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Book
xxxii, 266 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
  • Rashomon Effect: Introduction (Arun Mahizhnan): Not Quite an "Internet" Election: Survey of Media Use of Voters (Tan Tarn How and Arun Mahizhnan)-- Legal Landmines and OB Markers: Survival Strategies of Alternative Media (Cherian George)-- Untapped Potential: Internet Use by Political Parties (Debbie Goh and Natalie Pang)-- Pro, Anti, Neutral: Political Blogs and their Sentiments (Natalie Pang and Debbie Goh)-- Who Calls the Shots? Agenda Setting in Mainstream and Alternative Media (Paul Wu Horng-Jyh, Randolph Tan Gee Kwang and Carol Soon)-- Different but not that Different: New Media's Impact on Young Voters' Political Participation (Trisha T C Lin and Alice Y H Hong)-- The Leap from the Virtual to the Real: Facebook Use and Political Participation (Marko M Skoric)-- David vs Goliath: Twitter's Role in Equalising Big-Party Dominance (Xu Xiaoge)-- Lifting the Veil of Ignorance: Internet's Impact on Knowledge Gap (Debbie Goh)-- Squaring Political Circles: Coping with Conflicting Information (Natalie Pang)-- The Silence of the Majority: Political Talk during Election Time (Weiyu Zhang)-- Conclusion (Tan Tarn How)-- Appendices: Background on Survey-- Fact Sheet on the 2011 General Election-- About the Contributors--.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The Singapore 2011 General Election was dubbed by some as the first "Internet" election. How far is this true and to what extent did old and new media influence voting behaviour and political participation? What was the role of Facebook, Twitter, party political websites, political discussion and the alternative and conflicting information offered online? What theoretical insights can be gleaned about media and its use by voters? This edited volume provides an in-depth analysis of these questions through a first-ever survey of media use, political traits, political participation and attitudes towards media, and through experiments, content analysis and interviews.This landmark collection of essays also lays the groundwork for understanding future elections, including the next general election. It also serves as a valuable record of the state of affairs on the ground in the rapidly shifting dynamics of a Singapore political landscape that is undergoing dramatic and unprecedented transformation.This book will appeal to researchers in political communication, political science and media communication. It will also be of interest to policy makers, members of media, community leaders and observers of the impact of media on politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Rashomon Effect: Introduction (Arun Mahizhnan): Not Quite an "Internet" Election: Survey of Media Use of Voters (Tan Tarn How and Arun Mahizhnan)-- Legal Landmines and OB Markers: Survival Strategies of Alternative Media (Cherian George)-- Untapped Potential: Internet Use by Political Parties (Debbie Goh and Natalie Pang)-- Pro, Anti, Neutral: Political Blogs and their Sentiments (Natalie Pang and Debbie Goh)-- Who Calls the Shots? Agenda Setting in Mainstream and Alternative Media (Paul Wu Horng-Jyh, Randolph Tan Gee Kwang and Carol Soon)-- Different but not that Different: New Media's Impact on Young Voters' Political Participation (Trisha T C Lin and Alice Y H Hong)-- The Leap from the Virtual to the Real: Facebook Use and Political Participation (Marko M Skoric)-- David vs Goliath: Twitter's Role in Equalising Big-Party Dominance (Xu Xiaoge)-- Lifting the Veil of Ignorance: Internet's Impact on Knowledge Gap (Debbie Goh)-- Squaring Political Circles: Coping with Conflicting Information (Natalie Pang)-- The Silence of the Majority: Political Talk during Election Time (Weiyu Zhang)-- Conclusion (Tan Tarn How)-- Appendices: Background on Survey-- Fact Sheet on the 2011 General Election-- About the Contributors--.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The Singapore 2011 General Election was dubbed by some as the first "Internet" election. How far is this true and to what extent did old and new media influence voting behaviour and political participation? What was the role of Facebook, Twitter, party political websites, political discussion and the alternative and conflicting information offered online? What theoretical insights can be gleaned about media and its use by voters? This edited volume provides an in-depth analysis of these questions through a first-ever survey of media use, political traits, political participation and attitudes towards media, and through experiments, content analysis and interviews.This landmark collection of essays also lays the groundwork for understanding future elections, including the next general election. It also serves as a valuable record of the state of affairs on the ground in the rapidly shifting dynamics of a Singapore political landscape that is undergoing dramatic and unprecedented transformation.This book will appeal to researchers in political communication, political science and media communication. It will also be of interest to policy makers, members of media, community leaders and observers of the impact of media on politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
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Social Sciences Resource Center: New books shelf Find it
JA85.2 .S55 B38 2016 Unknown
Book
219 pages ; 23 cm
  • Commons Democracy: An Introduction One. Telling Stories: Vernacular versus Formal Democracy Two. Between Savagery and Civilization: The Whiskey Rebellion and a Democratic Middle Way Three. The Privatizing State: The Pioneers and the Closing of the Legal Commons Four. Settler Self-Governance: Democratic Politics on the Frontier Five. From Nothing to Start, Into Being: The Anti-Rent Wars, the Indian Question, and the Triumph of Liberalism Conclusion: "The Wayward Multitudinous People.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Commons Democracy highlights a poorly understood dimension of democracy in the early United States. It tells a story that, like the familiar one, begins in the Revolutionary era. But instead of the tale of the Founders' high-minded ideals and their careful crafting of the safe framework for democracy--a representative republican government--Commons Democracy examines the power of the democratic spirit, the ideals and practices of everyday people in the early nation. As Dana D. Nelson reveals in this illuminating work, the sensibility of participatory democratic activity fueled the involvement of ordinary folk in resistance, revolution, state constitution-making, and early national civic dissent. The rich variety of commoning customs and practices in the late colonies offered non-elite actors a tangible and durable relationship to democratic power, one significantly different from the representative democracy that would be institutionalized by the Framers in 1787. This democracy understood political power and liberties as communal, not individual. Ordinary folk practiced a democracy that was robustly participatory and insistently local. To help tell this story, Nelson turns to early American authors--Hugh Henry Brackenridge, James Fenimore Cooper, Robert Montgomery Bird, and Caroline Kirkland--who were engaged with conflicts that emerged from competing ideals of democracy in the early republic, such as the Whiskey Rebellion and the Anti-Rent War as well as the enclosure of the legal commons, anxieties about popular suffrage, and practices of frontier equalitarianism. While Commons Democracy is about the capture of "democracy" for the official purposes of state consolidation and expansion, it is also a story about the ongoing (if occluded) vitality of commons democracy, of its power as part of our shared democratic history and its usefulness in the contemporary toolkit of citizenship.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Commons Democracy: An Introduction One. Telling Stories: Vernacular versus Formal Democracy Two. Between Savagery and Civilization: The Whiskey Rebellion and a Democratic Middle Way Three. The Privatizing State: The Pioneers and the Closing of the Legal Commons Four. Settler Self-Governance: Democratic Politics on the Frontier Five. From Nothing to Start, Into Being: The Anti-Rent Wars, the Indian Question, and the Triumph of Liberalism Conclusion: "The Wayward Multitudinous People.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Commons Democracy highlights a poorly understood dimension of democracy in the early United States. It tells a story that, like the familiar one, begins in the Revolutionary era. But instead of the tale of the Founders' high-minded ideals and their careful crafting of the safe framework for democracy--a representative republican government--Commons Democracy examines the power of the democratic spirit, the ideals and practices of everyday people in the early nation. As Dana D. Nelson reveals in this illuminating work, the sensibility of participatory democratic activity fueled the involvement of ordinary folk in resistance, revolution, state constitution-making, and early national civic dissent. The rich variety of commoning customs and practices in the late colonies offered non-elite actors a tangible and durable relationship to democratic power, one significantly different from the representative democracy that would be institutionalized by the Framers in 1787. This democracy understood political power and liberties as communal, not individual. Ordinary folk practiced a democracy that was robustly participatory and insistently local. To help tell this story, Nelson turns to early American authors--Hugh Henry Brackenridge, James Fenimore Cooper, Robert Montgomery Bird, and Caroline Kirkland--who were engaged with conflicts that emerged from competing ideals of democracy in the early republic, such as the Whiskey Rebellion and the Anti-Rent War as well as the enclosure of the legal commons, anxieties about popular suffrage, and practices of frontier equalitarianism. While Commons Democracy is about the capture of "democracy" for the official purposes of state consolidation and expansion, it is also a story about the ongoing (if occluded) vitality of commons democracy, of its power as part of our shared democratic history and its usefulness in the contemporary toolkit of citizenship.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
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Stacks Find it
E310 .N45 2016 Unknown
Book
ix, 153 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • Alternative media and online activism
  • Media celebration: Shanzhai media culture as media intervention
  • Media disaster: citizen journalism as alternative crisis communication
  • Media scandal: online weiguan as networked collective action
  • Internet interventionism and deliberative politics in China's web 2.0 era.
