• Introduction: answering the German question
• Tomorrow the world: images of Germany before the Cold War
• Germany belongs in the western world: Germany and consensus politics in America, 1945-1959
• Your post on the frontier: Germany in an age of consensus, 1945-1959
• The anti-German wave: maintaining and challenging consensus in an age of chaos, 1959-1969
• We refuse to be "good Germans": Germany in a divided decade, 1959-1969
• The hero is us: representations of Germany since the 1960s
• Conclusion: the significance of the German question in the twenty-first century.

This volume explores narratives of Germany in the United States, with a particular focus on the post-World War II period. It examines how a wide range of actors - including special interest groups and U.S. and West German policymakers - sought to deploy representations of Germany to influence public opinion and achieve their domestic and foreign policy objectives. The book analyzes cultural artifacts such as popular books, films, and television shows to reveal how narratives about the Third Reich and Cold War Germany were manufactured, contested, and co-opted as rival viewpoints competed for legitimacy.

• Washington's questionable Cold War allies
• Uncle Sam's backyard: friendly Latin American strongmen
• Chiang Kai-Shek: America's troublesome "free world" client
• A preference for authoritarians: Washington backs South Korean dictators
• From Jinnah to jihad: Washington's Cold War relations with Pakistan
• Cold War to Holy War: the U.S.-Saudi alliance
• Subverting democracy: supporting the Shah of Iran
• Navigating a quagmire: sustaining South Vietnamese dictators
• Heart of darkness: U.S. policy toward Mobutu's dictatorship in Zaire
• Flying blind in Manila: enabling Ferdinand Marcos
• The "good communists": Tito and Ceaușescu
• Playing the China card: strategic rapprochement with Beijing
• America's authoritarian partners after 9/11
• Pyramid of cards: Washington's policy toward Egypt from Mubarak to El-Sisi
• From "golden chain" to Arab Spring: the sordid tale of U.S.-Saudi relations
• Janus-faced partners: America and Pakistan after 9/11
• Tangled trails of the Silk Road: Washington and Central Asia's tyrants
• Closing the values gap: protecting security, preserving values.

American leaders have cooperated with regimes around the world that are, to varying degrees, repressive or corrupt. Such cooperation is said to serve the national interest. But these partnerships also contravene the nation's commitments to democratic governance, civil liberties, and free markets. During the Cold War, policymakers were casual about sacrificing important values for less-than-compelling strategic rationales. Since the attacks on 9/11, similar ethical compromises have taken place, although policymakers now seem more selective than their Cold War-era counterparts. Americans want a foreign policy that pursues national interests while observing American values. How might that reconciliation of interest and morality be accomplished? In Perilous Partners, authors Ted Galen Carpenter and Malou Innocent provide a strategy for resolving the ethical dilemmas between interests and values faced by Washington. They propose maintaining an arm's-length relationship with authoritarian regimes, emphasizing that the United States must not operate internationally in ways that routinely pollute American values. It is a strategy based on ethical pragmatism, which is the best way to reconcile America's strategic interests and its fundamental values. Perilous Partners creates a strategy for conducting an effective U.S. foreign policy without betraying fundamental American values. -- from dust jacket.

• Introduction: antifascism and the United States
• European precedents, American echoes: fascism in history and memory
• From margin to mainstream: American antifascism to 1945
• Beyond economics, without guarantees: faschismustheorie in the United States
• Resuming the people's war: HUAC, Joe McCarthy, and the antifascist challenge of the 1950s
• Brownshirts in the twilight zone: antifascism in the liberal moment of the early 1960s
• United front against genocide: African American antifascism, the Black Panthers, and the
• Multiracial coalitions of the late 1960s
• Queer antifascism: pink triangle politics and the Christian right
• Epilogue: antifascism in strip mall America.

