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• Austerity
• The moral underpinnings of partisan conflict, part I
• The moral underpinnings of partisan conflict, part II
• The economics of immigration
• Race
• Brutality, coarseness, and the fracture of American politics
• The big one.

Provides a sobering account of how pitched battles over scarce resources will increasingly define American politics in the coming years--and how citizens might avoid, or at least mitigate, the damage from these ideological and economic battles.

• Preface
• Chapter 1: Can We Talk? The Rise of Rude, Nasty, Stubborn Politics by Daniel M. Shea and Morris P. Fiorina
• Chapter 2: The Powerful-if Elusive-Nature of Civility by Susan Herbst
• Chapter 3: What Is Civil Engaged Argument and Why Does Aspiring to It Matter? by Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Bruce W. Hardy
• Chapter 4: Calls for Civility: An Invitation to Deliberate or a Means of Political Control? by J. Cherie Strachan and Michael R. Wolf
• Chapter 5: The Uncivil and the Incendiary by Todd Gitlin
• Chapter 6: Television and Uncivil Political Discourse by Diana C. Mutz
• Chapter 7: Our Tribal Nature and the Rise of Nasty Politics by Daniel M. Shea
• Chapter 8: Presidents, Partisans, and Polarized Politics by Gary C. Jacobson
• Chapter 9: Partisan Polarization and Satisfaction with Democracy by John H. Aldrich
• Chapter 10: Party Homogeneity and Contentious Politics by Morris P. Fiorina
• Chapter 11: Polarized by Design: The Modern-Day Congress by Juliet Eilperin
• Chapter 12: The News Media and The Rise of Negativity in Presidential Campaigns: A New Hypothesis by John Geer
• Chapter 13: Incivility in American Politics: Where it Comes From and What we Can Do About It by William A. Galston
• Chapter 14: The Consequences of Uncivil Discourse for the Political Process by L. Sandy Maisel.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

To many, the angry protestors at town hall meetings, the death threats toward politicians, the inflammatory language online and over the airwaves, and the language of politician themselves are making America politics an ugly, mean-spirited, and nasty affair. Can We Talk? presents a dream team of scholars and journalists who ask: * Is politics really as nasty as many news commentators perceive?* What are forces are changing the political discourse and who is to blame?* How will this change transform the very nature of our democracy? Civility in politics is one of the great issues of our day, making Can We Talk? a must-read for all students of American government.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Cohabitation and Policymaking in Semi-Presidential Systems
• 2. Policymaking under Cohabitation
• 3. Institutional Dynamics and Policymaking Efficiency
• 4. Cohabitations and Policymaking Efficiency: An Empirical Test
• 5. Cohabitation and Prime Ministerial Policymaking Strategies
• 6. Conclusions.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The victory of the conservative coalition in the 1986 French parliamentary elections led the way to a sharing of executive powers between a conservative prime minister and socialist President Mitterrand. This situation of cohabitation led many to wonder if this experience would mark the end of the Fifth Republic. Yet cohabitation seemed to function, which reinforced the idea that the French institutions were efficient and adaptable to changing political situations. France would experience cohabitation on two other occasions (1993-1995 and 1997-2002), with seemingly the same effects. This study presents a radically different assessment of French cohabitations. Based on a theory that emphasizes the strategic aspects of law-making, and based on more than 40 years of law-making in France, it shows that cohabitation can lead to heightened partisan conflict and policy paralysis and discusses the conditions under which it is likely to do so. The findings cast doubt on the desirability of using the French institutional blueprint for new democracies in search of efficiency in producing political, economic and social reforms.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The challenges of compromise
• Public support for political compromise
• Compromise as a democratic value
• The bounds of public support for compromise
• Partisan motives and consideration of compromise
• Campaigns, competition, and support for political compromise
• Policymaking, procedural justice, and support for compromise
• Do people want members of Congress to compromise?
• Support for compromise in principle and in practice
• Conclusion