  • Alternative media and online activism
  • Media celebration: Shanzhai media culture as media intervention
  • Media disaster: citizen journalism as alternative crisis communication
  • Media scandal: online weiguan as networked collective action
  • Internet interventionism and deliberative politics in China's web 2.0 era.
Green Library
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Stacks Find it
HN740 .Z9 I56895 2016 Unavailable In process Request
Book
xvi, 291 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
  • 1. Recapturing Citizen Journalism: Processes and Patterns-- Bruce Mutsvairo PART I: RECAPTURING PRODUCTION PRACTICES 2. Networked Social Journalism: Media, Citizen Participation, and Democracy in Nigeria-- Farooq A. Kperogi 3. Crossing The Taboo Lines: Citizen Journalism Ethics In Political Crisis Setting-- Last Moyo 4. The positioning of citizen-influenced Radio in the Battle for the Control of Minds-- Everette Ndlovu 5. Why the Arab Spring never came to Ethiopia, Terje Skjerdal 6. Citizen Journalism at Crossroads: Mediated political agency and duress in Central Africa-- Mirjam de Bruijn PART II: PROSPECTS, PROMISES AND PITFALLS 7. South African Arab Spring or democracy to come? An Analysis of South African Journalists' Engagement with Citizenry through Twitter-- Glenda Daniels 8. Citizen journalism and the African extractives sector-- Erika Rodrigues and Anya Schiffrin 9. Crowd-funding- a harambee for African journalism?-- Kristin Skare Orgeret 10. Politics of passion and the pursuit for propaganda in Zimbabwe's state media. A study of case of The Herald-- Bruce Mutsvairo 11.Beyond blind optimism: The case of citizen journalism in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe-- Cleophas Muneri PART III: PERCEPTIONS AND CRITIQUES 12. Political participation, alternative media and citizen journalism in Lusophone Africa-- Susana Salgado 13. Between 'Bottom-Up' Journalism and Social Activism in Unequal Societies: The Case of GroundUP in South Africa-- Wallace Chuma 14.Citizen journalism and national politics in Zimbabwe: The case of the 2008 and 2013 elections-- Joseph Mujere and Wesley Mwatwara 15. Citizen journalism in Kenya as a contested 'third space'-- George Ogola and Mike Owuor 16. The Ebola Virus and Citizen Journalism in Africa-- Winston Mano and Viola C Milton 17. From citizen journalism to human rights journalism: Framing the Ebola epidemic in Sierra Leone on Facebook-- Ibrahim Shaw.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
This book investigates the role of citizen journalism in railroading social and political changes in sub-Saharan Africa. Case studies are drawn from research conducted by leading scholars from the fields of media studies, journalism, anthropology and history, who uniquely probe the real impact of technologies in driving change in Africa.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1. Recapturing Citizen Journalism: Processes and Patterns-- Bruce Mutsvairo PART I: RECAPTURING PRODUCTION PRACTICES 2. Networked Social Journalism: Media, Citizen Participation, and Democracy in Nigeria-- Farooq A. Kperogi 3. Crossing The Taboo Lines: Citizen Journalism Ethics In Political Crisis Setting-- Last Moyo 4. The positioning of citizen-influenced Radio in the Battle for the Control of Minds-- Everette Ndlovu 5. Why the Arab Spring never came to Ethiopia, Terje Skjerdal 6. Citizen Journalism at Crossroads: Mediated political agency and duress in Central Africa-- Mirjam de Bruijn PART II: PROSPECTS, PROMISES AND PITFALLS 7. South African Arab Spring or democracy to come? An Analysis of South African Journalists' Engagement with Citizenry through Twitter-- Glenda Daniels 8. Citizen journalism and the African extractives sector-- Erika Rodrigues and Anya Schiffrin 9. Crowd-funding- a harambee for African journalism?-- Kristin Skare Orgeret 10. Politics of passion and the pursuit for propaganda in Zimbabwe's state media. A study of case of The Herald-- Bruce Mutsvairo 11.Beyond blind optimism: The case of citizen journalism in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe-- Cleophas Muneri PART III: PERCEPTIONS AND CRITIQUES 12. Political participation, alternative media and citizen journalism in Lusophone Africa-- Susana Salgado 13. Between 'Bottom-Up' Journalism and Social Activism in Unequal Societies: The Case of GroundUP in South Africa-- Wallace Chuma 14.Citizen journalism and national politics in Zimbabwe: The case of the 2008 and 2013 elections-- Joseph Mujere and Wesley Mwatwara 15. Citizen journalism in Kenya as a contested 'third space'-- George Ogola and Mike Owuor 16. The Ebola Virus and Citizen Journalism in Africa-- Winston Mano and Viola C Milton 17. From citizen journalism to human rights journalism: Framing the Ebola epidemic in Sierra Leone on Facebook-- Ibrahim Shaw.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
This book investigates the role of citizen journalism in railroading social and political changes in sub-Saharan Africa. Case studies are drawn from research conducted by leading scholars from the fields of media studies, journalism, anthropology and history, who uniquely probe the real impact of technologies in driving change in Africa.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
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Stacks Find it
PN4784 .C615 P37 2016 Unknown
Book
xv, 279 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • List of Illustrations ix List of Tables xi Acknowledgements xiii Chapter 1 Collective Action Goes Digital 1 Chapter 2 Tiny Acts of Political Participation 34 Chapter 3 Turbulence 74 Chapter 4 How Social Information Changes the World 111 Chapter 5 Visibility Versus Social Information 136 Chapter 6 Personality Matters 153 Chapter 7 How It All Kicks Off 175 Chapter 8 From Political Turbulence to Chaotic Pluralism 196 Appendix 229 Notes 239 References 251 Index 271.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
As people spend increasing proportions of their daily lives using social media, such as Twitter and Facebook, they are being invited to support myriad political causes by sharing, liking, endorsing, or downloading. Chain reactions caused by these tiny acts of participation form a growing part of collective action today, from neighborhood campaigns to global political movements. Political Turbulence reveals that, in fact, most attempts at collective action online do not succeed, but some give rise to huge mobilizations--even revolutions. Drawing on large-scale data generated from the Internet and real-world events, this book shows how mobilizations that succeed are unpredictable, unstable, and often unsustainable. To better understand this unruly new force in the political world, the authors use experiments that test how social media influence citizens deciding whether or not to participate. They show how different personality types react to social influences and identify which types of people are willing to participate at an early stage in a mobilization when there are few supporters or signals of viability. The authors argue that pluralism is the model of democracy that is emerging in the social media age--not the ordered, organized vision of early pluralists, but a chaotic, turbulent form of politics. This book demonstrates how data science and experimentation with social data can provide a methodological toolkit for understanding, shaping, and perhaps even predicting the outcomes of this democratic turbulence.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • List of Illustrations ix List of Tables xi Acknowledgements xiii Chapter 1 Collective Action Goes Digital 1 Chapter 2 Tiny Acts of Political Participation 34 Chapter 3 Turbulence 74 Chapter 4 How Social Information Changes the World 111 Chapter 5 Visibility Versus Social Information 136 Chapter 6 Personality Matters 153 Chapter 7 How It All Kicks Off 175 Chapter 8 From Political Turbulence to Chaotic Pluralism 196 Appendix 229 Notes 239 References 251 Index 271.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