Although fascism is typically associated with Europe, the threat of fascism in the United States haunted the imaginations of activists, writers, and artists, spurring them to create a rich, elaborate body of cultural and political work. Traversing the Popular Front of the 1930s, the struggle against McCarthyism in the 1950s, the Black Power movement of the 1960s, and the AIDS activism of the 1980s, Haunted by Hitler highlights the value of "antifascist" cultural politics, showing how it helped to frame the national discourse. Christopher Vials examines the ways in which anxieties about fascism in the United States have been expressed in the public sphere, through American television shows, Off-Broadway theater, party newspaper, bestselling works of history, journalism, popular sociology, political theory, and other media. He argues that twentieth-century liberals and leftists were more deeply unsettled by the problem of fascism than those at the center or the right and that they tirelessly and often successfully worked to counter America's fascist equivalents.
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• Translator's Preface Introduction: The Defeated One: The Decline of Party Politicians
• Chapter 1: The Backroom: Testimonies of Party Leadership Elections
• Chapter 2: Popularity: Leadership and the People
• Chapter 3: Money: The Basis for Politics
• Chapter 4: Factions,
• Part 1: Steps to an Administration
• Chapter 5: Factions,
• Part 2: Background of Leaders
• Chapter 6: Multiparty Age: Undercurrents of the 1967 Elections
• Chapter 7: The Myth of a Two-Party System: Recommendations for a Multiparty System
• Chapter 8: The End of Backroom Politics: Administrations in a Multiparty Age Afterword.
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Written by the controversial owner of the Yomiuri Shimbun when he was Japan's leading political reporter, Japan's Backroom Politics is the translation of a classic study of the rough and tumble of Japanese politics and Liberal Democratic Party factions in the first two decades of postwar Japan. In addition to discussing the reasons for the resiliency of factions, he discusses in great detail the history of and personalities within the near-dozen factions of the LDP.
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• Acknowledgments Introduction Jasmine Alinder, A. Aneesh, Daniel J. Sherman, and Ruud van Dijk
• Part 1. 1968, the Text
• 1. Foucault's 1968 Bernard Gendron
• 2. Palimpsests of
• 68: Theorizing Labor after Adorno Richard Langston
• 3. What's Left of the Right to the City? Judit Bodnar
• Part 2. Locating Politics
• 4. The Rise and Fall of an International Counterculture, 19601975 Jeremi Suri
• 5. Invisible Humanism: An African 1968 and Its Aftermaths James Ferguson
• 6. Pushing Luck Too Far: 68, Northern Ireland, and Nonviolence Simon Prince
• 7. Mexico 1968 and the Art(s) of Memory Jacqueline E. Bixler
• Part 3. Bodies, Protest, and Art
• 8. White Power, Black Power, and the 1968 Olympic Protests Martin A. Berger
• 9. Bodies Count: The Sixties Body in American Politics Robert O. Self
• 10. Beginning 9 Evenings Michelle Kuo
• 11. Sensorial Techniques of the Self: From the Jouissance of May 68 to the Economy of the Delay Noit Banai
• Part 4. 1968, the Movie
• 12. Tempered Nostalgia in Recent French Films on the 68 Years Julian Bourg
• 13. Rhetorics of Resistance: The Port Huron Project Mark Tribe Contributors Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

From the mid-1960s to the early 1970s, revolutions in theory, politics, and cultural experimentation swept around the world. These changes had as great a transformative impact on the right as on the left. A touchstone for activists, artists, and theorists of all stripes, the year 1968 has taken on new significance for the present moment, which bears certain uncanny resemblances to that time. The Long 1968 explores the wide-ranging impact of the year and its aftermath in politics, theory, the arts, and international relations-and its uses today.
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• Introduction: social scientists and their patrons in a remarkable era
• Social science on the endless (and end-less?) frontier: the postwar NSF debate
• Defense and offense in the military science establishment: toward a technology of human behavior
• Vision, analysis, or subversion? The rocky story of the behavioral sciences at the Ford Foundation
• Cultivating hard-core social research at the NSF: protective coloration and official Negroes
• Conclusion.

Numerous popular and scholarly accounts have exposed the deep impact of patrons on the production of scientific knowledge and its applications. Shaky Foundations provides the first extensive examination of a new patronage system for the social sciences that emerged in the early Cold War years and took more definite shape during the 1950s and early 1960s, a period of enormous expansion in American social science. By focusing on the military, the Ford Foundation, and the National Science Foundation, Mark Solovey shows how this patronage system presented social scientists and other interested parties, including natural scientists and politicians, with new opportunities to work out the scientific identity, social implications, and public policy uses of academic social research. Solovey also examines significant criticisms of the new patronage system, which contributed to widespread efforts to rethink and reshape the politics-patronage-social science nexus starting in the mid-1960s. Based on extensive archival research, Shaky Foundations addresses fundamental questions about the intellectual foundations of the social sciences, their relationships with the natural sciences and the humanities, and the political and ideological import of academic social inquiry.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface with Acknowledgments List of Figures INTRODUCTION
• Chapter 1. Escaping the Monotony of Everyday Life under Socialism Alexander Vari CONCERT HALLS AND ESTATE MUSEUMS
• Chapter 2. Instrumentalizing Entertainment and Education: Early Cold War Music Festivals in East Germany and Poland David Tompkins
• Chapter 3. Open Gates and Wandering Minds: Codes, Castles, and Chateaux in Socialist Czechoslovakia before 1960 Cathleen M. Giustino CABINS IN THE WOODS
• Chapter 4. Encountering Poland's "Wild West": Tourism in the Bieszczady Mountains under Socialism Patrice M. Dabrowski
• Chapter 5. Summer Camp for Socialists: Conformity and Escapism at Camp Mitschurin in East Germany Catherine J. Plum BEACH PARTIES
• Chapter 6. From the Party to the Beach Party: Nudism and Artistic Expression in the People's Republic of Romania Irina Costache
• Chapter 7. Smoke and Beers: Touristic Escapes and Places to Party in Socialist Bulgaria, 1956-1976 Mary Neuburger ROADSIDE ADVENTURES AND BRIGHT CITY LIGHTS
• Chapter 8. Hitchhikers' Paradise: The Intersection of Mass Mobility, Consumer Demand, and Ideology in the People's Republic of Poland Mark Keck-Szajbel
• Chapter 9. Nocturnal Entertainments, Five-Star Hotels, and Youth Counterculture: Re-Inventing Budapest's Nightlife under Socialism Alexander Vari SPORTS AND STADIA
• Chapter 10. Getting off Track in East Germany: Adolescent Motorcycle Fans and Honecker's Consumer Socialism Caroline Fricke
• Chapter 11. Power at Play: Soccer Stadiums and Popular Culture in 1980s Romania Florin Poenaru CONCLUSION
• Chapter 12. Escapes and Other Border Crossings in Socialist Eastern Europe Cathleen M. Giustino Selected Bibliography Notes on Contributors Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