Congressional debates are increasingly defined by gridlock and stalemate, with partisan showdowns that lead to government shutdowns. Compromise in Congress seems hard to reach, but do politicians deserve all the blame? Legislators who refuse to compromise might be doing just what their constituents want them to do. In Compromise in an Age of Party Polarization, Jennifer Wolak challenges this wisdom and demonstrates that Americans value compromise in politics. Citizens want more from elected officials than just ideological representation-they also care about the processes by which disagreements are settled. Using evidence from a variety of surveys and innovative experiments, she shows the persistence of people's support for compromise across a range of settings-even when it comes at the cost of partisan goals and policy objectives. While polarization levels are high in contemporary America, our partisan demands are checked by our principled views of how we believe politics should be practiced. By underscoring this basic yet mostly ignored fact, this book stands as an important first step toward trying to reduce the extreme polarization that plagues our politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The challenges of compromise
• Public support for political compromise
• Compromise as a democratic value
• The bounds of public support for compromise
• Partisan motives and consideration of compromise
• Campaigns, competition, and support for political compromise
• Policymaking, procedural justice, and support for compromise
• Do people want members of Congress to compromise?
• Support for compromise in principle and in practice
• Conclusion

Congressional debates are increasingly defined by gridlock and stalemate, with partisan showdowns that lead to government shutdowns. Compromise in Congress seems hard to reach, but do politicians deserve all the blame? Legislators who refuse to compromise might be doing just what their constituents want them to do. In Compromise in an Age of Party Polarization, Jennifer Wolak challenges this wisdom and demonstrates that Americans value compromise in politics. Citizens want more from elected officials than just ideological representation-they also care about the processes by which disagreements are settled. Using evidence from a variety of surveys and innovative experiments, she shows the persistence of people's support for compromise across a range of settings-even when it comes at the cost of partisan goals and policy objectives. While polarization levels are high in contemporary America, our partisan demands are checked by our principled views of how we believe politics should be practiced. By underscoring this basic yet mostly ignored fact, this book stands as an important first step toward trying to reduce the extreme polarization that plagues our politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The 228-year argument
• The pulling
• The permanent campaign
• Down in the well
• The media effect
• A nation of men and women
• The 50-50 Senate
• Roadblocks to chemistry
• Experience and transparency
• In their own words
• The leadership hole
• Trent and Tom
• The impeachment of William Jefferson Clinton
• The world at large
• Leader of the free world
• The center of the storm
• 9/11 and its aftermath
• The humility and the audacity
• Courage and memory in the United States Senate
• Fear and loathing in the U.S. Congress
• Writing the future
• A bipartisan answer
• Electoral and campaign reform
• The money problem
• Congressional reform
• A call to service
• Conclusion : duty.

