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• List of Illustrations List of Contributors Introduction Ingrid Gilcher-Holtey PART I: RE-LINKING EUROPE AND THE 'THIRD WORLD
• Chapter 1. Re-Thinking the Writer's Role: Hans Magnus Enzensberger and Cuba or A Story of Self-Censorship Henning Marmulla
• Chapter 2. Global Dimensions of Conflict and Co-operation. Public Protest and the Quest for Transnational Solidarity in Britain, 1968-1973 Steffen Bruendel
• Chapter 3. Letters from Amman: Dieter Kunzelmann and the Origins of German Anti-Zionism during the late 1960s Aribert Reimann PART II: RE-ORIENTING VISIONS AND CLASSIFICATIONS
• Chapter 4. Politically Relevant or 'Carnival'?: Echoes of '1968' in German Public Broadcasting Meike Vogel
• Chapter 5. The Transnational Dimension of German Left-Wing Terrorism in the 1970s: The View from Italy Petra Terhoeven
• Chapter 6. Feminist Echoes of
• 1968: The Women's Movements in Europe and the United States Kristina Schulz
• Chapter 7. The Politics of Cultural Studies. The New Left and the Cultural Turn in the Social Sciences and Humanities Rainer Winter
• Chapter 8. Revolution in a Word. A Communicative History of Discussion in the German 1968 Protest Movement Joachim Scharloth Bibliography Index.
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The year "1968" marked the climax of protests that simultaneously captured most industrialized Western countries. The protesters challenged the institutions of Western democracies, confronting powerful, established parties and groups with an opposing force and public presence that negated tra-ditional structures of institutional authority and criticized the basic assump-tions of the post-war order. Exploring the effects the protest movement of 1968 had on the political, social, and symbolic order of the societies they called into question, this volume focuses on the consequences and echoes of 1968 from different perspectives, including history, sociology, and linguistics.
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• Preface with Acknowledgments List of Figures INTRODUCTION
• Chapter 1. Escaping the Monotony of Everyday Life under Socialism Alexander Vari CONCERT HALLS AND ESTATE MUSEUMS
• Chapter 2. Instrumentalizing Entertainment and Education: Early Cold War Music Festivals in East Germany and Poland David Tompkins
• Chapter 3. Open Gates and Wandering Minds: Codes, Castles, and Chateaux in Socialist Czechoslovakia before 1960 Cathleen M. Giustino CABINS IN THE WOODS
• Chapter 4. Encountering Poland's "Wild West": Tourism in the Bieszczady Mountains under Socialism Patrice M. Dabrowski
• Chapter 5. Summer Camp for Socialists: Conformity and Escapism at Camp Mitschurin in East Germany Catherine J. Plum BEACH PARTIES
• Chapter 6. From the Party to the Beach Party: Nudism and Artistic Expression in the People's Republic of Romania Irina Costache
• Chapter 7. Smoke and Beers: Touristic Escapes and Places to Party in Socialist Bulgaria, 1956-1976 Mary Neuburger ROADSIDE ADVENTURES AND BRIGHT CITY LIGHTS
• Chapter 8. Hitchhikers' Paradise: The Intersection of Mass Mobility, Consumer Demand, and Ideology in the People's Republic of Poland Mark Keck-Szajbel
• Chapter 9. Nocturnal Entertainments, Five-Star Hotels, and Youth Counterculture: Re-Inventing Budapest's Nightlife under Socialism Alexander Vari SPORTS AND STADIA
• Chapter 10. Getting off Track in East Germany: Adolescent Motorcycle Fans and Honecker's Consumer Socialism Caroline Fricke
• Chapter 11. Power at Play: Soccer Stadiums and Popular Culture in 1980s Romania Florin Poenaru CONCLUSION
• Chapter 12. Escapes and Other Border Crossings in Socialist Eastern Europe Cathleen M. Giustino Selected Bibliography Notes on Contributors Index.
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During much of the Cold War, escape from countries in the East Bloc was a near impossible act. There remained, however, possibilities for other socialist escapes, particularly time away from party ideology and the mundane routines of everyday life. The essays in this volume examine sites of socialist escapes, such as beaches, camp sites, nightclubs, concerts, castles, cars, and soccer matches. The chapters explore the effectiveness of state efforts to engineer society through leisure, entertainment, and related forms of cultural programming and consumption, as it was in leisure and tourism that the party's intentions encountered Eigensinn or "doing things one's own way." This volume leads to a deeper understanding of state - society relations in the East Bloc, where the state did not simply "dictate from above" and inhabitants had some opportunities to shape solidarities, identities, and meaning.
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• U.S.-Nicaragua relations, the Sandinista Revolution, and the Contra War
• An overview of the Contra War debate
• Origins of the anti/contra war campaign
• Expansion of the anti/Contra War campaign, 1983/84
• Organizational dynamics of a decentralized campaign
• The politics of transnational solidarity
• Meeting the political challenge, 1985/86
• Sustaining the anti/Contra War campaign, 1987/90.

Unlike earlier U.S. interventions in Latin America, the Reagan administration's attempt to overthrow the Sandinista government of Nicaragua during the 1980s was not allowed to proceed quietly. Tens of thousands of American citizens organized and agitated against U.S. aid to the counterrevolutionary guerrillas, known as "contras." Believing the Contra War to be unnecessary, immoral, and illegal, they challenged the administration's Cold War stereotypes, warned of "another Vietnam, " and called on the United States to abide by international norms. A Call to Conscience offers the first comprehensive history of the anti-Contra War campaign and its Nicaragua connections. Roger Peace places this eight-year campaign in the context of previous American interventions in Latin America, the Cold War, and other grassroots oppositional movements. Based on interviews with American and Nicaraguan citizens and leaders, archival records of activist organizations, and official government documents, this book reveals activist motivations, analyzes the organizational dynamics of the anti-Contra War campaign, and contrasts perceptions of the campaign in Managua and Washington. Peace shows how a variety of civic groups and networks--religious, leftist, peace, veteran, labor, women's rights--worked together in a decentralized campaign that involved extensive transnational cooperation.