During much of the Cold War, escape from countries in the East Bloc was a near impossible act. There remained, however, possibilities for other socialist escapes, particularly time away from party ideology and the mundane routines of everyday life. The essays in this volume examine sites of socialist escapes, such as beaches, camp sites, nightclubs, concerts, castles, cars, and soccer matches. The chapters explore the effectiveness of state efforts to engineer society through leisure, entertainment, and related forms of cultural programming and consumption, as it was in leisure and tourism that the party's intentions encountered Eigensinn or "doing things one's own way." This volume leads to a deeper understanding of state - society relations in the East Bloc, where the state did not simply "dictate from above" and inhabitants had some opportunities to shape solidarities, identities, and meaning.
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• List of Illustrations ix Preface and Acknowledgments xi Introduction 1
• Chapter 1: Crosscurrents of Crisis in 1970s America 19 Trouble Abroad 22 Corruption at Home 36 Conservatism and the Distrust of Government 45 Economic Insecurity 53 Turning Inward 63
• Chapter 2: The Rising Tide of Equality and Democratic Reform 73 Women in the Public Sphere 76 Women in the Private Sphere 88 The Many Frontiers of Equality 96 Political Reform 108 Resistance 114
• Chapter 3: The Spread of Market Values 122 A Sea Change of Principles 126 The Economy Goes South 133 Globalization's Gathering Speed 137 From Citizenship to Deregulation 144 Market Solutions for Every Problem 153 A Freer Market, A Coarser Culture 162
• Chapter 4: The Retreat of Empires and the Global Advance of the Market 175 The Emergence of Human Rights 179 European Empires and Southern Africa 186 The Soviet Empire 193 The American Empire 201 The Israeli Exception 208 The Retreat of the State 214 China and the Hollowing Out of Socialism 220
• Chapter 5: Resistance to the New Hyper-Individualism 227 The Environmentalist Challenge 231 Religious Resurgence at Home 247 Religious Resurgence in Israel 258 Religious Resurgence in the Muslim World 263 Jimmy Carter as a Man of His Times 270
• Chapter 6: More and Less Equal since the 1970s 279 Evidence to the Contrary 280 Inclusiveness Ascending 287 Markets Persisting 295 Unrestrained Consumption 299 Inequality Rising 306 Conclusion 312 Notes 319 Index 371.
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The 1970s looks at an iconic decade when the cultural left and economic right came to the fore in American society and the world at large. While many have seen the 1970s as simply a period of failures epitomized by Watergate, inflation, the oil crisis, global unrest, and disillusionment with military efforts in Vietnam, Thomas Borstelmann creates a new framework for understanding the period and its legacy. He demonstrates how the 1970s increased social inclusiveness and, at the same time, encouraged commitments to the free market and wariness of government. As a result, American culture and much of the rest of the world became more--and less--equal. Borstelmann explores how the 1970s forged the contours of contemporary America. Military, political, and economic crises undercut citizens' confidence in government. Free market enthusiasm led to lower taxes, a volunteer army, individual 401(k) retirement plans, free agency in sports, deregulated airlines, and expansions in gambling and pornography. At the same time, the movement for civil rights grew, promoting changes for women, gays, immigrants, and the disabled. And developments were not limited to the United States. Many countries gave up colonial and racial hierarchies to develop a new formal commitment to human rights, while economic deregulation spread to other parts of the world, from Chile and the United Kingdom to China. Placing a tempestuous political culture within a global perspective, The 1970s shows that the decade wrought irrevocable transformations upon American society and the broader world that continue to resonate today.
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• U.S.-Nicaragua relations, the Sandinista Revolution, and the Contra War
• An overview of the Contra War debate
• Origins of the anti/contra war campaign
• Expansion of the anti/Contra War campaign, 1983/84
• Organizational dynamics of a decentralized campaign
• The politics of transnational solidarity
• Meeting the political challenge, 1985/86
• Sustaining the anti/Contra War campaign, 1987/90.

