perspective on how several international human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the United States during the Cold War--the International League for the Rights of Man, Amnesty International USA (AIUSA), Americas Watch and Helsinki Watch--formed a transnational advocacy network that exposed abuses and shamed governments into ending them. It finds that a small circle of rooted cosmopolitans--a term used by Sidney Tarrow to describe "outsiders inside/insiders outside"--was responsible for the emergence of a movement during the mid-1970s that was centered in New York, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C. The activists profiled here were not the powerful, but neither were they the powerless. They tended to be highly-educated professionals who were drawn into activism after their moral sensibilities had been greatly offended. The emotional connections that formed between activists and victims thus arose within the historical context of intensifying market relations in this contemporary era of globalization. But why the spectacle of distant suffering drove some people to devote themselves to advancing the cause of human rights can be answered only in deeply personal terms. Biography is crucial to understanding how this transformation occurred for them: religious beliefs, a long-held cultural interest, a friend who experienced political repression and symbolized the plight of an entire country, previous work on domestic civil liberties, or their own victimization. Their worldview was based on a far-reaching conception of one's ethical responsibilities. As Kwame Anthony Appiah has argued, lives are given value by the identities that shape them--the philosophical basis of a cosmopolitanism that is premised upon "kindness to strangers." Activists proceeded in a similar path from an abstract notion of the rights-bearing individual to immersing themselves in the lived experiences of prisoners, dissidents, and other persecuted individuals they may have never actually met in person. Lacking the authority of state actors, activists had to act as moral entrepreneurs. Their social value was providing elites with information. The researchers who gathered the material for the reports published by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch became experts who were called to testify before Congress. Journalists quoted their findings to counter or corroborate the official version of events. NGOs also developed legal expertise that they used to expand the reach of international human rights law. As this subfield became more widely taught at law schools, some of which established programs dedicated to it, a generation of lawyer-activists took the international human rights movement in a new, more litigious direction. Publicity was just as important. It was easier to mobilize public opinion against repressive governments if the victims were well known; even better if activists became part of the story. By reaffirming their accuracy and objectivity, activists could gain the trust of reliable donors, philanthropic foundations, wealthy benefactors, and celebrities, all of whom became important sources of income that enabled their NGOs to expand during the last three decades of the twentieth century.
Sociology, Culture, Foreign Policy, Human Rights, Latin America, and Political Sociology
My dissertation examines the relationship between law and society by analyzing the implementation of U.S. human rights legislation. In the 1970s, the U.S. Congress, reflecting the growing international consensus that human rights were a matter of international policy, legislated that respect for human rights be considered in all foreign aid decisions. A central feature of this legislation stipulated that aid should not go to countries “engaged in gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.” Subsequently, many have concluded that the United States has inconsistently applied this legislation, especially in United States-Latin America relations. These researchers have studied human rights as a self-evident concept, obscuring the fact that policy advocates—those with a vested interest in defining human rights and their violation and the United States’ response—imbue the concept with of human rights with meaning through policy debates. This dissertation takes a different approach, studying what I call the politics of meaning-making: the process by which policy advocates define and contest the meaning of these phenomena. In order to develop this approach, I examine two cases testing the United States’ commitment to promoting respect for human rights abroad: the ‘dirty war’ in Argentina (1976-1983) and the civil war in El Salvador (1980-1992). The similar scope and severity of human rights violations in both cases provides for a powerful comparison. Based upon a content analysis of 160 U.S. Congressional hearings—summing to more than 35,000 pages of documents, I find that policy advocates assessed each society’s supposed capacity for self-governance and leveraged their own analysis to develop a plan of restoring respect for human rights in Argentina and of establishing respect for human rights in El Salvador. The distinction between restoring and establishing respect for human rights is important because each had significant social consequences for all of the nations involved, both during and after these conflicts officially ended. This analysis served as a foundation for both how policy advocates framed human rights violations perpetrated during each conflict, and how they measured progress towards curbing human rights abuses. I trace the logics and resources policy advocates used to respond to each specific case of human rights violations abroad. My analysis offers a new way to understand the United States’ response to human rights violations through a unique lens. Moreover, my research points to the importance of examining the boundaries between crime and human rights violations. How and by whom these boundaries are drawn and redrawn, impacted all of the societies studied, and continues to have a contemporary impact on local, national, and global levels.