• 1. Introduction--
• 2. National efficacy beliefs and foreign policy-- Part I. Mao's China:
• 3. Same revolution, different dreams--
• 4. Mao's adventure in Korea--
• 5. Persistent pugnacity-- Part II. Nehru's India:
• 6. Gandhi's dissimilar disciples--
• 7. Nehru's misstep in Kashmir--
• 8. Determined diplomacy--
• 9. Conclusion.
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Why do leaders sometimes challenge, rather than accept, the international structures that surround their states? In The International Ambitions of Mao and Nehru, Andrew Kennedy answers this question through in-depth studies of Chinese foreign policy under Mao Zedong and Indian foreign policy under Jawaharlal Nehru. Drawing on international relations theory and psychological research, Kennedy offers a new theoretical explanation for bold leadership in foreign policy, one that stresses the beliefs that leaders develop about the 'national efficacy' of their states. He shows how this approach illuminates several of Mao and Nehru's most important military and diplomatic decisions, drawing on archival evidence and primary source materials from China, India, the United States and the United Kingdom. A rare blend of theoretical innovation and historical scholarship, The International Ambitions of Mao and Nehru is a fascinating portrait of how foreign policy decisions are made.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Small towns and growing horizons: Early memories and influences
• Denton and Beeville, Texas
• Orange, Texas
• Weatherford, Texas
• Austin
• A freeing of the mind and spirit: College
• Moving into my mountains
• Early political years: Washington DC
• Jake
• In preparation for defeat
• A political master's degree: The Democratic National Committee and Bob Strauss
• With Strauss and on my own
• Lloyd Bentsen
• Lowell Lebermann: in praise of friendship
• America's best ideas: The National Park Foundation
• Parks in a changing Texas
• Epilogue.

When George Bristol first saw the mountains surrounding East Glacier, Montana, in the early summer of 1961, he was, in his own words, awed to his depths. Thus began a love affair with nature and public parks that has endured for more than fifty years. This same love affair would lead Bristol to become a crusader for America's national parks and, later, to be largely credited for the rescue of the ailing public park system in his home state.In On Politics and Parks, Bristol tells his own story in lively prose that includes many intriguing peeks at behind-the-scenes events in Washington, Austin, and elsewhere. Beginning with his upbringing by a widowed young mother with a passion for music and literature, he narrates the converging of influences that led him to an influential political career, including active involvement in national campaigns for Lyndon B. Johnson, Hubert Humphrey, Lloyd Bentsen, and Jimmy Carter. After working for the Democratic National Committee and Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign, Bristol was asked to join President Clinton's administration.However, what he really wanted was a place on the board of the National Park Foundation (NPF). With decades-old images of Glacier still burning brightly in his memory, he helped spearhead efforts to elevate the image of the National Park Service and helped establish a highly successful fundraising strategy for the NPF, giving both organizations greater national awareness and stature.Having acquired a well-earned reputation for fundraising and effective advocacy, Bristol soon began to do for his home state what he had done for the NPF: solidify support and funding for the Texas park system. Over ten years and five legislative sessions, Bristol, through the Texas Coalition for Conservation, the nonprofit organization he founded, fought for the full claim of Texas state parks to the sporting goods tax. Utilizing his many contacts, his well-honed political sense, and his dogged patience, he forged an alliance that would win the day for everyone who loves the state's public lands. In 2007, in the last bill passed on the last day of the session, the Texas legislature nearly doubled the operating budget for parks.On Politics and Parks is at once a lesson in conservation history and a captivating personal memoir that will inform, entertain, and inspire all those who share Bristol's love for the unspoiled beauty of the outdoors and his commitment to preserve that beauty for future generations.
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• Preface
• 1. The Failures of External Coercion
• 2. A Parallel Bias
• 3. A Framework for Analysis
• 4. Foundations of Success and Failure: Libya, Cuba, and Syria
• 5. The Challenge of North Korea and Iran
• 6. Final Thoughts
• References Index.
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Recent American foreign policy has depended heavily on the use of negative inducements to alter the behavior of other states. From public browbeating through economic sanctions to military invasion, the last several presidents have chosen to use coercion to advance U.S. interests when dealing with adversaries. In this respect, as Miroslav Nincic notes, the United States differs from many of its closest allies: Canada has long maintained diplomatic relations with Cuba, and several of the European democracies have continued diplomatic engagement with governments that the United States considers pariah regimes. In The Logic of Positive Engagement, Nincic outlines the efficacy of and the benefits that can flow from positive rather than negative engagement. Nincic observes that threats and punishments may be gratifying in a symbolic sense, but that they haven't affected the longevity or the most objectionable policies of the regimes against which they are directed. Might positive inducements produce better results? Nincic examines two major models of positive inducements: the exchange model, in which incentives are offered in trade for altered behavior, and the catalytic model, in which incentives accumulate to provoke a thorough revision of the target's policies and priorities. He examines the record with regard to long-term U.S. relations with Cuba, Libya, and Syria, and then discusses the possibility that positive inducements might bring policy success to current relations with Iran and North Korea.
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• Prologue
• Down to the sea, in a ship
• Postwar
• Presidential politics : Goldwater, the draft
• Presidential politics : Goldwater, the nomination
• Presidential politics : Goldwater, the convention
• Presidential politics : Goldwater, the campaign
• Presidential politics : Nixon
• Ambassador : Netherlands, one
• Ambassador : Netherlands, two
• Ambassador : Netherlands, three
• Secretary of the Navy : one
• Secretary of the Navy : two
• Secretary of the Navy : three
• Secretary of the Navy : once and forever
• the Bicentennial
• The business of banking
• CIA and OAS : politics, economics, minutiae
• Organization of American States : Nicaragua and El Salvador
• Organization of American States : Falklands and Grenada
• The European community
• The new Russia
• Economic freedom and justice
• Coda
• An epilogue of sorts: Thoughts on reaching eighty-six.

A dozen years out of Harvard, investment banker Bill Middendorf's salary hit $250,000 a year; another dozen years, with his own firm and a seat on the New York Stock Exchange, his income was well into seven figures. But he was restive. "I had learned how to make money, " he writes. "I wanted to learn how to make a difference." Thus, he became actively involved in politics, first at the local level and then with the presidential campaign of Senator Barry Goldwater (1964) and as treasurer of the Republican National Committee (1964-1968). There followed a series of challenging public service appointments: ambassador to The Netherlands, under secretary and secretary of the Navy, ambassador to the Organization of American States and ambassador to the European Community. John William Middendorf is a story-teller, and has many tales to share; from his World War II Navy service, to his first job wearing a string of pearls in a bank vault; on to a failed effort to bring a U.S.-style constitution to post-Soviet Russia; tales of villains and heroes, tales of narrow legislative victories on vital programs, tales of behind-the-scenes efforts to forestall war in the Falklands and to counter growing Communist control of the island of Grenada.
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• Introduction
• 1. Campaign funds and congressional party politics : an overview
• Spreading wealth the old-fashioned way
• The reform era
• The rise of leadership PACs
• The parties strike back
• The money pit
• Conclusion
• Notes
• 2. Pursuing ambition in a congressional parties framework
• Explaining House member behavior
• Intrainstititutional ambition
• Individual versus collective goals
• Promoting the party by rewarding ambition
• Combating the problem of fragmentation : battleground 2000
• Explaining party power in the House
• Conclusion
• Notes
• 3. The 1970s reform era : the money chase begins
• The rise of the seniority system
• The reform era
• Out with the old and in with the new
• Political change and the rise of entrepreneurial House members
• The money chase begins
• Conclusion
• Notes
• 4. The 1980s : new directions in campaign funding
• Party campaign strategies in the 1980s
• The resurgence of strong leaders and party cohesion
• Patterns of member-to-member giving
• Partisan politics heats up
• Conclusion
• Notes.