Unlike earlier U.S. interventions in Latin America, the Reagan administration's attempt to overthrow the Sandinista government of Nicaragua during the 1980s was not allowed to proceed quietly. Tens of thousands of American citizens organized and agitated against U.S. aid to the counterrevolutionary guerrillas, known as "contras." Believing the Contra War to be unnecessary, immoral, and illegal, they challenged the administration's Cold War stereotypes, warned of "another Vietnam, " and called on the United States to abide by international norms. A Call to Conscience offers the first comprehensive history of the anti-Contra War campaign and its Nicaragua connections. Roger Peace places this eight-year campaign in the context of previous American interventions in Latin America, the Cold War, and other grassroots oppositional movements. Based on interviews with American and Nicaraguan citizens and leaders, archival records of activist organizations, and official government documents, this book reveals activist motivations, analyzes the organizational dynamics of the anti-Contra War campaign, and contrasts perceptions of the campaign in Managua and Washington. Peace shows how a variety of civic groups and networks--religious, leftist, peace, veteran, labor, women's rights--worked together in a decentralized campaign that involved extensive transnational cooperation.

• Cover; Frontispiece; Book Title; Copyright; Contents; Foreword; Introduction;
• 1. The Early Days; Editor's Note; Introductory Columns in the Troy Tribune; "Trojan Thoughts, " July 1, 1948, volume 1, no. 2; "Trojan Thoughts, " July 15, 1948, volume 1, no. 4; "An Open Letter to Austin Lewis, State's Attorney, " June 16, 1949; "'Closed' Houses of Prostitution Again Operating, " October 20, 1949; Mr. Simon Goes to Springfield and Washington; "The Illinois Legislature: A Study in Corruption, " by State Senator Paul Simon as told to Alfred Balik, Harper's Magazine, September 1964.

• "Announcing P.S./Washington, a Weekly Column by Congressman Paul Simon, the 24th Congressional District of Illinois, " February 2-8,
• 19752. American Government and Politics; Editor's Note; The Constitution; "Defending the Constitution: A Constant Vigil, " P.S./Washington, June 28-July 4, 1987; "Simon on Flag Issue: Why I'll Fight to Defend the Constitution, " P.S./Washington, June 24-30, 1990; On the Size and Role of Government; "The Size of the Federal Government, " P.S./Washington, August 15-21, 1976; "Government Regulation, " P.S./Washington, February 18-24, 1979.

• "Air Bags and Government's Role, " P.S./Washington, January 13-19, 1991Congress: The Duties of a Congressman; "Your Congressional Office, " P.S./Washington, April 20-26, 1975; "Congress: Reality Better Than Image, " P.S./Washington, October 9-15, 1977; "Travel More, Not Less, " P.S./Washington, April 27-May 3, 1980; The Presidency; "The Presidency: How Strong Should It Be?, " P.S./Washington, September 28-October 4, 1975; "Congress or the White House: Who Sets Foreign Policy?, " P.S./Washington, August 24-30, 1986; On Making Nominations to the Supreme Court.

• "The Supreme Court: An Easy Target, " P.S./Washington, July 10-16, 1977"Advise and Consent: What Does It Mean?, " P.S./Washington, August 3-9, 1986; "No on Rehnquist, Yes on Scalia, " P.S./Washington, August 17-23, 1986; "Statement of Paul Simon: Senate Judiciary Committee, " September 4, 2001; State Government; "For an Open Meetings Act, " Sidelights from Springfield, by State Representative Paul Simon, February 17, 1955; "For Open Primaries, " Sidelights from Springfield, by State Representative Paul Simon, May 15, 1957.

• "Facing Reapportionment Problems, " Press Release from Illinois State Senator Paul Simon, January 17, 1965"Ombudsman, " From the Statehouse, by Lieutenant Governor Paul Simon, February 10, 1969; "Income Disclosure: The Time Has Come, " From the Statehouse, by Lieutenant Governor Paul Simon, September 29, 1971; American Campaigns and Elections: Campaign Finance, Negative Campaigning; "A Threat from the Far Right, " P.S./Washington, July 26-August 1, 1981; "The Soaring Costs of U.S. Elections, " P.S./Washington, December 26, 1981-January 1, 1982.