Bracero Program, guest workers, comprehensive immigration reform, undocumented immigrants, unskilled labor supply and demand, absolute and relative deprivation, criminalization, amnesty, human rights, political conflict, fear, and xenophobia
Closing keynote to the Scribani International Conference in Madrid, and European premiere of the documentary “Harvest of Loneliness,” a critical reexamination of the bilateral US-Mexico contract labor program instituted in 1942 ostensibly to meet temporary labor shortages in the U.S. during World War II. But the program did not end when the war ended in 1945; at the behest of the corporate growers, it kept being extended by the U.S. Congress until 1964, becoming the largest such “guest worker” program of its kind to date — and one of the largest mass movements of workers in history. The program was presented to the public via newscasts, newspapers, journals and government publications as an ideal program that uplifted the economy of Mexico and satisfied the need for workers in the United States. The reality was much different. The Bracero Program was implemented to ensure accessible, cheap, controlled and disposable labor with little regard for the adverse and irreversible impact it had on Mexican families. During its 22 years no agricultural labor union succeeded in organizing or carrying out a strike — it was not until the end of the Bracero Program, which cut off of the supply of Mexican workers, that saw the emergence of the United Farm Workers. Still, after the Bracero Program ended formally in 1964 it was de facto maintained informally by growing streams of undocumented immigrant labor, leading to the present moment. Practically all of Mexico has been affected: fewer than 4% of Mexico’s 2,443 municipalities have no migrants living and working in the U.S. Mexican-born immigrants in the U.S. today number nearly 12 million; over half of them are undocumented. In the U.S. the political vacuum left by the failure of the federal government to pass “comprehensive immigration reform” — given the irreconcilable conflict between those who sought “enforcement” solutions to the presence of millions of migrant workers (from their criminalization and deportation to fencing the southern border) to those who sought to forge paths to their eventual legalization and integration (denigrated as “amnesty” by opponents) — has been filled by hundreds of attempts by state and local governments to assume federal immigration control functions in a growing climate of fear and enforced opprobrium. Yet it is not an American problem but a worldwide issue of vast consequence that will grow in magnitude in the years to come. In looking to the future it is wise to reexamine the experience and lessons of the past — especially given Europe’s parallel needs for manual laborers. These new braceros have been dubbed “outcasts of modernity,” “irregular” labor migrants, “illegal aliens” — terms which describe an unequal master status affecting every aspect of the life of a subclass of people without rights. They are products of a globalized political and economic system that creates illegality by displacing people and then denying them equal rights to do what they have to do to survive: move to find work. As migration pressures continue to mount as a result of global inequality, so will fear of the foreigner — the xenophobia of what has been called a “society of contempt.”
derechos humanos, Uruguay, 1972-1976, izquierda política, exiliados, historia política, human rights, political left, exiles, and political history
This article describes the relationship between the Uruguayan leftists who had to flee their country in the 1970s and several other participants who formed the transnational human rights networks in those years. The analysis begins in Buenos Aires and ends in the 1976 hearings on Uruguay before the U.S. Congress. It touches on the positions of diverse leftist groups, the stand of former senator Zelmar Michelini, the motivations of several Democratic congressmen, and the international campaign launched by Amnesty International. It focuses on the transformation that led many Uruguayan exiles to present their claims in the language of human rights organizations in order to posit their demands and denounce the most dramatic aspects of repression in their country. Este artículo describe la compleja trama de relaciones entre los exiliados uruguayos de izquierda y los diversos actores que conformaban las redes transnacionales de derechos humanos en los tempranos setenta. El recorrido comienza en Buenos Aires y culmina en las audiencias ante el Congreso de Estados Unidos a mediados de 1976, repasando las posturas de varios grupos de la izquierda uruguaya, la posición de Zelmar Michelini, las motivaciones de los congresales demócratas y la campaña de Amnesty International. El énfasis está puesto en la transformación que llevó a muchos exiliados uruguayos a adoptar la retórica política de los grupos de derechos humanos para plantear sus reivindicaciones y denunciar los aspectos más acuciantes de la represión en su país.