• 5. A republican revolution in politics and money : the Gingrich era
• The Contract with America
• The 1994 Republican revolution
• The new Republican majority and institutional reform
• New majority leadership strategies
• Trouble in the ranks
• The end of the Gingrich era
• Conclusion
• Notes
• 6. Paying to play : redistributing money in the post-Gingrich era
• Democrats rev up the money machine
• Broader trends in the redistribution of campaign money
• Pursuing intrainstitutional power within a party framework
• Beyond 2000 : the Republican majority hangs on, but how long?
• Conclusion
• 7. Campaign funds and the new democratic majority
• Republican turmoil
• Democrats take the reins
• Consequences and challenges
• Epilogue
• Bibliography
• Acknowledgments
• Index.

Money in the House provides a compelling look at how the drive to raise campaign money has come to dominate congressional party politics. Author Marian Currinder examines the rise of member-to-member and member-to-party giving as part of a broader process that encourages ambitious House members to compete for power by raising money for the party and its candidates. As the margin between parties in the House has narrowed, the political environment has become fiercely competitive. Because electoral success is largely equated with fundraising success, the party that raises the most money is at a distinct advantage. In addition to relying on outside interests and individuals for campaign contributions, the congressional parties increasingly call on their own members to give for the good of the whole. As a result, lawmakers must devote ever-increasing amounts of time to fundraising. The fundraising expectations for members who wish to advance in the chamber are even higher. By requiring their members to raise and redistribute tremendous amounts of money in order to gain power in the chamber, the parties benefit from their members' ambitious pursuits. Currinder argues that the new "rule of money" is fundamentally altering the way House members pursue power and the way congressional parties define and reward loyalty.Contents1. Introduction: Redistributing Campaign Funds and Congressional Party Politics 2. Pursuing Ambition in a Parties Framework 3. The 1970s Reform Era: The Money Chase Begins 4. The 1980s: New Directions in Campaign Funding 5. A Republican Revolution in Politics and Money 6. Redistributing Campaign Money in a New Era.
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• Preface-- Introduction-- Part I. Years of Consensus, 1945-1960--
• 1. Defining the Cold War-- George F. Kennan: The Origins of Containment-- Henry A. Wallace: The Case for Cooperation--
• 2. Fighting the Cold War at Home-- I.F. Stone: Dissent in an Age of Conformity-- J. Edgar Hoover: Combating the Red Menace--
• 3. The Transformation of Popular Culture-- Marilyn Monroe: The New Sexuality-- Elvis Presley: The Birth of Rock and Roll--
• 4. Outsiders in a Conformist Society-- Jackie Robinson: The National Pastime and the Issue of Race-- Allen Ginsberg: Avatar of the Beats--
• 5. Defending Democracy in the Nuclear Age-- Curtis LeMay: Planning for Armageddon-- C. Wright Mills: Prophet of the New Left-- Part II. From Confidence to Crisis, 1960-1980--
• 6. Civil Rights and Social Justice-- Fannie Lou Hamer: The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party-- Cesar Chavez: The United Farm Workers Union--
• 7. Challenges to the Liberal Consensus-- Tom Hayden: The Birth of the New Left-- Barry Goldwater: The Roots of the New Right--
• 8.
• 1968: The Hope and the Fear-- Robert Kennedy: The Promise of the New Politics-- George Wallace: The Politics of Rage--
• 9. Implosions: The Collapse of the Counterculture and the New Left-- Jimi Hendrix: The Limits of Cultural Radicalism-- Bernardine Dohrn: The Death of the New Left--
• 10. The Women's Movement: Revolution and Reaction-- Gloria Steinem: New Directions for Feminism-- Phyllis Schlafly: Counterrevolution on the Right-- Part III. The Search for New Directions, 1980-Present--
• 11. The Roaring Eighties: Patriotism, Piety, and Profit-- Jerry Falwell: The Emergence of the Christian Right-- Bill Gates: The Profitability of Techno-Times--
• 12. After the Revolution: New Horizons for Black Americans-- Tiger Woods: Golf's Great Black Hope-- Clarence Thomas: Black Conservatism in Judicial Robes--
• 13. America and the New World Order-- Paul Wolfowitz: Democratic Imperialist-- Noam Chomsky: Radical Gadfly-- About the Authors.
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The individuals presented in these narrative biographies significantly, and sometimes decisively, impacted contemporary American life in a wide range of areas, including national politics, foreign policy, social and political activism, popular and literary culture, sports, and business. The combined biographical/thematic approach is designed to serve two purposes: to present more substantive biographical information, and to offer a fuller examination of key events and issues. The book is an ideal supplement for undergraduate courses on The United States Since 1945, as well as for courses on Modern America and 20th Century America.
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• Chapter 1 Table of Contents
• Chapter 2 List of Illustrations
• Chapter 3 Preface
• Chapter 4 Acknowledgments
• Chapter 5
• 1. Earliest Beginnings, 1922-1946
• Chapter 6
• 2. In Postwar Germant and France, 1947-1954
• Chapter 7
• 3. Developing a Global Perspective: Washington, D.C., 1954-1959
• Chapter 8
• 4. Working in Turkey, Iran, and Pakistan, 1959-1962
• Chapter 9
• 5. Posted in Egypt, 1963-1966
• Chapter 10
• 6. The National War College: Washington, D.C., 1966-1967
• Chapter 11
• 7. Getting Involved in the UN System, 1967-1974
• Chapter 12
• 8. Deputy Director-General at the International Labour Organization: Geneva, 1974-1978
• Chapter 13
• 9. Special Assignments in the State Department's Bureau of International Organization Affairs: Washington, D.C., 1978-1983
• Chapter 14
• 10. Exploring Track Two, Retirement, and a New Beginning: Washington, D.C., 1983-1988
• Chapter 15
• 11. President of the Iowa Peace Institute: Grinnell, Iowa, 1989-1991
• Chapter 16
• 12. The Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy-Creation and Early Years: Washington, D.C., 1992-2000
• Chapter 17
• 13. More about IMTD Projects-Patience, Perseverence, and Optimism: Arlington (Rosslyn), Virginia, 2000-2007
• Chapter 18
• 14. IMTD's New Initiatives, 2007
• Chapter 19
• 15. Assessing the State of the World Today (2008)
• Chapter 20
• Appendix 1: Publications by Ambassador John W. McDonald
• Chapter 21
• Appendix 2: Ambassador John W. McDonald's Major Awards and Career Distinctions
• Chapter 22
• Appendix 3: Ambassodor John W. McDonald's Board of Directors Memberships in Not-for-Profit Organizations and Academic Institutions (2008)
• Chapter 23 Index
• Chapter 24 About Noa Zanolli.
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This book brings together the remembrances of Ambassador John W. McDonald, a veteran diplomat whose life serves as a model to those people of vision and action who wish to make a difference in a world that is desperate for the end of conflict. Beginning his career in international diplomacy in post-WWII Berlin and under the Marshall Plan, Ambassador McDonald's 40 years of working with the U.S. government and the United Nations-as well as with various academic institutions and NGOs-offer the reader both inspiration and hope for the future of international peace and cooperation. This international civil servant of extraordinary vision and courage has devoted his life to the successful resolution of conflict through communication. The Shifting Grounds of Conflict and Peacemaking contains the professional life lessons of Ambassador McDonald and offers his insight into international issues, providing frank and informed discussion on the environment, women's rights, the global water crisis, sustainable resources, international development, and, above all, peace. Those looking to be inspired into action should read this book to receive guidance about how one person can make all the difference toward building a lasting peace.
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• Introduction
• 1: The Roots of Revolution
• 2: Colonialism and Cold War
• 3: An Anguished Peace
• 4: Escalation
• 5: War on Many Fronts
• 6: The Tet Offensive
• 7: The End of the American War
• 8: Wars Unending Further Reading.
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The Vietnam War remains a topic of extraordinary interest, especially in light of the invasion of Iraq. In The Vietnam War, Mark Lawrence offers readers a superb short account of this key moment in U.S. as well as world history, based on the latest European and American research and on newly opened archives in China, Russia, and Vietnam. While focusing on the American involvement from 1965 to 1975, Lawrence offers an unprecedentedly complete picture of all sides of the war, drawing on now available communist records to capture the complicated brew of motivations that drove the other side. Moreover, the book reaches back well before American forces set foot in Vietnam, describing for instance how French colonialism sparked the 1945 Vietnamese revolution, and revealing how the Cold War concerns of the 1950s warped Washington's perception of Vietnam, leading the United States to back the French and eventually become involved on the ground itself. Of course, the heart of the book is the "American war, " ranging from the overthrow of Ngo Dinh Diem to the impact of the Tet Offensive on the political situation in the US, Johnson's withdrawal from the 1968 presidential race, Nixon's expansion of the war into Cambodia and Laos, and the final peace agreement of 1973, which ended American military involvement. Finally, the book examines the aftermath of the war, from the momentous liberalization-"Doi Moi"-in Vietnam that began in 1986, to the enduring legacy of the war in American books, films, and political debate. A quick and reliable primer on an intensely relevant topic, this well researched and engaging volume offers an invaluable overview of the Vietnam War.
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• "Freedom fries" & presidential power
• The "foetus of monarchy" grows up
• The "old" imperial presidency
• The world after Watergate: the resurgence regime takes shape
• The resurgence recedes, part I: money & morals
• The resurgence recedes, part II: peace & war
• Tidal wave : the world after September 11
• "Practical advantages & grave dangers": Imperial presidency or invisible Congress?