One of the most admired public figures in Illinois's history, journalist and politician Paul Simon dedicated his life to public service for more than four decades. During his lengthy and productive career, he often used his prolific writings as tools to establish a straightforward dialogue with his constituents. In The Essential Paul Simon: Timeless Lessons for Today's Politics, editor John S. Jackson carefully selects the best of Simon's decades of writings, which include newspaper columns, editorials, book chapters, and newsletters--works that, while written to address the challenges of Simon's own era, still resonate with practical wisdom today. Jackson provides an introduction to each chapter, setting Senator Simon's work into the context of its time and emphasizing the connection to today's continuing political questions and conflicts. He also contributes an annotated bibliography covering all of Paul Simon's twenty-two books which will prove to be a handy guide to Simon's publications. While Simon covered a broad spectrum of topics in his written works, his mission throughout the years remained the same: to urge his constituents to study and understand issues that affected their daily lives and to make the complexities of politics accessible to the average citizen. An indispensable volume for voters and politicians alike, The Essential Paul Simon compiles some of the most thought-provoking writings from one of the keenest political minds in our nation's history. Years after their publication, Simon's eloquent and energetic conversations continue to provide witty, informative guidance through the maze of American politics and inspire the development of spirited public discussion and debate. Certificate of Excellence from the Illinois State Historical Society, 2013.
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• List of Illustrations Introduction: Forgetting the Cold War Part One. The End
• 1. Hippie Day at the Reagan Library
• 2. The Victims of Communism Museum: A Study in Failure Part Two. The Beginning: 1946--1949
• 3. Getting Started: The Churchill Memorial in Missouri
• 4. Searching for the Pumpkin Patch: The Whittaker Chambers National Historic Landmark
• 5. Naming Names, from Laramie to Beverly Hills
• 6. Secrets on Display: The CIA Museum and the NSA Museum
• 7. Cold War Cleanup: The Hanford Tour Part Three. The 1950s
• 8. Test Site Tourism in Nevada
• 9. Memorial Day in Lakewood and La Jolla: Korean War Monuments of California
• 10. Code Name "Ethel": The Rosenbergs in the Museums
• 11. Mound Builders of Missouri: Nuclear Waste at Weldon Spring
• 12. Cold War Elvis: Sgt. Presley at the General George Patton Museum Part Four. The 1960s and After
• 13. The Graceland of Cold War Tourism: The Greenbrier Bunker
• 14. Ike's Emmy: Monuments to the Military-Industrial Complex
• 15. The Fallout Shelters of North Dakota
• 16. "It Had to Do with Cuba and Missiles": Thirteen Days in October
• 17. The Museum of the Missile Gap: Arizona's Titan Missile Memorial
• 18. The Museum of Detente: The Nixon Library in Yorba Linda Part Five. Alternative Approaches
• 19. Rocky Flats: Uncovering the Secrets
• 20. CNN's Cold War: Equal Time for the Russians
• 21. Harry Truman's Amazing Museum Conclusion: History, Memory, and the Cold War Epilogue: From the Cold War to the War in Iraq Acknowledgments Notes Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Hours after the USSR collapsed in 1991, Congress began making plans to establish the official memory of the Cold War. Conservatives dominated the proceedings, spending millions to portray the conflict as a triumph of good over evil and a defeat of totalitarianism equal in significance to World War II. In this provocative book, historian Jon Wiener visits Cold War monuments, museums, and memorials across the United States to find out how the era is being remembered. The author's journey provides a history of the Cold War, one that turns many conventional notions on their heads. In an engaging travelogue that takes readers to sites such as the life-size recreation of Berlin's "Checkpoint Charlie" at the Reagan Library, the fallout shelter display at the Smithsonian, and exhibits about "Sgt. Elvis, " America's most famous Cold War veteran, Wiener discovers that the Cold War isn't being remembered. It's being forgotten. Despite an immense effort, the conservatives' monuments weren't built, their historic sites have few visitors, and many of their museums have now shifted focus to other topics. Proponents of the notion of a heroic "Cold War victory" failed; the public didn't buy the official story. Lively, readable, and well-informed, this book expands current discussions about memory and history, and raises intriguing questions about popular skepticism toward official ideology.
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• Introduction. Legal front of the Cold War : why? / Tatiana Iu. Borisova and William B. Simons
• Talking across the fence : Cold-War academic cooperation in the legal sphere / Jane Henderson
• Soviet law and Perestroika revisited / Albert J. Schmidt
• The new political polarization of the world and the reform of state property management in Russia / Zlata E. Benevolenskaya
• The relevance of the Cold War for Russian jurisprudence : private law / Leena Lehtinen
• Russian international law and indeterminacy : Cold War and post-Soviet dynamics / Boris N. Mamlyuk
• Separation of powers without checks and balances : the failure of the semi-presidentialism and the making of the Russian constitutional system, 1991-1993 / William Partlett
• The impact of the Cold War on Soviet and US law : reconsidering the legacy / Paul B. Stephan.