Tom Daschle and Trent Lott are two of the most prominent senators of recent time. Both served in their respective parties' leadership positions from the 1990s into the current century, and they have almost sixty years of service between them. Their congressional tenure saw the Reagan tax cuts, a deadlocked Senate, the Clinton impeachment, 9/11, and the Iraq War. Despite the tumultuous times, and despite their very real ideological differences, they have always maintained a positive working relationship, one almost unthinkable in today's hyper-partisan climate. In their book, Daschle and Lott come together from opposite sides of the aisle to sound an alarm on the current polarization that has made governing all but impossible; never before has the people's faith in government been so dismally low. The senators itemize damaging forces--the permanent campaign, the unprecedented money, the 24/7 news cycle--and offer practical recommendations, pointing the way forward. Most crucially, they recall the American people, especially our leaders, to the principles enshrined in the Constitution, and to the necessity of debate but also the imperative of compromise--which will take leadership, vision, and courage to bring back. Illustrated with personal stories from their own eminent careers and events cited from deeper in American history, Crisis Point is an invaluable work that comes at a critical juncture. It is a work of conscience, as well as duty, written with passion and eloquence by two men who have dedicated their lives to public service and share the conviction that all is far from lost.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Chapter 1 How Did We Get Into This Mess?
• Chapter 2 Postwar America: Bipartisan Consensus, the Median Voter, and the Absence of Social Movements
• Chapter 3 The Center Will Not Hold: The 1960s and the Shifting Racial Geography of American Politics
• Chapter 4 The Strange, Consequential Seventies
• Chapter 5 The Reagan Revolution?
• Chapter 6 The Slow-Release Revolution: 1988-2008
• Chapter 7 The Obama Years: Uncivil War
• Chapter 8 Restoring American Democracy
• References
• Notes
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The United States is now more starkly divided in political terms than at any time since the end of Reconstruction and more unequal in material terms than on the eve of the Great Depression. How did we go from the bipartisan cooperation and relative economic equality of the war and postwar years to today's inequality and partisan divisions? In Deeply Divided, sociologists Doug McAdam and Karina Kloos argue that to represent contemporary political polarization and economic inequality as byproducts of party politics alone is to distort the complex origins of the mess in which we find ourselves today. Rather, it is social movements, from the Civil Rights movement to today's Tea Party, that have pushed Republicans and Democrats toward the fringes. Owing in large part to WWII and then to the Cold War and McCarthyism, the period from 1940 to 1960 was uniquely devoid of social movement activity. Spared these pressures, both parties were able to hew to the ideological middle, creating opportunities for bipartisan cooperation and conditions for relative material equality. Social movements re-emerged as a significant force in the 1960s, moving the Democrats and Republicans sharply left and right respectively over the course of the decade. The movements most responsible were two linked struggles: the civil rights movement and the nationwide "white backlash" that developed in response. Over the past half-century social movements have continued to challenge parties as the dominant mobilizing force in American politics. This is especially true today on the right, where the Republican Party and the policies of its House delegation largely reflect the views of its mobilized movement wing. McAdam and Kloos stress that a reversal of these trends is possible-if only we are able to understand the challenges involved in overcoming political and economic divisions.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Chapter 1 How Did We Get Into This Mess?
• Chapter 2 Postwar America: Bipartisan Consensus, the Median Voter, and the Absence of Social Movements
• Chapter 3 The Center Will Not Hold: The 1960s and the Shifting Racial Geography of American Politics
• Chapter 4 The Strange, Consequential Seventies
• Chapter 5 The Reagan Revolution?
• Chapter 6 The Slow-Release Revolution: 1988-2008
• Chapter 7 The Obama Years: Uncivil War
• Chapter 8 Restoring American Democracy
• References
• Notes
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The United States is now more starkly divided in political terms than at any time since the end of Reconstruction and more unequal in material terms than on the eve of the Great Depression. How did we go from the bipartisan cooperation and relative economic equality of the war and postwar years to today's inequality and partisan divisions? In Deeply Divided, sociologists Doug McAdam and Karina Kloos argue that to represent contemporary political polarization and economic inequality as byproducts of party politics alone is to distort the complex origins of the mess in which we find ourselves today. Rather, it is social movements, from the Civil Rights movement to today's Tea Party, that have pushed Republicans and Democrats toward the fringes. Owing in large part to WWII and then to the Cold War and McCarthyism, the period from 1940 to 1960 was uniquely devoid of social movement activity. Spared these pressures, both parties were able to hew to the ideological middle, creating opportunities for bipartisan cooperation and conditions for relative material equality. Social movements re-emerged as a significant force in the 1960s, moving the Democrats and Republicans sharply left and right respectively over the course of the decade. The movements most responsible were two linked struggles: the civil rights movement and the nationwide "white backlash" that developed in response. Over the past half-century social movements have continued to challenge parties as the dominant mobilizing force in American politics. This is especially true today on the right, where the Republican Party and the policies of its House delegation largely reflect the views of its mobilized movement wing. McAdam and Kloos stress that a reversal of these trends is possible-if only we are able to understand the challenges involved in overcoming political and economic divisions.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Competitive America
• America's political regions
• The Republican strongholds
• The Democratic strongholds
• The divided Midwest
• The presidential power struggle
• The power struggle in the House of Representatives
• The power struggle in the Senate
• The American power struggle.