Has the imperial presidency returned? The New Imperial Presidency suggests that the Congressional framework meant to guide and constrain presidential behavior has slowly eroded over the decades since Watergate. Author Andrew Rudalevige describes the evolution of executive power in our separated system of governance. Rudalevige discusses the abuse of power that prompted what he calls the "resurgence regime" against the imperial presidency, and inquires as to how and why, over the three decades that followed Watergate, presidents regained their standing. The New Imperial Presidency shows that presidents have always tried to interpret Constitutional powers broadly. Ambitious executives can choose from an array of actions that push against congressional power and, finding insufficient resistance, expand the scope of presidential power. Rudalevige concludes that the freedoms secured by the checks and balances of government are not automatic, but depend on the exertions of public servants and the citizens they serve. His story confirms the importance of the "living Constitution, " a tradition of historical experiences overlaying the text of the Constitution itself.
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Has the imperial presidency returned? "Well written and, while indispensable for college courses, should appeal beyond academic audiences to anyone interested in how well we govern ourselves. . . . I cannot help regarding it as a grand sequel for my own The Imperial Presidency." ---Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. Has the imperial presidency returned? This question has been on the minds of many contemporary political observers, as recent American administrations have aimed to consolidate power. In The New Imperial Presidency, Andrew Rudalevige suggests that the congressional framework meant to advise and constrain presidential conduct since Watergate has slowly eroded. Rudalevige describes the evolution of executive power in our separated system of governance. He discusses the abuse of power that prompted what he calls the "resurgence regime" against the imperial presidency and inquires as to how and why---over the three decades that followed Watergate---presidents have regained their standing. Chief executives have always sought to interpret constitutional powers broadly. The ambitious president can choose from an array of strategies for pushing against congressional authority; finding scant resistance, he will attempt to expand executive control. Rudalevige's important and timely work reminds us that the freedoms secured by our system of checks and balances do not proceed automatically but depend on the exertions of public servants and the citizens they serve. His story confirms the importance of the "living Constitution, " a tradition of historical experiences overlaying the text of the Constitution itself.
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• The power of small states : diplomacy in World War II / Annette Baker Fox
• Lilliputians' dilemmas : small states in international politics / Robert O. Keohane
• The inequality of states : a study of the small power in international relations / David Vital
• Micro-states : the principality of Liechtenstein / Jorri Duursma
• Weak states in the international system / Michael Handel
• Small states in world markets : industrial policy in Europe / Peter J. Katzenstein
• The role of small states in the European Union / Baldur Thorhallsson
• Learning, realism, and alliances : the weight of the shadow of the past / Dan Reiter
• Norm entrepreneurs : Scandinavia's role in world politics / Christine Ingebritsen
• Conclusion : learning from Lilliput / Christine Ingebritsen.

