Diplomatic History. Apr2013, Vol. 37 Issue 2, p372-397. 26p.
HUMAN rights, DIPLOMATIC history, AMERICAN humanitarian assistance, TWENTIETH century, HISTORY, UNITED States, UNITED States -- Politics & government -- 1969-1974, and UNITED States -- Politics & government -- 1963-1969
Before Representative Donald Fraser and the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on International Organizations and Social Movements held hearings in 1973 on human rights, the issue had garnered only episodic attention by governmental actors. The subcommittee’s resulting report called for “U.S. leadership” on the international protection of human rights, and subsequent legislation implemented many of the subcommittee’s recommendations. Taken together, the hearings and their consequences signaled a turning point in U.S. human rights policy as they influenced efforts to reshape the State Department’s bureaucracy and formalized attention to human rights as a factor in U.S. policy in the years that followed. Importantly, this congressional activism pre-dated Jimmy Carter’s administration and ensured attention to human rights would continue beyond his single term in the White House. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
New York Times. 7/4/2018, Vol. 167 Issue 58013, pB14-B14. 1p. 1 Color Photograph.
UNITED States history, LIBERTY, HISTORY, HUMAN rights, AMERICANS, UNITED States. Congress, and 18TH century
The article presents a copy of the Declaration of Independence of the U.S. presented in the U.S. Congress in 1776. The Declaration states that all human beings are created equal, and that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable Rights, that include life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and mentions that history of the present King of Britain as a history of repeated injuries and usurpations. It notes powers of the U.S. states as free and independent states.
History, International relations, Amnesty International, Amnesty International USA, Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, and International League for the Rights of Man
Using archival collections and published primary sources, this dissertation offers a bottom-up, social historical perspective on how several international human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the United States during the Cold War--the International League for the Rights of Man, Amnesty International USA (AIUSA), Americas Watch and Helsinki Watch--formed a transnational advocacy network that exposed abuses and shamed governments into ending them. It finds that a small circle of rooted cosmopolitans--a term used by Sidney Tarrow to describe "outsiders inside/insiders outside"--was responsible for the emergence of a movement during the mid-1970s that was centered in New York, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C. The activists profiled here were not the powerful, but neither were they the powerless. They tended to be highly-educated professionals who were drawn into activism after their moral sensibilities had been greatly offended. The emotional connections that formed between activists and victims thus arose within the historical context of intensifying market relations in this contemporary era of globalization. But why the spectacle of distant suffering drove some people to devote themselves to advancing the cause of human rights can be answered only in deeply personal terms. Biography is crucial to understanding how this transformation occurred for them: religious beliefs, a long-held cultural interest, a friend who experienced political repression and symbolized the plight of an entire country, previous work on domestic civil liberties, or their own victimization. Their worldview was based on a far-reaching conception of one's ethical responsibilities. As Kwame Anthony Appiah has argued, lives are given value by the identities that shape them--the philosophical basis of a cosmopolitanism that is premised upon "kindness to strangers." Activists proceeded in a similar path from an abstract notion of the rights-bearing individual to immersing themselves in the lived experiences of prisoners, dissidents, and other persecuted individuals they may have never actually met in person. Lacking the authority of state actors, activists had to act as moral entrepreneurs. Their social value was providing elites with information. The researchers who gathered the material for the reports published by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch became experts who were called to testify before Congress. Journalists quoted their findings to counter or corroborate the official version of events. NGOs also developed legal expertise that they used to expand the reach of international human rights law. As this subfield became more widely taught at law schools, some of which established programs dedicated to it, a generation of lawyer-activists took the international human rights movement in a new, more litigious direction. Publicity was just as important. It was easier to mobilize public opinion against repressive governments if the victims were well known; even better if activists became part of the story. By reaffirming their accuracy and objectivity, activists could gain the trust of reliable donors, philanthropic foundations, wealthy benefactors, and celebrities, all of whom became important sources of income that enabled their NGOs to expand during the last three decades of the twentieth century.
HUMAN rights, TREATIES, COLD War, 1945-1991, PUBLIC opinion, HISTORY, TWENTIETH century, SOVIET Union-United States relations, UNITED States -- Politics & government -- 1981-1989, and FOREIGN relations of the United States -- 1981-1989
The article discusses the policies of the administration of the late U.S. president Ronald Reagan toward the Soviet Union during the 1980s. It examines Reagan's stances concerning human rights and the Soviet government, Reagan's views on the Helsinki Accords, also known as the Final Act, and analyzes what the author calls Reagan's pragmatism and flexibility. It discusses the impact of public opinion and the U.S. Congress on Reagan's policies, ideological competition between the Soviet Union and the U.S., and Reagan's willingness to sign exchange agreements with the Soviets during his term in efforts to break down Cold War barriers. The article also examines Reagan's working relationship with former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev.
This book questions the progressively restrictive immigration policies in the United States and examines the history of refugee policy-making, particularly during the 104th Congress. It discusses the congressional process and citizen action through human rights groups, refugee advocates and religious organizations working together to prevent Congress from limiting the rights of refugees. The book has three parts. Part I describes the increasing pressure from 1990 through 1995 in the country and in the Congress for some retrenchment of the nation’s openness to immigrants and refugees. Part II includes the author’s personal experiences in galvanising non-profit organizations into collective action to prevent Congress’s heavy-handed dealing of asylum applications. The last part of the book discusses the bureaucratic stops of the Immigration and Naturalisation Service and delays in the implementation of new laws, and connects the new legislation and immigration laws to shifting political tides. The book ends with some tentative conclusions drawn from a case study about legislation advocacy by public interest organizations wanting fair treatment of refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
CONFERENCES & conventions, HISTORY, HUMAN rights, and HUMAN rights workers
This article presents information regarding congresses and seminars related to politics and history. About Studs Terkel and Howard Zinn the article says that a glorious public conversation between two beloved historians will be held in New York, celebrating Studs' 85th birthday and his 11th book, "My American Century," just published by the New Press. The Institute of Policy Studies honors human rights advocates with the twenty-first annual Letelier-Moffitt Memorial Human Rights Awards on Saturday, September 27, 1997 in Washington DC.