Divided government occurs when the executive fails to enjoy majority support in at least one working house of the legislature. To date, the study of divided government has focused almost exclusively on the United States. However, divided government occurs much more widely. It occurs in other presidential systems. Moreover, it is also the equivalent of minority government in parliamentary regimes and cohabitation in French-style semi-presidential systems. This book examines the frequency, causes and management of divided government in comparative context, identifying the similarities and differences between the various experiences of this increasingly frequent form of government. The countries studied include Denmark, Ecuador, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Mexico, Poland, and the US.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

"Divided Nations and Transitional Justice" is a collection of significant writings contributed by the late president Kim Dae-jung of the Republic of Korea and former president Richard von Weizsaecker of Germany. This book presents insightful views, lifetime career experiences, and expertise of the two prominent leaders in the critical fields of unification, peace, and justice and reconciliation. It centers on the cases of Korea, Germany and Japan, and considers how these countries have moved to address and come to terms with their wartime past. This book moves to deliver messages of hope and vision on how to further the values of peace, reconciliation and cooperation in the twenty-first century.".
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Divided Nations and Transitional Justice considers how Korea, Germany and Japan have moved to address - and come to terms with - their wartime past. Asking what we can learn from the experiences of these countries, this collection considers issues relating to unification, peace, justice and reconciliation. It includes contributions from Kim Dae-jung (President of South Korea, 1998-2003) and Richard von Weizsaecker (President of Germany, 1984-1994), with their lifetime career experiences bringing added insight to the volume. This book moves to deliver messages of hope and vision on how to further the values of peace, reconciliation and cooperation in the 21st century.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction / Eric M. Patashnik andWendy J. Schiller
• The rise of tribal politics in historical perspective / James A. Morone
• Incremental liberalism or prolonged partisan warfare / Matt Grossman
• Legislative stalemate in postwar America, 1947-2018 / Sarah A. Binder
• Challenges of measuring party unity in a polarized era : th 115th Congress / Frances E. Lee
• Polarization and the changing constitutional system : the case of federalism / Nolan McCarty
• She's not my governor : negative partisanship and trust in government in the American states / Kristin Kanthak
• Gender attitudes and American public opinion in the Trump era / John Sides, Michael Tesler, and Lynn Vavreck
• Curating the news : how social media facilitates selective exposure / Samara Klar and Yotam Shmargad
• Charge and retreat : asymmetric patterns of political engagement among liberals and conservatives / Deborah J. Schildkraut, Jeffrey M. Berry, and James M. Glaser
• Politics industry theory / Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter
• Spoiler alert : why Americans' desires for a third party are unlikely to come true / Lee Drutman, William A. Galston, and Tod Lindberg
• Our "undivided support" : Donald Trump, the Republican Party, and executive-centered partisanship / Nicholas F. Jacobs and Sidney M. Milkis
• Conclusion : reflections and paths forward / Eric M. Patashnik and Wendy J. Schiller.

"Government is broken. Washington is failing. Democracy is in crisis. Many elected officials, policy experts, and ordinary citizens share a belief that US political institutions are incapable of responding to the concerns of everyday Americans and serving the public interest. What is less clear, however, is why these institutions are falling below expectations and how they might be fixed. The contributors to Dynamics of American Democracy bring their expertise on the various institutions of American governance and political life to examine how we arrived at this point and what might be done to right thd ship. Topics covered include Congressional stalemate, the two-party system, political polarization, social media, gender and public opinion, and the role of the presidency in today's tribal politics"-- Provided by publisher.

• ""Préface""; ""Remerciements""; ""Table des matiÃ?res""; ""Liste des figures""; ""Liste des tableaux""; ""Introduction""; ""Chapitre I_Le régime politique de la Ve république""; ""Chapitre II_La cohabitation""; ""Chapitre III_La cohabitation, quelles conséquences sur la société franÃaise?""; ""Chapitre IV_Quel avenir pour la Ve République""; ""Conclusion""; ""Bibliographie sélective""