Smaller nations have a special place in the international system, with a striking capacity to defy the expectations of most observers and many prominent theories of international relations. This volume of classic essays highlights the ability of small states to counter power with superior commitment, to rely on tightly knit domestic institutions with a shared "ideology of social partnership, " and to set agendas as "norm entrepreneurs." The volume is organized around themes such as how and why small states defy expectations of realist approaches to the study of power; the agenda-setting capacity of smaller powers in international society and in regional governance structures such as the European Union; and how small states and representatives from these societies play the role of norm entrepreneurs in world politics -- from the promotion of sustainable solutions to innovative humanitarian programs and policies. Christine Ingebritsenis associate professor of Scandinavian studies and associate dean of undergraduate education, University of Washington, Seattle. Iver B. Neumannis director of research at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Oslo, Norway. Sieglinde Gstohlis professor of European politics and administration at the College of Europe, Bruges, Belgium. Jessica Beyeris a doctoral candidate at the University of Washington. The other contributors include Annette Baker Fox, Jorri Duursma, Michael Handel, Peter J. Katzenstein, Dan Reiter, Baldur Thorhallsson, and David Vital.

• Preface-- Part One: The Rise and Fall of the Cold War Consensus--
• Chapter 1. In Search of Consensus-- The Elements of Consensus-- After Vietnam-- After the Cold War-- After September 11-- Foreign Policy Legitimation-- Part Two: American Foreign Policy After Vietnam--
• Chapter 2. The Nixon Administration-- The New Majority-- Peace with Honor-- A Full Generation of Peace-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus?
• Chapter 3. The Carter Administration-- The People's President-- A Complex New World-- The Arc of Crisis-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus?
• Chapter 4. The Reagan Administration-- We the People-- A Shining City on the Hill-- The "Rescue Mission" and the "Democratic Resistance"-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus? Part Three: The Post-Cold War Interlude--
• Chapter 5. The Bush Administration-- The Procedural President-- From Containment to the New World Order-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus?
• Chapter 6. The Clinton Administration-- The Governor-President-- The Dilemmas of Armed Intervention-- A Strategy of Engagement and Enlargement-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus?-- Part Four: The Global War on Terror--
• Chapter 7. The George W. Bush Administration-- The Compassionate Conservative-- 9/11 and Operation Enduring Freedom-- A Strategy of Prevention and Enlargement-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus? Part Five: Conclusions--
• Chapter 8. American Foreign Policy Since Nixon-- The Nixon Administration-- The Carter Administration-- The Reagan Administration-- The Bush Administration-- The Clinton Administration-- The George W. Bush Administration Bibliography-- Index.
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This book integrates the study of presidential politics and foreign policy-making from the Vietnam aftermath to the events following September 11 and the Iraqi War. Focusing on the relationship between presidents' foreign policy agendas and domestic politics, it offers compelling portraits of presidents Nixon, Carter, Reagan, Bush I, Clinton, and Bush II. In the course of comparing the efforts of these presidents to articulate a clear conception of the national interest and to forge a foreign policy consensus, the author shows the key role of public opinion in constraining presidential initiatives, in particular the decision to use military force overseas. Never more timely, this popular text is appropriate for courses in U.S. foreign policy, the presidency, or contemporary U.S. politics.
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• Then (1945-1991)
• Pax Americana
• The Postwar Task
• Bretton Woods
• The Marshall Plan and Containment
• German Wirtschaftswunder
• The Berlin Blockade
• The Truman Doctrine
• NATO and Its Cross of Lorraine
• The Korean War
• The Hungarian Revolution and the Berlin Wall
• The Cuban Missile Crisis and Nikita Khrushchev
• The Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia and the Brezhnev Doctrine
• Cultural Shift
• D'tente
• Eurocommunism
• Negotiated Cold War
• The Errors of Socialism
• Ronald Reagan and His Critics
• Solidarity
• Gorbachev and His Nemesis
• The Fall of the Berlin Wall and Reunification of Germany
• The End of an Era
• And Now (1991-2004)
• After the Fall: Celebratory Foresight and Ominous Speculations
• After the Wall: What Happened on the Ground
• Drifting Apart: Multipolarity and Hegemony
• Aggregation: The European Union
• Disaggregation: Civil War in Bosnia and Herzegovina
• Chinese Shadows
• 9/11 and the War on Terrorism
• Lessons.

In The American Way of Peace, Jan S. Prybyla traces the implementation of an idea derived from bedrock American values that has shaped the American character from the nation's beginning. The idea - simple, generous, optimistic, and effective - was and remains to give people realizable hope, an attainable dream, by creating a peaceful, secure, and materially comfortable world, a Pax Americana, the American Way of Peace. In the period surveyed, beginning with the end of World War II, this objective was achieved through American initiative and with American leadership, despite resistance from Nazi barbarism, Soviet serfdom, and, more recently, Islamic extremist inhumanity. There has also been opposition from some of those in the western confines of Europe whom Pax Americana helped raise from the ashes to which they had been reduced by aggressive forces. The American Way of Peace examines the work of reconstruction, the enemy bombardment, as well as the hurtful sniping along the way to this goal by the beneficiaries of American support. Prybyla recommends a reevaluation of American relations with those to whom friendship is but a utilitarian device, in light of the present eruption of terrorism worldwide. The need for America to act wisely and resolutely in defense of civilized values, to stem the third tidal wave of terrorist savagery, and to venture where others fear to tread is more compelling now than it has been in the six decades past, for today America's very survival as a force for immense good in the world is being put to the test.
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• From the Meiji restoration to the Pacific War
• After the war: new values and the peace treaty
• The United States: political and security relations
• The United States: economic relations
• China: Economic development and wounded feelings
• Korea: South Korean relations develop with complexity, will North Korean relations start?
• Asia and the Pacific: expanding relations from bilateral to multilateral
• Russia: territorial disputes and strengthening the relationship
• Europe: struggle for relevance
• The Middle East: Oil diplomacy and issues of war and peace
• Official development assistance: from recipient to donor number one
• Multilateral economic diplomacy: from participant to positive contributor
• Multilateral political diplomacy: the United Nations and peacekeeping operations
• Conclusion: Past perspectives and future agendas.

This book describes major aspects of Japanese foreign policy from WWII to the present. Bilateral relations with the US, China, Korea, Southeast Asia, Russia, Europe and the Middle East as well as multilateral diplomacy are analysed. Written by a former diplomat who was deeply involved in major issues of postwar Japanese foreign policy, it provides fascinating insider views on policy making in Tokyo. The book explains how and why Japan is developing a more proactive foreign policy and highlights vital policy issues which it is facing at the turn of the century. It is written with exceptional clarity and is accessible and friendly to any reader who is interested in modern Japan.
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• The wartime decisions to return Taiwan to China
• Difficult dilemmas: the United States and Kuomintang repression, 1947-1979
• The status of the ROC and Taiwan, 1950-1972: explorations in United States policy
• The "sacred texts" of United States--China--Taiwan relations
• Congress gets into the Taiwan human rights act
• Taiwan policy making since Tianonmen: navigating through shifting waters.