As people spend increasing proportions of their daily lives using social media, such as Twitter and Facebook, they are being invited to support myriad political causes by sharing, liking, endorsing, or downloading. Chain reactions caused by these tiny acts of participation form a growing part of collective action today, from neighborhood campaigns to global political movements. Political Turbulence reveals that, in fact, most attempts at collective action online do not succeed, but some give rise to huge mobilizations--even revolutions. Drawing on large-scale data generated from the Internet and real-world events, this book shows how mobilizations that succeed are unpredictable, unstable, and often unsustainable. To better understand this unruly new force in the political world, the authors use experiments that test how social media influence citizens deciding whether or not to participate. They show how different personality types react to social influences and identify which types of people are willing to participate at an early stage in a mobilization when there are few supporters or signals of viability. The authors argue that pluralism is the model of democracy that is emerging in the social media age--not the ordered, organized vision of early pluralists, but a chaotic, turbulent form of politics. This book demonstrates how data science and experimentation with social data can provide a methodological toolkit for understanding, shaping, and perhaps even predicting the outcomes of this democratic turbulence.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
P95.82 .U6 M36 2016 Unknown
Book
xix, 302 pages : illustrations, maps ; 24 cm
"An examination of the development of the Olympic movement in Puerto Rico in the context of national and political identity"-- Provided by publisher.
"An examination of the development of the Olympic movement in Puerto Rico in the context of national and political identity"-- Provided by publisher.
Green Library
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Stacks Find it
GV721.4 .P9 S68 2016 Unavailable On order Request
Book
xxxi, 354 pages ; 24 cm
  • Introduction Part I: New Historical Perspectives on Populism Section I: Right-Wing Populism and the Rise of National Socialism in Germany 1. The Role of 'the People' and the Rise of the Nazis (Peter Fritzsche, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA) 2. Conservatives - Radical Nationalists - Fascists: Calling the People into Politics, 1890-1930 (Geoff Eley, University of Michigan, USA) 3. Germany's Conservative Elites and the Problem of Political Mobilization in the Weimar Republic (Larry E. Jones, Canisius College, USA) Section II: Populism in the Balkans in the Twentieth Century 4. Nationalism and Populism in the Balkans: The Case of Croatia (Mark Biondich, Carleton University, Ottawa) 5. The People as a 'Happening': Constellations of Populism in Serbia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Nenad Stefanov, Humboldt University, Berlin) 6. Alija Izetbegovic's Islamic Declaration and Populism in Bosnia (York Norman, SUNY Buffalo State) Section III: Transformations of Populism in the U.S. in the 19th and 20th Centuries 7. Richard Hofstadter's Populist Problem - And Ours - And His Identity as a Jewish Intellectual (Gary Marotta (SUNY Buffalo State, USA) 8. Anti-Populism and Democracy (Charles Postel, San Francisco State University, USA) 9. Populism: Progressive and Reactionary (Ron Formisano, University of Kentucky, USA) Section IV: Populism in Latin America and the Caribbean 1920-1960. 10. Populist Discourses, Developmentalist Policies: Rethinking Mid-Twentieth Century Brazilian Politics (Joel Wolfe, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, USA) 11. Populism as an Identity: Four Propositions on Peronism (Matthew Karush, George Mason University, USA) 12. Populism in the Circum-Caribbean, Especially Cuba and Jamaica (Gillian McGillivray, York University, Canada and Thomas Rogers, Emory University, USA) 13. Performing Populism in Paraguay: Febrerismo on Stage in the Works of Correa and Ruffinelli, 1933-1943 (Bridget Chesterton, SUNY Buffalo State, USA) Part II: Historical Theories of Populism 14. Transformations of Producerist Populism in Western Europe (John Abromeit, SUNY Buffalo State, USA) 15. Populists and Parasites: On Producerist Reason (Mark Loeffler, University of Chicago, USA) Part III: Recent Tendencies in Populist Movements in Latin America, Europe, and the US 16. Populist Radical-Right Parties in Europe Today (Cas Mudde, University of Georgia, USA) 17. Ideologies of Economic Populism in America and their Subversion by the Right (Peter Breiner, SUNY Albany, USA) 18. The Contested Meanings of Democratic and Populist Revolutions in Latin America (Carlos de la Torre, University of Kentucky, USA) Bibliography Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The recent resurgence of populist movements and parties has led to a revival of scholarly interest in populism. This volume brings together well-established and new scholars to reassess the subject and combine historical and theoretical perspectives to shed new light on the history of the subject, as well as enriching contemporary discussions. In three parts, the contributors explore the history of populism in different regions, theories of populism and recent populist movements. Taken together, the contributions included in this book represent the most comprehensive and wide-ranging study of the topic to date. Questions addressed include: - What are the 'essential' characteristics of populism? - Is it important to distinguish between left- and right-wing populism? - How can the transformation of populist movements be explained? This is the most thorough and up to date comparative historical study of populism available. As such it will be of great value to anyone researching or studying the topic.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction Part I: New Historical Perspectives on Populism Section I: Right-Wing Populism and the Rise of National Socialism in Germany 1. The Role of 'the People' and the Rise of the Nazis (Peter Fritzsche, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA) 2. Conservatives - Radical Nationalists - Fascists: Calling the People into Politics, 1890-1930 (Geoff Eley, University of Michigan, USA) 3. Germany's Conservative Elites and the Problem of Political Mobilization in the Weimar Republic (Larry E. Jones, Canisius College, USA) Section II: Populism in the Balkans in the Twentieth Century 4. Nationalism and Populism in the Balkans: The Case of Croatia (Mark Biondich, Carleton University, Ottawa) 5. The People as a 'Happening': Constellations of Populism in Serbia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Nenad Stefanov, Humboldt University, Berlin) 6. Alija Izetbegovic's Islamic Declaration and Populism in Bosnia (York Norman, SUNY Buffalo State) Section III: Transformations of Populism in the U.S. in the 19th and 20th Centuries 7. Richard Hofstadter's Populist Problem - And Ours - And His Identity as a Jewish Intellectual (Gary Marotta (SUNY Buffalo State, USA) 8. Anti-Populism and Democracy (Charles Postel, San Francisco State University, USA) 9. Populism: Progressive and Reactionary (Ron Formisano, University of Kentucky, USA) Section IV: Populism in Latin America and the Caribbean 1920-1960. 