• Introduction / Serge Berstein
• Événements politiques
• Enjeux politiques
• Introduction - Les enjeux politiques de la période 1984-1988
• Le gouvernement Fabius : rupture ou normalisation ?
• Les élections législatives de 1986
• "L'instant pub" : 1984-1988, l'apogée de la com' ?
• La cohabitation
• Introduction - La cohabitation
• Approche constitutionnelle de la cohabitation
• La cohabitation en pratique, 1986-1988
• Opinion publique et cohabitation
• La France et le monde
• La France dans un monde bipolaire
• François Mitterrand et les enjeux stratégiques, 1984-1988
• "Je maintiendrai" : François Mitterrand et la défense, 1984-1988
• Les effets de la politique américaine sur la France, 1984-1988
• François Mitterrand et le Bloc de l'Est (1984-1988)
• L'image de François Mitterrand dans les médias étrangers (1984-1988)
• La politique européenne
• La France et l'Acte unique européen
• Les rapports franco-allemands (1984-1988)
• La France et le Royaume-Uni (1984-1988)
• La France et les rapports avec les pays d'Europe du Sud
• Afrique et Océanie
• François Mitterrand l'"Africain"
• La France en Océanie : les tensions de la puissance, 1984-1988
• Transformations économiques
• Les questions économiques
• Les privatisations et le libéralisme (1984-1988)
• Le tournant de la libéralisation financière (1984-1988)
• Au coeur du numérique
• François Mitterrand, la France, la mondialisation (1984-1988)
• Les questions sociales
• Introduction. La question sociale dans la seconde moitié des années 1980
• Le travail et l'emploi sous les gouvernements Fabius et Chirac
• "Un homme nouveau apparaît"
• La protection sociale et ses cinq acteurs, de 1981 à 1988
• Tendances de la société française et courants politiques
• Nouvelles tendances de la société française
• Introduction - Tendances de la société française
• L'éducation sous la présidence de François Mitterrand de 1984 à 1988
• Quelle politique pour les banlieues au cours des années 1984-1988 ?
• La jeunesse, symbole et cible d'une nouvelle culture politique
• La politique culturelle : un élément du domaine réservé du président
• Les intellectuels, François Mitterrand et la gauche socialiste (1984-1988)
• Les acteurs politiques
• Introduction. Les courants politiques, 1984-1988
• Le Parti socialiste et la gauche de 1984 à 1988
• Le PCF, 1984-1988 : le temps du déclin
• Les droites pendant les années d'alternance, 1984-1988
• François Mitterrand a-t-il instrumentalisé le FN ?
• L'émergence partisane des écologistes français (1984-1988).

"Après Changer la vie : les années Mitterrand, 1981-1984, cet ouvrage de référence présente la période 1984-1988 et couvre tous les champs : action politique, économique et sociale, relations internationales et culture, avec l'ambition de restituer le contexte général de l'action de l'État durant ces années et dans les divers domaines de la vie publique. Plusieurs formes d'"alternances" sont ici étudiées, car ces années représentent la recherche de nouveaux équilibres politiques. Le gouvernement Fabius impose une voie spécifique ; la cohabitation introduit une situation inédite dans le fonctionnement des institutions ; la réélection de François Mitterrand autour du thème de la "France unie" témoigne de nouveaux rapports de force. Tous ces éléments laissent entrevoir la lente évolution vers une bipolarisation encore incomplète autour du Parti socialiste et des droites RPR-UDF, le déclin du Parti communiste et la percée concomitante d'une extrême droite. Ceci, alors que sur la scène internationale une nouvelle détente Est-Ouest se profile dont la France se veut le fer de lance et que, parallèlement, le couple franco-allemand déploie son ambition européenne. La libéralisation des marchés, l'internationalisation, les rapports entre acteurs publics et privés, les nouvelles évolutions technologiques, les changements dans la protection sociale posent la question du rôle de l'État, lui-même pris entre contraintes et volonté d'action avec, en toile de fond, la préoccupante montée du chômage. La culture continue de bénéficier de l'attention soutenue des pouvoirs publics, notamment en matière de médias, alors que les efforts se portent sur l'éducation, que la jeunesse s'exprime dans la rue et que la question des "banlieues" et de la politique de la ville - après les grandes lois de décentralisation - apparaît plus nettement. La quarantaine d'études publiées par des spécialistes en rend compte au mieux, sur la base d'archives souvent inédites, d'entretiens avec les acteurs et d'un minutieux travail de synthèse."--Page 4 of cover.