Written by the former chairman and managing director of the American Institute in Taiwan, this book sheds new light on key topics in the history of U.S.-Taiwan relations. It fills an important gap in our understanding of how the U.S. government addressed Taiwan and the Taiwan Strait issue from the early 1940s to the present. One theme that runs through these essays is the series of obstacles erected that denied the people of Taiwan a say in shaping their own destiny: Franklin Roosevelt chose to return Taiwan to mainland China for geopolitical reasons; there was little pressure on the Kuomintang to reform its authoritarian rule until Congress got involved in the early 1980s; Chiang Kai-shek spurned American efforts in the 1960s to keep Taiwan in international organizations; and behind the ROC's back, the Nixon, Carter, and Reagan administrations negotiated agreements with the PRC that undermined Taiwan's position. In addition to discussing how the United States reacted to key human rights cases from the 1940s to the 1980s, the author also discusses the Bush and Clinton administrations' efforts to preserve U.S. interests while accommodating new forces in the region. All these episodes have an enduring relevance for the people of Taiwan, and in his conclusion the author discusses where the relationship stands today. The book includes related documents that helped shape the U.S.-Taiwan relationship.
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• The partners
• Government by brains trust
• Tommy Corcoran and the New Dealers' gospel
• Making the new deal revolution
• The fight for the Rooseveltian succession
• 1945-The New Dealers' government in-exile
• In my father's house
• Rise of an insider
• Ends and means
• Forbidden version
• Receivership
• Enter LBJ, stage center
• 1960-Checkmate
• President of all the people
• Last act.

In the 1930s a band of smart and able young men, some still in their twenties, helped Franklin D. Roosevelt transform an American nation in crisis. They were the junior officers of the New Deal. Thomas G. Corcoran, Benjamin V. Cohen, William O. Douglas, Abe Fortas, and James Rowe helped FDR build the modern Democratic Party into a progressive coalition whose command over power and ideas during the next three decades seemed politically invincible. This is the first book about this group of Rooseveltians and their linkage to Lyndon Johnson's Great Society and the Vietnam War debacle. Michael Janeway grew up inside this world. His father, Eliot Janeway, business editor of Time and a star writer for Fortune and Life magazines, was part of this circle, strategizing and practicing politics as well as reporting on these men. Drawing on his intimate knowledge of events and previously unavailable private letters and other documents, Janeway crafts a riveting account of the exercise of power during the New Deal and its aftermath. He shows how these men were at the nexus of reform impulses at the electoral level with reform thinking in the social sciences and the law and explains how this potent fusion helped build the contemporary American state. Since that time efforts to reinvent government by "brains trust" have largely failed in the U.S. In the last quarter of the twentieth century American politics ceased to function as a blend of broad coalition building and reform agenda setting, rooted in a consensus of belief in the efficacy of modern government. Can a progressive coalition of ideas and power come together again? The Fall of the House of Roosevelt makes such a prospect both alluring and daunting.
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• The post-World War II consensus
• Challenges to the postwar consensus
• Opinion leaders
• Sources of foreign policy attitudes
• A return to isolationism and unilateralism? pre-and post-September 11
• Public opinion and foreign policy: where do we go from here?

A thoroughly revised version of this essential text, incorporating a wealth of new material on American foreign policy since 9/11.

• List of Illustrations Acknowledgments Introduction
• 1. Sentimental Education: Creating a Global Imaginary of Integration
• 2. Reader's Digest, Saturday review, and the Middlebrow Aesthetic of Commitment
• 3. How to Be an American Abroad: James Michener's The Voice of Asia and Postwar Mass Tourism
• 4. Family Ties as Political Obligation: Oscar Hammerstein II, South Pacific, and the Discourse of Adoption
• 5. Musicals and Modernization: The King and I
• 6. Asians in America: Flower Drum Song and Hawaii Conclusion Notes Index.
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In the years following World War II, American writers and artists produced a steady stream of popular stories about Americans living, working, and traveling in Asia and the Pacific. Meanwhile the U.S., competing with the Soviet Union for global power, extended its reach into Asia to an unprecedented degree. This book reveals that these trends - the proliferation of Orientalist culture and the expansion of U.S. power - were linked in complex and surprising ways. While most cultural historians of the Cold War have focused on the culture of containment, Christina Klein reads the postwar period as one of international economic and political integration - a distinct chapter in the process of U.S.-led globalization. Through her analysis of a wide range of texts and cultural phenomena - including Rodgers and Hammerstein's South Pacific and The King and I, James Michener's travel essays and novel Hawaii, and Eisenhower's People-to-People Program - Klein shows how U.S. policy makers, together with middlebrow artists, writers, and intellectuals, created a culture of global integration that represented the growth of U.S. power in Asia as the forging of emotionally satisfying bonds between Americans and Asians. Her book enlarges Edward Said's notion of Orientalism in order to bring to light a cultural narrative about both domestic and international integration that still resonates today.
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• The years before diplomacy
• a "correct" year with the Peróns
• O)n, briefly, to Rome
• Red Cross president
• In Nehru's India
• Recharging the battery
• The West New Guinea negotiations
• Brokering a Yemen settlement
• Troubleshooting in the Dominican Republic and Elsewhere
• To center stage in Vietnam
• Tet and afterwards
• Vietnamization has succeeded
• The Panama Canal negotiations
• Final chapter.