10. Populist Discourses, Developmentalist Policies: Rethinking Mid-Twentieth Century Brazilian Politics (Joel Wolfe, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, USA) 11. Populism as an Identity: Four Propositions on Peronism (Matthew Karush, George Mason University, USA) 12. Populism in the Circum-Caribbean, Especially Cuba and Jamaica (Gillian McGillivray, York University, Canada and Thomas Rogers, Emory University, USA) 13. Performing Populism in Paraguay: Febrerismo on Stage in the Works of Correa and Ruffinelli, 1933-1943 (Bridget Chesterton, SUNY Buffalo State, USA) Part II: Historical Theories of Populism 14. Transformations of Producerist Populism in Western Europe (John Abromeit, SUNY Buffalo State, USA) 15. Populists and Parasites: On Producerist Reason (Mark Loeffler, University of Chicago, USA) Part III: Recent Tendencies in Populist Movements in Latin America, Europe, and the US 16. Populist Radical-Right Parties in Europe Today (Cas Mudde, University of Georgia, USA) 17. Ideologies of Economic Populism in America and their Subversion by the Right (Peter Breiner, SUNY Albany, USA) 18. The Contested Meanings of Democratic and Populist Revolutions in Latin America (Carlos de la Torre, University of Kentucky, USA) Bibliography Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The recent resurgence of populist movements and parties has led to a revival of scholarly interest in populism. This volume brings together well-established and new scholars to reassess the subject and combine historical and theoretical perspectives to shed new light on the history of the subject, as well as enriching contemporary discussions. In three parts, the contributors explore the history of populism in different regions, theories of populism and recent populist movements. Taken together, the contributions included in this book represent the most comprehensive and wide-ranging study of the topic to date. Questions addressed include: - What are the 'essential' characteristics of populism? - Is it important to distinguish between left- and right-wing populism? - How can the transformation of populist movements be explained? This is the most thorough and up to date comparative historical study of populism available. As such it will be of great value to anyone researching or studying the topic.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JN8 .T73 2016 Unknown
Book
xiv, 343 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • PART I: THE VALUE OF INFORMATION -- PART II. HOW TO IMPROVE APOLITICAL KNOWLEDGEA.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Citizens appear to know very little about politics and government. Hundreds of surveys document millions of citizens answering thousands of political questions incorrectly. Given this state of affairs, it is not surprising that more knowledgeable people often deride the public for its ignorance and encourage them to stay out of politics. As the eminent political scientist Arthur Lupia shows in this capstone work, there are more constructive responses. As he explains, expert critics of public ignorance fundamentally misunderstand the problem, and as a consequence propose unhelpful solutions to a genuinely serious problem. For instance, idea that simply providing people with more facts will make them more competent voters is erroneous. That is because most experts fail to understand how most people learn, and do not know how to determine what types of information are relevant to voters. Lupia has worked for years with scientists and educators in all arenas to figure out how to increase issue competence among voters in areas like climate change. He draws from these efforts and the latest research on educational efficacy to develop a battery of techniques that effectively convey to people information that they actually care. If we accept the idea that citizens sometimes lack the knowledge that they need to make competent political choices, that greater knowledge can improve decision making, and that experts and advocates are often mistaken about how people think and learn, then a prescription for improving political knowledge and civic competence emerges: we need to educate the educators. Lupia's ultimate purpose, therefore, extends beyond politics alone: to help educators of all kinds convey information that is of more value to more people.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • PART I: THE VALUE OF INFORMATION -- PART II. HOW TO IMPROVE APOLITICAL KNOWLEDGEA.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Citizens appear to know very little about politics and government. Hundreds of surveys document millions of citizens answering thousands of political questions incorrectly. Given this state of affairs, it is not surprising that more knowledgeable people often deride the public for its ignorance and encourage them to stay out of politics. As the eminent political scientist Arthur Lupia shows in this capstone work, there are more constructive responses. As he explains, expert critics of public ignorance fundamentally misunderstand the problem, and as a consequence propose unhelpful solutions to a genuinely serious problem. For instance, idea that simply providing people with more facts will make them more competent voters is erroneous. That is because most experts fail to understand how most people learn, and do not know how to determine what types of information are relevant to voters. Lupia has worked for years with scientists and educators in all arenas to figure out how to increase issue competence among voters in areas like climate change. He draws from these efforts and the latest research on educational efficacy to develop a battery of techniques that effectively convey to people information that they actually care. If we accept the idea that citizens sometimes lack the knowledge that they need to make competent political choices, that greater knowledge can improve decision making, and that experts and advocates are often mistaken about how people think and learn, then a prescription for improving political knowledge and civic competence emerges: we need to educate the educators. Lupia's ultimate purpose, therefore, extends beyond politics alone: to help educators of all kinds convey information that is of more value to more people.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
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Stacks Find it
JA76 .L865 2016 Unavailable In transit Request
Book
xvi, 126 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • Ideological proximity : concept and measurement
  • Ideological proximity and political participation
  • Ideological proximity and support for democracy
  • Ideological proximity and individual happiness.
