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• Introduction: race and revolution in Cuba
• Not blacks, but citizens: racial rhetoric and the 1959 revolution
• The black citizen of the future: Afro-Cuban activists and the 1959 revolution
• From Miami to New York and beyond: race and exile in the 1960s
• Cuba calls!: exploiting African American and Cuban alliances for equal rights
• Poor, black, and a teacher: loyal black revolutionaries and the literacy campaign
• Epilogue: a revolution inside of the revolution: Afro-Cuban experiences after 1961.

Analyzing the ideology and rhetoric around race in Cuba and south Florida during the early years of the Cuban revolution, Devyn Spence Benson argues that ideas, stereotypes, and discriminatory practices relating to racial difference persisted despite major efforts by the Cuban state to generate social equality. Drawing on Cuban and U.S. archival materials and face-to-face interviews, Benson examines 1960s government programs and campaigns against discrimination, showing how such programs frequently negated their efforts by reproducing racist images and idioms in revolutionary propaganda, cartoons, and school materials.Building on nineteenth-century discourses that imagined Cuba as a raceless space, revolutionary leaders embraced a narrow definition of blackness, often seeming to suggest that Afro-Cubans had to discard their blackness to join the revolution. This was and remains a false dichotomy for many Cubans of color, Benson demonstrates. While some Afro-Cubans agreed with the revolution's sentiments about racial transcendence-""not blacks, not whites, only Cubans-others found ways to use state rhetoric to demand additional reforms. Still others, finding a revolution that disavowed blackness unsettling and paternalistic, fought to insert black history and African culture into revolutionary nationalisms. Despite such efforts by Afro-Cubans and radical government-sponsored integration programs, racism has persisted throughout the revolution in subtle but lasting ways.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Acknowledgments; Abbreviations; Introduction; PART I: The First Republic, 1902-1933; 1 Racial Order or Racial Democracy?: Race and the Contending Notions of Cubanidad; 2 Electoral Politics; PART II: Inequality, 1900-1950s; 3 The Labor Market; 4 Education and Mobility; PART III: The Second Republic, 1933-1958; 5 A New Cuba?; 6 State and Racial Equality; PART IV: Socialism, 1959-1990s; 7 Building a Nation for All; 8 The Special Period; Epilogue; Notes; Bibliography; Index; A; B; C; D; E; F; G; H; I; J; K; L; M; N; O; P; Q; R; S; T; U; V; W; Y; Z.

After 30 years of anti-colonial struggle against Spain and four years of military occupation by the United States, Cuba formally became an independent republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a movement in which blacks and mulattoes were well-represented, had envisioned an egalitarian and inclusive country - a nation for all, as Jose Marti described it. But did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, live up to these expectations? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, government policies, and different forms of social and political mobilization in republican and post-revolutionary Cuba, de la Fuente explores the opportunities and limitations that Afro-Cubans experienced in such areas as job access, education and political representation. Challenging assumptions of both underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and anti-racism co-existed within Cuban Nationalism and in turn, Cuban society. This coexistence has persisted into the 21st century, despite significant efforts by the revolutionary government to improve the lot of the poor and build a nation truly for all.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• "My Lord, they are stark mad after Negroes" : slavery and the corruption of Georgia's legal culture
• "For the better ordering and governing Negroes" : Blacks and the law
• "Negroes might cut the throats of our people" : Black crime and its causes
• "Some convenient method and form of tryal" : the trial process
• "The slave should look to his master and the courts to avenge his wrongs" : the appellate process
• "May the Lord have mercy on his soul" : punishment.