Given their relationship to political rhetoric, myths of the Cold War certainly matter today; the legal field is no exception. Although Cold-War studies remains a blooming field, its legal dimensions have not been sufficiently developed. Only recently have legal scholars begun to embark upon research in law and the Cold War and how this area is regarded nowadays, both explicitly and implicitly. Preliminary results show that, on both sides of the Iron Curtain, knowledge of law of the `Other' was encapsulated within two main frameworks: ideological and pragmatic. How did these approaches interrelate and influence one another? Can pure knowledge strictly be divided from contextual conditions? The chapters in this volume present retrospective accounts of actors who have been involved in the circulation of knowledge through the Curtain and, also, research on recent political and legal phenomena echoing the Cold-War discourse. Contributors: Jane Henderson Albert J. Schmidt Zlata E. Benevolenskaya Leena Lehtinen Boris N. Mamlyuk William Partlett Paul B. Stephan.
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• Small towns and growing horizons: Early memories and influences
• Denton and Beeville, Texas
• Orange, Texas
• Weatherford, Texas
• Austin
• A freeing of the mind and spirit: College
• Moving into my mountains
• Early political years: Washington DC
• Jake
• In preparation for defeat
• A political master's degree: The Democratic National Committee and Bob Strauss
• With Strauss and on my own
• Lloyd Bentsen
• Lowell Lebermann: in praise of friendship
• America's best ideas: The National Park Foundation
• Parks in a changing Texas
• Epilogue.

When George Bristol first saw the mountains surrounding East Glacier, Montana, in the early summer of 1961, he was, in his own words, awed to his depths. Thus began a love affair with nature and public parks that has endured for more than fifty years. This same love affair would lead Bristol to become a crusader for America's national parks and, later, to be largely credited for the rescue of the ailing public park system in his home state.In On Politics and Parks, Bristol tells his own story in lively prose that includes many intriguing peeks at behind-the-scenes events in Washington, Austin, and elsewhere. Beginning with his upbringing by a widowed young mother with a passion for music and literature, he narrates the converging of influences that led him to an influential political career, including active involvement in national campaigns for Lyndon B. Johnson, Hubert Humphrey, Lloyd Bentsen, and Jimmy Carter. After working for the Democratic National Committee and Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign, Bristol was asked to join President Clinton's administration.However, what he really wanted was a place on the board of the National Park Foundation (NPF). With decades-old images of Glacier still burning brightly in his memory, he helped spearhead efforts to elevate the image of the National Park Service and helped establish a highly successful fundraising strategy for the NPF, giving both organizations greater national awareness and stature.Having acquired a well-earned reputation for fundraising and effective advocacy, Bristol soon began to do for his home state what he had done for the NPF: solidify support and funding for the Texas park system. Over ten years and five legislative sessions, Bristol, through the Texas Coalition for Conservation, the nonprofit organization he founded, fought for the full claim of Texas state parks to the sporting goods tax. Utilizing his many contacts, his well-honed political sense, and his dogged patience, he forged an alliance that would win the day for everyone who loves the state's public lands. In 2007, in the last bill passed on the last day of the session, the Texas legislature nearly doubled the operating budget for parks.On Politics and Parks is at once a lesson in conservation history and a captivating personal memoir that will inform, entertain, and inspire all those who share Bristol's love for the unspoiled beauty of the outdoors and his commitment to preserve that beauty for future generations.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Ideals : Castro, Allende, Nixon, and the inter-American Cold War
• Upheaval : an election in chile, September-November 1970
• Rebellion : in pursuit of radical transformation, November 1970-July 1971
• Disputes : copper, compañeros, and counterrevolution, July-December 1971
• Battle lines : d'tente unmasked, January-October 1972
• Crossroads : incomprehension and dead ends, November 1972-July 1973
• Cataclysm : the Chilean coup and its fallout.