Elections are a fundamental element of democracy, since elected governments reflect voter preferences. At the same time, it is inevitable that policies pursued by any government closely resemble the preferences of some citizens, while alienating others who hold different views. Previous works have examined how institutional settings facilitate or hinder policy proximity between citizens and governments. Building on their findings, the book explores a series of "so what" questions: how and to what extent does the distance between individual and government positions affect citizens' propensity to vote, protest, believe in democracy, and even feel satisfied with their lives? Using cross-national public opinion data, this book is an original scholarly research which develops theoretically grounded hypotheses to test the effect of citizen-government proximity on three dependent variables. After introducing the data (both public opinion surveys and country-level statistics) and the methodology to be used in subsequent chapters, one chapter each is devoted to how proximity or the absence thereof affects political participation, satisfaction with democracy, and happiness. Differences in political attitudes and behavior between electoral winners and losers, and ideological moderates and radicals, are also discussed in depth.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Ideological proximity : concept and measurement
  • Ideological proximity and political participation
  • Ideological proximity and support for democracy
  • Ideological proximity and individual happiness.
Elections are a fundamental element of democracy, since elected governments reflect voter preferences. At the same time, it is inevitable that policies pursued by any government closely resemble the preferences of some citizens, while alienating others who hold different views. Previous works have examined how institutional settings facilitate or hinder policy proximity between citizens and governments. Building on their findings, the book explores a series of "so what" questions: how and to what extent does the distance between individual and government positions affect citizens' propensity to vote, protest, believe in democracy, and even feel satisfied with their lives? Using cross-national public opinion data, this book is an original scholarly research which develops theoretically grounded hypotheses to test the effect of citizen-government proximity on three dependent variables. After introducing the data (both public opinion surveys and country-level statistics) and the methodology to be used in subsequent chapters, one chapter each is devoted to how proximity or the absence thereof affects political participation, satisfaction with democracy, and happiness. Differences in political attitudes and behavior between electoral winners and losers, and ideological moderates and radicals, are also discussed in depth.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Law Library (Crown)
Status of items at Law Library (Crown)
Law Library (Crown) Status
Basement
JF799 .C87 2016 Unknown
Book
xiv, 297 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm.
  • Activating democracy in Brazil
  • Establishing the participatory citizenship regime
  • Rebuilding the local state
  • Innovation and renewal of participatory budgeting
  • Councils and conferences : health care, housing, and social services
  • Transforming the engagement of civil society organizations : adopting new strategies in the participatory citizenship regime
  • Transforming favelas
  • Activating democracy : Belo Horizonte and beyond.
In 1988, BrazilAEs Constitution marked the formal establishment of a new democratic regime. In the ensuing two and a half decades, Brazilian citizens, civil society organizations, and public officials have undertaken the slow, arduous task of building new institutions to ensure that Brazilian citizens have access to rights that improve their quality of life, expand their voice and vote, change the distribution of public goods, and deepen the quality of democracy. Civil society activists and ordinary citizens now participate in a multitude of state-sanctioned institutions, including public policy management councils, public policy conferences, participatory budgeting programs, and legislative hearings. Activating Democracy in Brazil examines how the proliferation of democratic institutions in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, has transformed the way in which citizens, CSOs, and political parties work together to change the existing state. According to Wampler, the 1988 Constitution marks the formal start of the participatory citizenship regime, but there has been tremendous variation in how citizens and public officials have carried it out. This book demonstrates that the variation results from the interplay of five factors: state formation, the development of civil society, government support for citizensAE use of their voice and vote, the degree of public resources available for spending on services and public goods, and the rules that regulate forms of participation, representation, and deliberation within participatory venues. By focusing on multiple democratic institutions over a twenty-year period, this book illustrates how the participatory citizenship regime generates political and social change.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Activating democracy in Brazil
  • Establishing the participatory citizenship regime
  • Rebuilding the local state
  • Innovation and renewal of participatory budgeting
  • Councils and conferences : health care, housing, and social services
  • Transforming the engagement of civil society organizations : adopting new strategies in the participatory citizenship regime
  • Transforming favelas
  • Activating democracy : Belo Horizonte and beyond.
In 1988, BrazilAEs Constitution marked the formal establishment of a new democratic regime. In the ensuing two and a half decades, Brazilian citizens, civil society organizations, and public officials have undertaken the slow, arduous task of building new institutions to ensure that Brazilian citizens have access to rights that improve their quality of life, expand their voice and vote, change the distribution of public goods, and deepen the quality of democracy. Civil society activists and ordinary citizens now participate in a multitude of state-sanctioned institutions, including public policy management councils, public policy conferences, participatory budgeting programs, and legislative hearings. Activating Democracy in Brazil examines how the proliferation of democratic institutions in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, has transformed the way in which citizens, CSOs, and political parties work together to change the existing state. According to Wampler, the 1988 Constitution marks the formal start of the participatory citizenship regime, but there has been tremendous variation in how citizens and public officials have carried it out. This book demonstrates that the variation results from the interplay of five factors: state formation, the development of civil society, government support for citizensAE use of their voice and vote, the degree of public resources available for spending on services and public goods, and the rules that regulate forms of participation, representation, and deliberation within participatory venues. By focusing on multiple democratic institutions over a twenty-year period, this book illustrates how the participatory citizenship regime generates political and social change.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Law Library (Crown)
Status of items at Law Library (Crown)
Law Library (Crown) Status
Basement
JL2481 .W36 2015 Unknown
Book
xiv, 297 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
In 1988, BrazilAEs Constitution marked the formal establishment of a new democratic regime. In the ensuing two and a half decades, Brazilian citizens, civil society organizations, and public officials have undertaken the slow, arduous task of building new institutions to ensure that Brazilian citizens have access to rights that improve their quality of life, expand their voice and vote, change the distribution of public goods, and deepen the quality of democracy. Civil society activists and ordinary citizens now participate in a multitude of state-sanctioned institutions, including public policy management councils, public policy conferences, participatory budgeting programs, and legislative hearings. Activating Democracy in Brazil examines how the proliferation of democratic institutions in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, has transformed the way in which citizens, CSOs, and political parties work together to change the existing state. According to Wampler, the 1988 Constitution marks the formal start of the participatory citizenship regime, but there has been tremendous variation in how citizens and public officials have carried it out. This book demonstrates that the variation results from the interplay of five factors: state formation, the development of civil society, government support for citizensAE use of their voice and vote, the degree of public resources available for spending on services and public goods, and the rules that regulate forms of participation, representation, and deliberation within participatory venues. By focusing on multiple democratic institutions over a twenty-year period, this book illustrates how the participatory citizenship regime generates political and social change.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