In this first biography of Ellsworth Bunker (1894-1984), Howard Schaffer traces the life of one of postwar America's foremost diplomats from his formative years as a successful businessman and lobbyist through a long career in international affairs. Named ambassador to Argentina by Harry Truman in 1951, Bunker went on to serve six more presidents as ambassador to Italy, India, Nepal, and Vietnam and on special negotiating missions. A widely recognized "hawk, " Bunker helped shape U.S. policy in Vietnam during his six-year Saigon posting. Using letters Bunker wrote to his wife as well as recently declassified messages he exchanged with Henry Kissinger, Schaffer examines how Bunker promoted the war effort and how he regarded his mission. After leaving Saigon on his seventy-ninth birthday, Bunker next became a key figure in the treaty negotiations, spanning three presidencies, that radically changed the operation and defense of the Panama Canal. Highlighting Bunker's views on the craft of diplomacy, Schaffer paints a complex picture of a man who devoted three decades to international affairs and sheds new light on post-World War II American diplomacy. This book is part of the ADST-DACOR Diplomats and Diplomacy Series, co-sponsored by the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training in Arlington, Virginia, and Diplomatic & Consular Officers, Retired, Inc., of Washington, D.C.
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• Containing East Germany in the early 1950s. Constructing the diplomatic blockade
• East German "sovereignty" and the western response
• Staving off collapse. A shifting landscape : Geneva and Moscow
• The blockade slips
• The Bonn Ambassadors' Conference
• "Managed relationships" and the isolation campaign
• Yugoslavia crosses the line. Grasping for openings
• Damascus, but not Warsaw
• A failure of deterrence
• The Hallstein Doctrine
• Scrambling for Africa. Otto Grotewohl's journey
• Doubts and hesitations : the Berlin crisis
• Bonn's counteroffensive
• Guinea : the exception that proved the rule
• Development aid and the Hallstein Doctrine : a trajectory of disillusionment. Bonn's billion-dollar aid program
• The shock of the Belgrade Conference
• Experiments in economic leverage
• The perils of detente. De Gaulle, detente, and the "policy of movement"
• Planning the breakthrough
• "New measures" in Ceylon and Zanzibar
• The apex of West German vigilance
• The peculiar longevity of a discredited doctrine. The debacle : West Germany's expulsion from the Arab world
• The contest goes on
• Unification hysteria and Erhard's political demise
• Of two minds : the grand coalition and the problem of recognition
• The Ulbricht doctrine
• The coalition "cambodes"
• A qualified breakthrough
• The halting progress of a German Sisyphus
• A war within a war
• The Hallstein Doctrine and German unity.

This volume explores West Germany's efforts to prevent international acceptance of East Germany as a legitimate state following World War II, using newly available material from both sides of the Iron Curtain. West German leaders were unwilling to accept the division of their country and regarded the German Democratic Republic (GDR) as an illegitimate upstart - a puppet of the occupying Soviet forces. Together with France, Britain and the United States, West Germany applied political and financial pressure to ensure that the GDR remained unrecognized by all countries outside the communist camp. While the GDR had some success in befriending countries such as Egypt, Ghana and Indonesia, West Germany's intimidation tactics and superior economic resources saw that it never had any decisive breakthrough. This book argues that Bonn's isolation campaign was dropped not due to failure but as a result of changes in West German priorities as the struggle against East Germany came to hamper efforts at reconciliation with Israel, Poland, and Yugoslavia - all countries of special relevance to Germany's recent past. Interest in morally grounded diplomacy, together with a growing conviction that the GDR could no longer be ignored, led to the abandonment of Bonn's effective but outdated efforts to hinder worldwide recognition of the East German regime.
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• Preface
• Acknowledgments
• STUART SYMINGTON
• Abbreviations
• Notes
• Bibliography
• Index.

• Seen from the outside : the international perspective on America's dilemma / Paul Gordon Lauren
• Race from power : U.S. foreign policy and the general crisis of white supremacy / Gerald Horne
• Brown babies : race, gender, and policy after World War II / Brenda Gayle Plummer
• Bleached souls and Red Negroes : the NAACP and Black Communists in the early Cold War, 1948-1952 / Cary Fraser
• An American dilemma : race and realpolitik in the American response to the Bandung Conference, 1955 / Cary Fraser
• Segregationists and the world : the foreign policy of the white resistance / Thomas Noer
• The unwelcome mat : African diplomats in Washington, D.C., during the Kennedy years / Michael Krenn
• Birmingham, Addis Ababa, and the image of America : international influence on U.S. civil rights politics in the Kennedy administration / Mary L. Dudziak
• Antiwar Aztlán : the Chicano movement opposes U.S. intervention in Vietnam / Lorena Oropeza
• From Cold War to global interdependence : the political economy of African American antiapartheid activism, 1968-1988 / Donald R. Culverson.

The civil rights movement in the United States drew strength from supporters of human rights worldwide. Once U.S. policy makers - influenced by international pressure, the courage of ordinary American citizens, and a desire for global leadership - had signed such documents as the United Nations charter, domestic calls for change could be based squarely on the moral authority of doctrines the United States endorsed abroad. This is one of the many fascinating links between racial politics and international affairs explored in Window on Freedom. Broad in chronological scope and topical diversity, the ten original essays presented here demonstrate how the roots of U.S. foreign policy have been embedded in social, economic, and cultural factors of domestic as well as foreign origin. They argue persuasively that the campaign to realize full civil rights for racial and ethnic minorities in America is best understood in the context of competitive international relations.
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• Introduction Invitation and Pride The Old Game Mastering Interdependence? Status, The "Third Force" and the Western Alliance Mastering Interdependence? Status, Nationalism, and the European Army Plan Mediterranean "Missions" A Question of Leadership Conclusions Bibliography.
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Using archival materials from all three nations, this first comparative study of French and Italian relations with the United States during the early Cold War shows that French and Italian ambitions of status, or prestige, crucially affected the formation of the Western Alliance. While attention to outside appearances had a long historic tradition for both European nations, the notion was compounded by their humiliation in World War II and their consequent fear of further demotion. Only by promoting an American hegemony over Europe could France and Italy aspire respectively to attain continental leadership and equality with the other great European powers. For its part, Washington carefully calibrated concessions of mere status with the more substantial issues of international roles. A recent trend in both U.S. and European historiography of the Cold War has emphasized the role that America's allies had in shaping the post-World War II international system. Combining diplomatic, strategic, economic, and cultural insights, and reassessing the main events from post-war reconstruction to the Middle Eastern crises of the late 1950s, Brogi reaches two major conclusions: that the United States helped the two allies to recover enough self-esteem to cope with their own decline; and that both the French and the Italian leaders, with constant pressure from Washington, progressively adapted to a notion of prestige no longer based solely on nationalism, but also on their capacity to promote, or even master, continental integration. With this focus on image, Brogi finally suggests a background to today's changing patterns of international relations, as civilizational values become increasingly important at the expense of more familiar indices of economic and military power.
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• Challenging the laws of nature: the New Deal and southern politics
• Drawing the color line: World II, race, and the South's political crucible
• Out of the bag?: the search for southern unity
• Setting the postwar agenda: civil rights, states' rights, and the tale of two conventions
• The Dixiecrat presidential campaign
• The cause lost: the decline of the Dixiecrat movement, 1949-1950
• Cut free from the moorings: presidential politics in the South in the 1950s and 1960s.