Criminal Injustice: Slaves and Free Blacks in Georgia's Criminal Justice System is the most comprehensive study of the criminal justice system of a slave state to date. McNair traces the evolution of Georgia's legal culture by examining its use of slave codes and slave patrols, as well as presenting data on crimes prosecuted, trial procedures and practices, conviction rates, the appellate process, and punishment. Based on more than four hundred capital cases, McNair's study deploys both narrative and quantitative analysis to get at both the theory and the reality of the criminal procedure for slaves in the century leading up to the Civil War. He shows how whites moved from the utopian innocence of the colony's original Trustees, who envisioned a society free of slavery and the depravity it inculcated in masters, to one where slaveholders became the enforcers of laws and informal rules, the severity of which was limited only by the increasing economic value of their slaves as property. The slaves themselves, regarded under the law both as moveable property and - for the purposes of punishment - as moral agents, had, inevitably, a radically different view of Georgia's slave criminal justice system. Although the rules and procedures were largely the same for both races, the state charged and convicted blacks more frequently and punished them more severely than whites for the same crimes. Courts were also more punitive in their judgment and punishment of black defendants when their victims were white, a pattern of disparate treatment based on race that persists to this day. Informal systems of control in urban households and on rural plantations and farms complemented the formal system and enhanced the power of slave owners. ""Criminal Injustice"" shows how the prerogatives of slavery and white racial domination trumped any hope for legal justice for blacks.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• List of Figures vii Acknowledgments ix Abbreviations xv Introduction 1
• Chapter 1: Ada Wright and Scottsboro 16
• Chapter 2: George Padmore and London 66
• Chapter 3: Lady Kathleen Simon and Antislavery 103
• Chapter 4: Saklatvala and the Meerut Trial 146
• Chapter 5: Diasporas: Refugees and Exiles 200
• Chapter 6: A Thieves' Kitchen, 1938-39 240 Conclusion 265 Chronology 275 Notes on Sources 279 Notes 283 Glossary 341 Bibliography 353 Index 371.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Presenting a portrait of engaged, activist lives in the 1930s, "From Scottsboro to Munich" follows a global network of individuals and organizations that posed challenges to the racism and colonialism of the era. Susan Pennybacker positions race at the center of the British, imperial, and transatlantic political culture of the 1930s - from Jim Crow, to imperial London, to the events leading to the Munich Crisis - offering a provocative new understanding of the conflicts, politics, and solidarities of the years leading to World War II. Pennybacker examines the British Scottsboro defense campaign, inaugurated after nine young African Americans were unjustly charged with raping two white women in Alabama in 1931. She explores the visit to Britain of Ada Wright, the mother of two of the defendants. Pennybacker also considers British responses to the Meerut Conspiracy Trial in India, the role that antislavery and refugee politics played in attempts to appease Hitler at Munich, and the work of key figures like Trinidadian George Padmore in opposing Jim Crow and anti-Semitism. Pennybacker uses a wide variety of archival materials drawn from Russian Comintern, Dutch, French, British, and American collections. Literary and biographical sources are complemented by rich photographic images. "From Scottsboro to Munich" sheds new light on the racial debates of the 1930s, the lives and achievements of committed activists and their supporters, and the political challenges that arose in the postwar years.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Housing the city, 1865 to 1910
• Atlanta, park-neighborhoods, and the new urban aesthetic, 1880 to 1917
• A city divided, 1910 to 1917
• Homeownership and park-neighborhood ideology, 1910 to 1933
• Exclusion and park-neighborhood building, 1922 to 1929
• Park-neighborhoods, federal policy, and housing geographies, 1933 to 1950
• White property and homeowner privilege.