In 1988, BrazilAEs Constitution marked the formal establishment of a new democratic regime. In the ensuing two and a half decades, Brazilian citizens, civil society organizations, and public officials have undertaken the slow, arduous task of building new institutions to ensure that Brazilian citizens have access to rights that improve their quality of life, expand their voice and vote, change the distribution of public goods, and deepen the quality of democracy. Civil society activists and ordinary citizens now participate in a multitude of state-sanctioned institutions, including public policy management councils, public policy conferences, participatory budgeting programs, and legislative hearings. Activating Democracy in Brazil examines how the proliferation of democratic institutions in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, has transformed the way in which citizens, CSOs, and political parties work together to change the existing state. According to Wampler, the 1988 Constitution marks the formal start of the participatory citizenship regime, but there has been tremendous variation in how citizens and public officials have carried it out. This book demonstrates that the variation results from the interplay of five factors: state formation, the development of civil society, government support for citizensAE use of their voice and vote, the degree of public resources available for spending on services and public goods, and the rules that regulate forms of participation, representation, and deliberation within participatory venues. By focusing on multiple democratic institutions over a twenty-year period, this book illustrates how the participatory citizenship regime generates political and social change.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JL2481 .W36 2015 Unknown
Book
ix, 147 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm
  • Preface Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Research Methodology Chapter 3: Place and Space Chapter 4: Chicana Feminist Approaches to Social Change Chapter 5: Languaging Chapter 6: Story-Centered Organizing Chapter 7: Esperanza v. City of San Antonio Chapter 8: Uncompromising Confrontation of Injustice Chapter 9: Alliances and Coalitions Chapter 10: Conclusion Appendixes.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The longevity of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center in San Antonio, Texas, suggests that it is possible for a social change organization to simultaneously address racism, classism, sexism, homophobia, imperialism, environmental justice, and peace-and to succeed. Activism, Alliance Building, and the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center uses ethnographic research to provide an instructive case study of the importance and challenges of confronting injustice in all of its manifestations. Through building and maintaining alliances, deploying language strategically, and using artistic expression as a central organizing mechanism, The Esperanza Peace and Justice Center demonstrates the power of multi-issue organizing and intersectional/coalitional consciousness. Interweaving artistic programming with its social justice agenda, in particular, offers Esperanza a unique forum for creative and political expression, institutional collaborations, and interpersonal relationships, which promote consciousness raising, mobilization, and social change. This study will appeal to scholars of communication, Chicana feminism, and ethnography.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Preface Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Research Methodology Chapter 3: Place and Space Chapter 4: Chicana Feminist Approaches to Social Change Chapter 5: Languaging Chapter 6: Story-Centered Organizing Chapter 7: Esperanza v. City of San Antonio Chapter 8: Uncompromising Confrontation of Injustice Chapter 9: Alliances and Coalitions Chapter 10: Conclusion Appendixes.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The longevity of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center in San Antonio, Texas, suggests that it is possible for a social change organization to simultaneously address racism, classism, sexism, homophobia, imperialism, environmental justice, and peace-and to succeed. Activism, Alliance Building, and the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center uses ethnographic research to provide an instructive case study of the importance and challenges of confronting injustice in all of its manifestations. Through building and maintaining alliances, deploying language strategically, and using artistic expression as a central organizing mechanism, The Esperanza Peace and Justice Center demonstrates the power of multi-issue organizing and intersectional/coalitional consciousness. Interweaving artistic programming with its social justice agenda, in particular, offers Esperanza a unique forum for creative and political expression, institutional collaborations, and interpersonal relationships, which promote consciousness raising, mobilization, and social change. This study will appeal to scholars of communication, Chicana feminism, and ethnography.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HN90 .M84 D48 2015 Unknown
Book
xxi, 241 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, the essays in this volume use close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, and memoirs of policymakers and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? Other contributions explore African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. The volume concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, the essays in this volume use close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, and memoirs of policymakers and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? Other contributions explore African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. The volume concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
E744 .A295 2015 Unknown
Book
195 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
  • 1. Introduction 2. Why Participate in Politics?: Beyond Self-Interest 3. Why Vote?: The Evidence 4. Why Become Politically Informed? 5. The Post-Election Phase: Public Interest Groups 6. A Gene for Altruism? 7. Altruism and Redistributive Government Policies 8. Altruistic Conservatives: Varieties of Conservatism 9. An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: Democracies Do it Better? 10. Representative Democracy: Electoral and Post-Electoral Phases.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Individuals have little incentive to vote, acquire political information or contribute campaign funds, because their vote has very little chance of affecting the outcome of an election. Jankowski offers an explanation and evidence for political participation based on the assumption that most individuals are weakly altruistic. Other proposed explanations of political participation (civic duty and expressive behavior) are not supported by the evidence, or fail to explain the many different forms of political participation, such as the acquisition of political information. Evidence is presented that liberals and conservatives are equally altruistic. Therefore, an explanation of why liberals and conservatives differ in their support of various government programs to help the needy is presented. Jankowski's analysis examines both the electoral and post-electoral phases of representative democracy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1. Introduction 2. Why Participate in Politics?: Beyond Self-Interest 3. Why Vote?: The Evidence 4. Why Become Politically Informed? 5. The Post-Election Phase: Public Interest Groups 6. A Gene for Altruism? 7. Altruism and Redistributive Government Policies 8. Altruistic Conservatives: Varieties of Conservatism 9. An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: Democracies Do it Better? 10. Representative Democracy: Electoral and Post-Electoral Phases.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Individuals have little incentive to vote, acquire political information or contribute campaign funds, because their vote has very little chance of affecting the outcome of an election. Jankowski offers an explanation and evidence for political participation based on the assumption that most individuals are weakly altruistic. Other proposed explanations of political participation (civic duty and expressive behavior) are not supported by the evidence, or fail to explain the many different forms of political participation, such as the acquisition of political information. Evidence is presented that liberals and conservatives are equally altruistic. Therefore, an explanation of why liberals and conservatives differ in their support of various government programs to help the needy is presented. Jankowski's analysis examines both the electoral and post-electoral phases of representative democracy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
SAL3 (off-campus storage)
Status of items at SAL3 (off-campus storage)
SAL3 (off-campus storage) Status
Stacks Request
JF799 .J36 2015 Available
Book
1 online resource (317 pages)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Business Library
Status of items at Business Library
Business Library Status
Online resource
eResource Unknown
Book
xi, 302 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HC106.83 .L49 2015 Unknown
Book
281 pages ; 24 cm.
  • The enduring legacy of nineteenth-century governance in the United States : the emergence of the associational order
  • Scientific forestry and the roots of the modern American state : Gifford Pinchot's path to progressive reform
  • "Mirrors of desire" : interest groups, elections, and the targeted style in twentieth-century America
  • Reorganizing the organizational synthesis : federal-professional relations in modern America
  • Meeting the state halfway : governing America, 1930-1950
  • Making pluralism "great" : beyond a recycled history of the great society.