The movement that forged the way for the rise of the Republican Party in the South In 1948, a group of conservative white southerners formed the States' Rights Democratic Party, soon nicknamed the ""Dixiecrats, "" and chose Strom Thurmond as their presidential candidate. Thrown on the defensive by federal civil rights initiatives and unprecedented grassroots political activity by African Americans, the Dixiecrats aimed to reclaim conservatives' former preeminent position within the national Democratic Party and upset President Harry Truman's bid for reelection. The Dixiecrats lost the battle in 1948, but, as Kari Frederickson shows, the political repercussions of their revolt were significant. Frederickson situates the Dixiecrat movement within the tumultuous social and economic milieu of the 1930s and 1940s South, tracing the struggles between conservative and liberal Democrats over the future direction of the region. Enriching her sweeping political narrative with detailed coverage of local activity in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina - the flashpoints of the Dixiecrat campaign - she shows that, even without upsetting Truman in 1948, the Dixiecrats forever altered politics in the South. By severing the traditional southern allegiance to the national Democratic Party in presidential elections, the Dixiecrats helped forge the way for the rise of the Republican Party in the region.
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• Introduction: domestic institutions and military confrontations
• A theory of domestic institutions
• The 1956 Suez Canal crisis
• The 1995 Bosnian War
• Coercive diplomacy signals
• Conclusions and implications.

In Disarmed Democracies: Domestic Institutions and the Use of Force, David P. Auerswald examines how the structure of domestic political institutions affects whether democracies use force or make threats during international disputes. Auerswald argues that the behavior of democracies in interstate conflict is shaped as much by domestic political calculations as by geopolitical circumstance. Variations in the structure of a democracy's institutions of governance make some types of democracies more likely to use force than others. To test his theory, Auerswald compares British, French, and U.S. behavior during military conflicts and diplomatic crises from the Cold War era to the present. He discusses how accountability and agenda control vary between parliamentary, presidential, and premier-presidential democracies and shows how this affects the ability of the democracy to signal its intentions, as well as the likelihood that it will engage in military conflict. His findings have implications for the study of domestic politics and the use of force, as well as of U.S. leadership during the next century. This study will interest social scientists interested in the domestic politics of international security, comparative foreign policy, or the study of domestic institutions. It will interest those concerned with the exercise of U.S. leadership in the next century, the use of force by democracies, and the future behavior of democratizing nations. David P. Auerswald is Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, George Washington University.
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• Leadership, bargaining, and arms control
• Conflicting strategies and inconclusive discussions : Khrushchev, Eisenhower, and the test ban talks
• From deadlock to mutual compromise : Khrushchev, Kennedy, and the Limited Test Ban Treaty
• The search for unilateral advantage : impasse at the intermediate-range nuclear forces talks
• Concluding the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty : Gorbachev and new thinking break the deadlock
• Finishing start and achieving unilateral reductions : bargaining and leadership at the end of the Cold War
• Superpower arms control and joint decision making in international relations.

Why were the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union able to negotiate a series of arms control agreements despite the deep and important differences in their interests during the Cold War? Lisa A. Baglione considers a variety of explanations for the successes--and failures--of these negotiations drawn from international relations theories. Focusing on the goals and strategies of individual leaders--and their ability to make these the goals and strategies of their nation--the author develops a nuanced understanding that better explains the outcome of these negotiations. Baglione then tests her explanation in a consideration of negotiations surrounding the banning of above-ground nuclear tests, the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks of the 1970s, the negotiations for the limitation of intermediate-range nuclear forces in the 1980s, and the last negotiations between the Americans and the disintegrating Soviet Union in 1990 and 1991. How these great rivals were able to negotiate significant arms control agreements not only will shed light on international relations during an important period of history but will help us understand how such agreements might develop in the post-Cold War period, when arms proliferation has become a serious problem. This book will appeal to scholars of international relations and arms control as well as those interested in bargaining and international negotiations and contemporary military history. Lisa A. Baglione is Assistant Professor of Political Science, St. Joseph's University.
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• Introduction
• The context of affirmative-action policy development
• The precursors of affirmative-action policy
• Affirmative action under Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon
• Affirmative action under Carter, Reagan, and Bush
• Early reservation policy development in India
• Reservation policies under party competition
• Conclusion.

Sunita Parikh examines the history and fate of affirmative action programs in two ethnically heterogeneous democracies, the United States and India. Affirmative action programs in the United States represent a controversial policy about which the American public feel at best ambivalence and at worst hostility, while in India the expansion of reservation policies in recent years has led to riots and contributed to the fall of governments. And yet these policies were not particularly controversial when they were introduced. How the policy traveled from these auspicious beginnings to its current predicament can best be understood, according to Parikh, by exploring the changing political conditions under which it was introduced, expanded, and then challenged. Although they are in many respects very different countries, India and the United States are important countries in which to study the implementation of ascriptive policies like affirmative action, according to Parikh. They are both large, heterogeneous societies with democratic political systems in which previously excluded groups were granted benefits by the majorities that had historically oppressed them. Parikh argues that these policies were the product of democratic politics--which required political parties to mobilize existing groups as voters--and the ethnically heterogeneous nature of Indian and U.S. society--where ethnic markers are particularly salient sources of identification as groups. Affirmative action in both countries was introduced because it could be used to solidify and expand electoral coalitions by giving benefits to defined minority groups, according to Parikh. As the policy became better known, it became more disliked by non-targeted groups, and it was no longer an appeal which was cost free for politicians. This book will be of interest to social scientists concerned with race and ethnic relations and with the comparative study of political and social systems. Sunita Parikh is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Columbia University.
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• Introduction;
• 1. From Garbagne to the Coast of Bohemia, or, Assume a Japan;
• 2. Competition, Culture, and the Economy;
• 3. The Modernization Process;
• 4. The Japanese System in the Golden Age;
• 5. The Case of the Automobile Industry;
• 6. The Industrial Relations Regime;
• 7. Capital Versus the Regions;
• 8. Overaccumulation, Speculation, and Corruption;
• 9. Trade Antagonism and Industrial Policy;
• 10. Economic Transformation and the World System;
• 11. Japan and the New Competition;
• 12. Through a Rashomon Mirror Darkly; Notes; Bibliography; Index; A; B; C; D; E; F; G; H; I; J; K; L; M; N; O; P.

A broad, intelligent overview of the Japanese political economy, The Postwar Japanese System is one of the best books available to tell us what we can learn from Japan, and what price the Japanese are paying for their success. While other countries are looking to Japan as an economic model, William Tabb shows how the political and social arrangements that have allowed Japan to succeed are placing a great strain on their society. He distinguishes between those aspects of Japanese success that can, and cannot be transferred successfully to help in the revitalization of the American economy. And he thoughtfully explores the fundamental social, political, and economic transitions the Japanese are experiencing today. A key resource for all those interested in Japanese society, The Postwar Japanese System succeeds in placing the economic "miracle" in its social and political framework.
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