This is a history of the cultural biases undergirding housing segregation. This history of the idea of 'neighborhood' in a major American city examines the transition of Atlanta, Georgia, from a place little concerned with residential segregation, tasteful surroundings, and property control to one marked by extreme concentrations of poverty and racial and class exclusion. Using Atlanta as a lens to view the wider nation, LeeAnn Lands shows how assumptions about race and class have coalesced with attitudes toward residential landscape aesthetics and home ownership to shape public policies that promote and protect white privilege. Lands studies the diffusion of property ideologies on two separate but related levels: within academic, professional, and bureaucratic circles and within circles comprising civic elites and rank-and-file residents. By the 1920s, following the establishment of park neighborhoods such as Druid Hills and Ansley Park, white home owners approached housing and neighborhoods with a particular collection of desires and sensibilities: architectural and landscape continuity, a narrow range of housing values, orderliness, and separation from undesirable land uses - and undesirable people. By the 1950s, these desires and sensibilities had been codified in federal, state, and local standards, practices, and laws. Today, Lands argues, far more is at stake than issues of access to particular neighborhoods, because housing location is tied to the allocation of a broad range of resources, including school funding, infrastructure, and law enforcement. Long after racial segregation has been outlawed, white privilege remains embedded in our culture of home ownership.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface Prologue
• 1. Race and Foreign Relations before 1945
• 2. Jim Crow's Coming Out
• 3. The Last Hurrah of the Old Color Line
• 4. Revolutions in the American South and Southern Africa
• 5. The Perilous Path to Equality
• 6. The End of the Cold War and White Supremacy Epilogue Notes Archives and Manuscript Collections Index.
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After World War II the United States faced two preeminent challenges: how to administer its responsibilities abroad as the world's strongest power, and how to manage the rising movement at home for racial justice and civil rights. The effort to contain the growing influence of the Soviet Union resulted in the Cold War, a conflict that emphasized the American commitment to freedom. The absence of that freedom for nonwhite American citizens confronted the nation's leaders with an embarrassing contradiction. Racial discrimination after 1945 was a foreign as well as a domestic problem. World War II opened the door to both the U.S. civil rights movement and the struggle of Asians and Africans abroad for independence from colonial rule. America's closest allies against the Soviet Union, however, were colonial powers whose interests had to be balanced against those of the emerging independent Third World in a multiracial, anticommunist alliance. At the same time, U.S. racial reform was essential to preserve the domestic consensus needed to sustain the Cold War struggle. The Cold War and the Color Line is the first comprehensive examination of how the Cold War intersected with the final destruction of global white supremacy. Thomas Borstelmann pays close attention to the two Souths--Southern Africa and the American South--as the primary sites of white authority's last stand. He reveals America's efforts to contain the racial polarization that threatened to unravel the anticommunist western alliance. In so doing, he recasts the history of American race relations in its true international context, one that is meaningful and relevant for our own era of globalization.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. All about Eve, critical white studies, and getting over whiteness
• 2. Smear campaign : Guiliani, the Holy Virgin mary, and the critical study of whiteness
• 3. White looks and Limbaugh's laugh
• 4. White workers, new Democrats, and affirmative action
• 5. "Hertz, don't it?" white "colorblindness" and the mark(et)ings of O.J. Simpson / (with Leola Johnson
• 6. Nonwhite radicalism : Du Bois, John Brown, and Black resistance
• 7. White slavery, abolition, and coalition : languages of race, class, and gender
• The pursuit of whiteness : property, terror, and national expansion, 1790-1860
• 9. Inbetween peoples : race, nationality, and the "New-immigrant" working class / (with James Barrett)
• 10. Plotting against Eurocentrism : the 1929 surrealist map of the world
• 11. What if labor were not white and male?
• 12. Mumia time or Sweeney time?
• 13. In conclusion : Elvis, Wiggers, and crossing over to nonwhiteness.

David R. Roediger's powerful book argues that in its political workings, its distribution of advantages, and its unspoken assumptions, the United States is a 'still white' nation. Race is decidedly not over. The critical portraits of contemporary icons that lead off the book - Rush Limbaugh, Bill Clinton, O.J. Simpson, and Rudolph Giuliani - insist that continuities in white power and white identity are best understood by placing the recent past in historical context. Roediger illuminates that history in an incisive critique of the current scholarship on whiteness and an account of race-transcending radicalism exemplified by vanguards such as W.E.B. Du Bois and John Brown. He shows that, for all of its staying power, white supremacy in the United States has always been a pursuit rather than a completed project, that divisions among whites have mattered greatly, and that 'nonwhite' alternatives have profoundly challenged the status quo. "Colored White" reasons that, because race is a matter of culture and politics, racial oppression will not be solved by intermarriage or demographic shifts, but rather by political struggles that transform the meaning of race - especially its links to social and economic inequality. This landmark work considers the ways that changes in immigration patterns, the labor force, popular culture, and social movements make it possible - though far from inevitable - that the United States might overcome white supremacy in the twenty-first century. Roediger's clear, lively prose and his extraordinary command of the literature make this one of the most original and generative contributions to the study of race and ethnicity in the United States in many decades.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)