In the wake of the New Deal, U.S. politics has been popularly imagined as an ongoing conflict between small-government conservatives and big-government liberals. In practice, narratives of left versus right or government versus the people do not begin to capture the dynamic ways Americans pursue civic goals while protecting individual freedoms. Brian Balogh proposes a new view of U.S. politics that illuminates how public and private actors collaborate to achieve collective goals. This "associational synthesis" treats the relationship between state and civil society as fluid and challenges interpretations that map the trajectory of American politics solely along ideological lines. Rather, both liberals and conservatives have extended the authority of the state but have done so most successfully when state action is mediated through nongovernmental institutions, such as universities, corporations, interest groups, and other voluntary organizations. The Associational State provides a fresh perspective on the crucial role that the private sector, trade associations, and professional organizations have played in implementing public policies from the late nineteenth through the twenty-first century. Balogh examines key historical periods through the lens of political development, paying particular attention to the ways government, social movements, and intermediary institutions have organized support and resources to achieve public ends. Exposing the gap between the ideological rhetoric that both parties deploy today and their far less ideologically driven behavior over the past century and a half, The Associational State offers one solution to the partisan gridlock that currently grips the nation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • The enduring legacy of nineteenth-century governance in the United States : the emergence of the associational order
  • Scientific forestry and the roots of the modern American state : Gifford Pinchot's path to progressive reform
  • "Mirrors of desire" : interest groups, elections, and the targeted style in twentieth-century America
  • Reorganizing the organizational synthesis : federal-professional relations in modern America
  • Meeting the state halfway : governing America, 1930-1950
  • Making pluralism "great" : beyond a recycled history of the great society.
In the wake of the New Deal, U.S. politics has been popularly imagined as an ongoing conflict between small-government conservatives and big-government liberals. In practice, narratives of left versus right or government versus the people do not begin to capture the dynamic ways Americans pursue civic goals while protecting individual freedoms. Brian Balogh proposes a new view of U.S. politics that illuminates how public and private actors collaborate to achieve collective goals. This "associational synthesis" treats the relationship between state and civil society as fluid and challenges interpretations that map the trajectory of American politics solely along ideological lines. Rather, both liberals and conservatives have extended the authority of the state but have done so most successfully when state action is mediated through nongovernmental institutions, such as universities, corporations, interest groups, and other voluntary organizations. The Associational State provides a fresh perspective on the crucial role that the private sector, trade associations, and professional organizations have played in implementing public policies from the late nineteenth through the twenty-first century. Balogh examines key historical periods through the lens of political development, paying particular attention to the ways government, social movements, and intermediary institutions have organized support and resources to achieve public ends. Exposing the gap between the ideological rhetoric that both parties deploy today and their far less ideologically driven behavior over the past century and a half, The Associational State offers one solution to the partisan gridlock that currently grips the nation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Law Library (Crown)
Status of items at Law Library (Crown)
Law Library (Crown) Status
Basement
JK271 .B285 2015 Unknown
Book
281 pages ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction. Toward an Associational Synthesis Chapter 1. The Enduring Legacy of Nineteenth-Century Governance in the United States: The Emergence of the Associational Order Chapter 2. Scientific Forestry and the Roots of the Modern American State: Gifford Pinchot's Path to Progressive Reform Chapter 3. "Mirrors of Desires": Interest Groups, Elections, and the Targeted Style in Twentieth-Century America Chapter 4. Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis: Federal-Professional Relations in Modern America Chapter 5. Meeting the State Halfway: Governing America, 1930-1950 Chapter 6. Making Pluralism "Great": Beyond a Recycled History of the Great Society Conclusion. How We Got Here Notes Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
In the wake of the New Deal, U.S. politics has been popularly imagined as an ongoing conflict between small-government conservatives and big-government liberals. In practice, narratives of left versus right or government versus the people do not begin to capture the dynamic ways Americans pursue civic goals while protecting individual freedoms. Brian Balogh proposes a new view of U.S. politics that illuminates how public and private actors collaborate to achieve collective goals. This "associational synthesis" treats the relationship between state and civil society as fluid and challenges interpretations that map the trajectory of American politics solely along ideological lines. Rather, both liberals and conservatives have extended the authority of the state but have done so most successfully when state action is mediated through nongovernmental institutions, such as universities, corporations, interest groups, and other voluntary organizations. The Associational State provides a fresh perspective on the crucial role that the private sector, trade associations, and professional organizations have played in implementing public policies from the late nineteenth through the twenty-first century. Balogh examines key historical periods through the lens of political development, paying particular attention to the ways government, social movements, and intermediary institutions have organized support and resources to achieve public ends. Exposing the gap between the ideological rhetoric that both parties deploy today and their far less ideologically driven behavior over the past century and a half, The Associational State offers one solution to the partisan gridlock that currently grips the nation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction. Toward an Associational Synthesis Chapter 1. The Enduring Legacy of Nineteenth-Century Governance in the United States: The Emergence of the Associational Order Chapter 2. Scientific Forestry and the Roots of the Modern American State: Gifford Pinchot's Path to Progressive Reform Chapter 3. "Mirrors of Desires": Interest Groups, Elections, and the Targeted Style in Twentieth-Century America Chapter 4. Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis: Federal-Professional Relations in Modern America Chapter 5. Meeting the State Halfway: Governing America, 1930-1950 Chapter 6. Making Pluralism "Great": Beyond a Recycled History of the Great Society Conclusion. How We Got Here Notes Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
In the wake of the New Deal, U.S. politics has been popularly imagined as an ongoing conflict between small-government conservatives and big-government liberals. In practice, narratives of left versus right or government versus the people do not begin to capture the dynamic ways Americans pursue civic goals while protecting individual freedoms. Brian Balogh proposes a new view of U.S. politics that illuminates how public and private actors collaborate to achieve collective goals. This "associational synthesis" treats the relationship between state and civil society as fluid and challenges interpretations that map the trajectory of American politics solely along ideological lines. Rather, both liberals and conservatives have extended the authority of the state but have done so most successfully when state action is mediated through nongovernmental institutions, such as universities, corporations, interest groups, and other voluntary organizations. The Associational State provides a fresh perspective on the crucial role that the private sector, trade associations, and professional organizations have played in implementing public policies from the late nineteenth through the twenty-first century. Balogh examines key historical periods through the lens of political development, paying particular attention to the ways government, social movements, and intermediary institutions have organized support and resources to achieve public ends. Exposing the gap between the ideological rhetoric that both parties deploy today and their far less ideologically driven behavior over the past century and a half, The Associational State offers one solution to the partisan gridlock that currently grips the nation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JK271 .B285 2015 Unknown
Book
xx, 321 pages : illustrations, maps ; 24 cm