"Drawing on firsthand interviews and recently declassified documents from archives in North America, Europe, and South America, Harmer provides the most comprehensive account to date of Cuban involvement in Latin America in the early 1970s, Chilean foreign relations during Allende's presidency, Brazil's support for counterrevolution in the Southern Cone, and the Nixon administration's Latin American policies. Harmer argues that this battle was part of a dynamic inter-American Cold War struggle to determine Latin America's future"--Provided by publisher.
"Fidel Castro described Salvador Allende's democratic election as president of Chile in 1970 as the most important revolutionary triumph in Latin America after the Cuban revolution. Yet celebrations were short lived. In Washington, the Nixon administration vowed to destroy Allende's left-wing government while Chilean opposition forces mobilized against him. The result was a battle for Chile that ended in 1973 with a right-wing military coup and a brutal dictatorship lasting nearly twenty years. Tanya Harmer argues that this battle was part of a dynamic inter-American Cold War struggle to determine Latin America's future, shaped more by the contest between Cuba, Chile, the United States, and Brazil than by a conflict between Moscow and Washington. Drawing on firsthand interviews and recently declassified documents from archives in North America, Europe, and South America--including Chile's Foreign Ministry Archive--Harmer provides the most comprehensive account to date of Cuban involvement in Latin America in the early 1970s, Chilean foreign relations during Allende's presidency, Brazil's support for counterrevolution in the Southern Cone, and the Nixon administration's Latin American policies. The Cold War in the Americas, Harmer reveals, is best understood as a multidimensional struggle, involving peoples and ideas from across the hemisphere"--Provided by publisher.

• The communists and national rebirth in France and Italy, 1944-1946
• Confronting the communists in government : the American response, 1944-1947
• Polarized confrontation : U.S. aid and propaganda versus cominform in France and Italy, 1947-1950
• Communist peace campaigns and American psychological warfare, 1948-1955
• The cultural Cold War at its peak : mass culture and intellectuals, 1948-1956
• Diplomatic maneuvering : communist and American interplay of foreign and domestic policies during the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations
• Redefining oppression : the 1960s, from affluence to youth protest
• Redefining interdependence : the Eurocommunism of the 1970s and the U.S. response
• Epilogue : cultural and political decline.

Throughout the Cold War, the United States encountered unexpected challenges from Italy and France, two countries with the strongest, and determinedly most anti-American, Communist Parties in Western Europe. Based primarily on new evidence from communist archives in France and Italy, as well as research archives in the United States, Alessandro Brogi's original study reveals how the United States was forced by political opposition within these two core Western countries to reassess its own anticommunist strategies, its image, and the general meaning of American liberal capitalist culture and ideology. Brogi shows that the resistance to Americanization was a critical test for the French and Italian communists' own legitimacy and existence. Their anti-Americanism was mostly dogmatic and driven by the Soviet Union, but it was also, at crucial times, subtle and ambivalent, nurturing fascination with the American culture of dissent. The staunchly anticommunist United States, Brogi argues, found a successful balance to fighting the communist threat in France and Italy by employing diplomacy and fostering instances of mild dissent in both countries. Ultimately, both the French and Italian communists failed to adapt to the forces of modernization that stemmed both from indigenous factors and from American influence. Confronting America illuminates the political, diplomatic, economic, and cultural conflicts behind the U.S.-communist confrontation.
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• Preface
• 1. The Failures of External Coercion
• 2. A Parallel Bias
• 3. A Framework for Analysis
• 4. Foundations of Success and Failure: Libya, Cuba, and Syria
• 5. The Challenge of North Korea and Iran
• 6. Final Thoughts
• References Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Recent American foreign policy has depended heavily on the use of negative inducements to alter the behavior of other states. From public browbeating through economic sanctions to military invasion, the last several presidents have chosen to use coercion to advance U.S. interests when dealing with adversaries. In this respect, as Miroslav Nincic notes, the United States differs from many of its closest allies: Canada has long maintained diplomatic relations with Cuba, and several of the European democracies have continued diplomatic engagement with governments that the United States considers pariah regimes. In The Logic of Positive Engagement, Nincic outlines the efficacy of and the benefits that can flow from positive rather than negative engagement. Nincic observes that threats and punishments may be gratifying in a symbolic sense, but that they haven't affected the longevity or the most objectionable policies of the regimes against which they are directed. Might positive inducements produce better results? Nincic examines two major models of positive inducements: the exchange model, in which incentives are offered in trade for altered behavior, and the catalytic model, in which incentives accumulate to provoke a thorough revision of the target's policies and priorities. He examines the record with regard to long-term U.S. relations with Cuba, Libya, and Syria, and then discusses the possibility that positive inducements might bring policy success to current relations with Iran and North Korea.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Prologue
• Down to the sea, in a ship
• Postwar
• Presidential politics : Goldwater, the draft
• Presidential politics : Goldwater, the nomination
• Presidential politics : Goldwater, the convention
• Presidential politics : Goldwater, the campaign
• Presidential politics : Nixon
• Ambassador : Netherlands, one
• Ambassador : Netherlands, two
• Ambassador : Netherlands, three
• Secretary of the Navy : one
• Secretary of the Navy : two
• Secretary of the Navy : three
• Secretary of the Navy : once and forever
• the Bicentennial
• The business of banking
• CIA and OAS : politics, economics, minutiae
• Organization of American States : Nicaragua and El Salvador
• Organization of American States : Falklands and Grenada
• The European community
• The new Russia
• Economic freedom and justice
• Coda
• An epilogue of sorts: Thoughts on reaching eighty-six.

