Chapel Hill : The University of North Carolina Press, 
Book — 1 online resource.
Introduction: race and revolution in Cuba
Not blacks, but citizens: racial rhetoric and the 1959 revolution
The black citizen of the future: Afro-Cuban activists and the 1959 revolution
From Miami to New York and beyond: race and exile in the 1960s
Cuba calls!: exploiting African American and Cuban alliances for equal rights
Poor, black, and a teacher: loyal black revolutionaries and the literacy campaign
Epilogue: a revolution inside of the revolution: Afro-Cuban experiences after 1961.
Analyzing the ideology and rhetoric around race in Cuba and south Florida during the early years of the Cuban revolution, Devyn Spence Benson argues that ideas, stereotypes, and discriminatory practices relating to racial difference persisted despite major efforts by the Cuban state to generate social equality. Drawing on Cuban and U.S. archival materials and face-to-face interviews, Benson examines 1960s government programs and campaigns against discrimination, showing how such programs frequently negated their efforts by reproducing racist images and idioms in revolutionary propaganda, cartoons, and school materials.Building on nineteenth-century discourses that imagined Cuba as a raceless space, revolutionary leaders embraced a narrow definition of blackness, often seeming to suggest that Afro-Cubans had to discard their blackness to join the revolution. This was and remains a false dichotomy for many Cubans of color, Benson demonstrates. While some Afro-Cubans agreed with the revolution's sentiments about racial transcendence-""not blacks, not whites, only Cubans-others found ways to use state rhetoric to demand additional reforms. Still others, finding a revolution that disavowed blackness unsettling and paternalistic, fought to insert black history and African culture into revolutionary nationalisms. Despite such efforts by Afro-Cubans and radical government-sponsored integration programs, racism has persisted throughout the revolution in subtle but lasting ways. (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Book — 1 online resource (xiv, 449 pages) : illustrations.
Acknowledgments; Abbreviations; Introduction; PART I: The First Republic, 1902-1933; 1 Racial Order or Racial Democracy?: Race and the Contending Notions of Cubanidad; 2 Electoral Politics; PART II: Inequality, 1900-1950s; 3 The Labor Market; 4 Education and Mobility; PART III: The Second Republic, 1933-1958; 5 A New Cuba?; 6 State and Racial Equality; PART IV: Socialism, 1959-1990s; 7 Building a Nation for All; 8 The Special Period; Epilogue; Notes; Bibliography; Index; A; B; C; D; E; F; G; H; I; J; K; L; M; N; O; P; Q; R; S; T; U; V; W; Y; Z.
After 30 years of anti-colonial struggle against Spain and four years of military occupation by the United States, Cuba formally became an independent republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a movement in which blacks and mulattoes were well-represented, had envisioned an egalitarian and inclusive country - a nation for all, as Jose Marti described it. But did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, live up to these expectations? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, government policies, and different forms of social and political mobilization in republican and post-revolutionary Cuba, de la Fuente explores the opportunities and limitations that Afro-Cubans experienced in such areas as job access, education and political representation. Challenging assumptions of both underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and anti-racism co-existed within Cuban Nationalism and in turn, Cuban society. This coexistence has persisted into the 21st century, despite significant efforts by the revolutionary government to improve the lot of the poor and build a nation truly for all. (source: Nielsen Book Data)