  • List of Illustrations Preface Acknowledgments Introduction: A History of Place and Nation PART ONE. Landscapes of Opportunity 1. Dictatorship's Blocks: The Battle for the New Urban Venezuela 2. Democracy's Projects: Occupying the Spaces of Revolution PART TWO. Paths to Democracy 3. From Ballots to Bullets: The Rise of Urban Insurgency, 1958--1963 4. "The Fight Was Fierce": Uncertain Victories in the Streets and the Polls, 1963--1969 PART THREE. Streets of Protest 5. Water, Women, and Protest: The Return of Local Activism, 1969--1977 6. "A Weapon as Powerful as the Vote": Seizing the Promise of Participation, 1979--1988 7. Killing Democracy's Promise: A Massacre of People and Expectations Conclusion: Revolutionary Projects Appendix Notes Bibliography Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Beginning in the late 1950s political leaders in Venezuela built what they celebrated as Latin America's most stable democracy. But outside the staid halls of power, in the gritty barrios of a rapidly urbanizing country, another politics was rising unruly, contentious, and clamoring for inclusion. Based on years of archival and ethnographic research in Venezuela's largest public housing community, Barrio Rising delivers the first in-depth history of urban popular politics before the Bolivarian Revolution, providing crucial context for understanding the democracy that emerged during the presidency of Hugo Chavez. In the mid-1950s, a military government bent on modernizing Venezuela razed dozens of slums in the heart of the capital Caracas, replacing them with massive buildings to house the city's working poor. The project remained unfinished when the dictatorship fell on January 23, 1958, and in a matter of days city residents illegally occupied thousands of apartments, squatted on green spaces, and renamed the neighborhood to honor the emerging democracy: the 23 de Enero (January 23). During the next thirty years, through eviction efforts, guerrilla conflict, state violence, internal strife, and official neglect, inhabitants of el veintitres learned to use their strategic location and symbolic tie to the promise of democracy in order to demand a better life. Granting legitimacy to the state through the vote but protesting its failings with violent street actions when necessary, they laid the foundation for an expansive understanding of democracy both radical and electoral whose features still resonate today. Blending rich narrative accounts with incisive analyses of urban space, politics, and everyday life, Barrio Rising offers a sweeping reinterpretation of modern Venezuelan history as seen not by its leaders but by residents of one of the country's most distinctive popular neighborhoods.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • List of Illustrations Preface Acknowledgments Introduction: A History of Place and Nation PART ONE. Landscapes of Opportunity 1. Dictatorship's Blocks: The Battle for the New Urban Venezuela 2. Democracy's Projects: Occupying the Spaces of Revolution PART TWO. Paths to Democracy 3. From Ballots to Bullets: The Rise of Urban Insurgency, 1958--1963 4. "The Fight Was Fierce": Uncertain Victories in the Streets and the Polls, 1963--1969 PART THREE. Streets of Protest 5. Water, Women, and Protest: The Return of Local Activism, 1969--1977 6. "A Weapon as Powerful as the Vote": Seizing the Promise of Participation, 1979--1988 7. Killing Democracy's Promise: A Massacre of People and Expectations Conclusion: Revolutionary Projects Appendix Notes Bibliography Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Beginning in the late 1950s political leaders in Venezuela built what they celebrated as Latin America's most stable democracy. But outside the staid halls of power, in the gritty barrios of a rapidly urbanizing country, another politics was rising unruly, contentious, and clamoring for inclusion. Based on years of archival and ethnographic research in Venezuela's largest public housing community, Barrio Rising delivers the first in-depth history of urban popular politics before the Bolivarian Revolution, providing crucial context for understanding the democracy that emerged during the presidency of Hugo Chavez. In the mid-1950s, a military government bent on modernizing Venezuela razed dozens of slums in the heart of the capital Caracas, replacing them with massive buildings to house the city's working poor. The project remained unfinished when the dictatorship fell on January 23, 1958, and in a matter of days city residents illegally occupied thousands of apartments, squatted on green spaces, and renamed the neighborhood to honor the emerging democracy: the 23 de Enero (January 23). During the next thirty years, through eviction efforts, guerrilla conflict, state violence, internal strife, and official neglect, inhabitants of el veintitres learned to use their strategic location and symbolic tie to the promise of democracy in order to demand a better life. Granting legitimacy to the state through the vote but protesting its failings with violent street actions when necessary, they laid the foundation for an expansive understanding of democracy both radical and electoral whose features still resonate today. Blending rich narrative accounts with incisive analyses of urban space, politics, and everyday life, Barrio Rising offers a sweeping reinterpretation of modern Venezuelan history as seen not by its leaders but by residents of one of the country's most distinctive popular neighborhoods.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
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F2341 .C257 V45 2015 Unknown
Book
1 online resource : illustrations (black and white).
  • 1. Introduction: The Puzzles of Party Membership -- PART I -- Party Membership: The Uneven Development -- 2. Motives and Modes of Party Membership -- 3. The Myths and Realities of Mass Membership Parties -- 4. Explaining Enrollment Change: Looking Beneath the Numbers -- PART II -- Party Membership: The Uncertain Future -- 5. What Do Party Members Contribute? -- 6. Multi-speed Membership Parties -- 7. Making Membership Rewarding: Social and Material Benefits -- 8. Making Membership Meaningful: Political Benefits -- 9. The Consequences of Organizational Change.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Beyond Party Members investigates two questions connected with these changes. First, when and why did party memberships start falling, and what does this reveal about who benefits in party-membership relationships? Second, why have numerical declines in overall party membership coincided with expanding political rights for individual party members? To shed light on both puzzles, the author examines the origins of membership-based organization in nineteen countries, and considers contemporary parties' efforts to adapt this model to new circumstances. Her study shows why both supply-side and demand-side forces are leading parties to offer party members more, and more meaningful, opportunities to participate in party decisions. They also lead parties to offer new and lower-cost modes of affiliation. These changes are producing Multi-speed Membership Parties, ones that offer supporters multiple ways to connect with a party. Beyond Party Members examines the consequences of these ongoing transformations for political parties, and for the democracies in which they compete. Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The Comparative Politics series is edited by Kenneth Carty, Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia; Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Universite libre de Bruxelles; and Ferdinand Muller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1. Introduction: The Puzzles of Party Membership -- PART I -- Party Membership: The Uneven Development -- 2. Motives and Modes of Party Membership -- 3. The Myths and Realities of Mass Membership Parties -- 4. Explaining Enrollment Change: Looking Beneath the Numbers -- PART II -- Party Membership: The Uncertain Future -- 5. What Do Party Members Contribute? -- 6. Multi-speed Membership Parties -- 7. Making Membership Rewarding: Social and Material Benefits -- 8. Making Membership Meaningful: Political Benefits -- 9. The Consequences of Organizational Change.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Beyond Party Members investigates two questions connected with these changes. First, when and why did party memberships start falling, and what does this reveal about who benefits in party-membership relationships? Second, why have numerical declines in overall party membership coincided with expanding political rights for individual party members? To shed light on both puzzles, the author examines the origins of membership-based organization in nineteen countries, and considers contemporary parties' efforts to adapt this model to new circumstances. Her study shows why both supply-side and demand-side forces are leading parties to offer party members more, and more meaningful, opportunities to participate in party decisions. They also lead parties to offer new and lower-cost modes of affiliation. These changes are producing Multi-speed Membership Parties, ones that offer supporters multiple ways to connect with a party. Beyond Party Members examines the consequences of these ongoing transformations for political parties, and for the democracies in which they compete. Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The Comparative Politics series is edited by Kenneth Carty, Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia; Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Universite libre de Bruxelles; and Ferdinand Muller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

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