A dozen years out of Harvard, investment banker Bill Middendorf's salary hit $250,000 a year; another dozen years, with his own firm and a seat on the New York Stock Exchange, his income was well into seven figures. But he was restive. "I had learned how to make money, " he writes. "I wanted to learn how to make a difference." Thus, he became actively involved in politics, first at the local level and then with the presidential campaign of Senator Barry Goldwater (1964) and as treasurer of the Republican National Committee (1964-1968). There followed a series of challenging public service appointments: ambassador to The Netherlands, under secretary and secretary of the Navy, ambassador to the Organization of American States and ambassador to the European Community. John William Middendorf is a story-teller, and has many tales to share; from his World War II Navy service, to his first job wearing a string of pearls in a bank vault; on to a failed effort to bring a U.S.-style constitution to post-Soviet Russia; tales of villains and heroes, tales of narrow legislative victories on vital programs, tales of behind-the-scenes efforts to forestall war in the Falklands and to counter growing Communist control of the island of Grenada.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• List of Tables and Figures Acknowledgments Introduction: Congressional Authority and Voting Rights Enforcement A Retrospective and Prospective Look at the Voting Rights Act
• Chapter 1: Why Discretion Matters in Voting Rights Enforcement
• Chapter 2: Obama's Inheritance: The Johnson Framework, the VRA, and Faith in Federal Power The Challenge to Congressional Authority
• Chapter 3: Misdirection: Political Theatre and the 2006 Reauthorization of
• Section 5
• Chapter 4: Partisan Spoils of Office: A post-Shaw Judicial Philosophy of Civic Literacy
• Chapter 5: Is "Bull Connor" Dead? Contemporary Public Opinion on Voting Rights Policy
• Chapter 6: A Battle of Principals: Congress, the DOJ, and the George W. Bush Administration A Systems Theory Approach to Enforcement
• Chapter 7: The Macro-Political Context Shaping Enfranchisement, 2000-2008 Conclusion: Regulating Discretion and the Challenge of Post-Racial Politics
• Appendix 1
• Appendix 2 Selected Bibliography.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Drawing from government data, legislative history, Supreme Court decisions, survey results, and the 2006 reauthorization debate, When the Letter Betrays the Spirit examines how executive and judicial discretion facilitates violations of the Voting Rights act. Connecting Johnson to Obama, the book challenges the executive-centered model of leadership and proffers a Congress-centered approach to protecting voting rights. This approach would both satisfy the goals of the black civil rights movement and give fuller support to the Fifteenth Amendment.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Title Page; Dedication; Epigraph; Introduction;
• CHAPTER 1
• HERE COMES THE GOVERNOR;
• CHAPTER 2
• LITTLE BIG MAN ON CAMPUS;
• CHAPTER 3
• AMBITIOUS YOUNG MEN;
• CHAPTER 4
• A DOG THAT'LL HUNT;
• CHAPTER 5
• A BUNCH OF GODDAMN FOOLS;
• CHAPTER 6
• BATTLE-ROYAL;
• CHAPTER 7
• MAKING LOVE TO A GORILLA;
• CHAPTER 8
• DRY RUN;
• CHAPTER 9
• HELL BENT ON VICTORY;
• CHAPTER 10
• TRANSITION;
• CHAPTER 11
• A BIG INTERNATIONAL POKER GAME;
• CHAPTER 12
• CARTER'S MR. FIX-IT;
• CHAPTER 13
• REVOLVING DOOR;
• CHAPTER 14
• BOB STRAUSS BECOMES AN INSTITUTION;
• CHAPTER 15
• THE LAST AMBASSADOR; EPILOGUE; Acknowledgments.

Robert S. Strauss was for many decades the quintessential Democratic power broker. Born to a poor Jewish family in West Texas, he founded the law firm that became Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld, and while forever changing the nature of the Washington law firm worked as chairman of the Democratic National Committee, special trade representative, ambassador to the Soviet Union and then Russia, and an advisor to presidents. As former first lady Barbara Bush wrote of Strauss in her memoir:  He is absolutely the most amazing politician. He is everybody's friend and, if he chooses, could sell you the paper off your own wall." But it isn't the positions Strauss held that make his story fascinating; it is what he represented about the culture of Washington in his day. He was a master of the art of knowing everyone who mattered and getting things done. Based on exclusive access to Strauss, The Whole Damn Deal brings to life a vanished epoch of working behind the scenes, political deal making, and successful bipartisanship in Washington.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Glossary; Acknowledgments; Introduction; Maps; Prologue: From the Meiji Restoration to the Pacific War; Chapter One. After the War: New Values and the Peace Treaty; Chapter Two. The United States: Political and Security Relations; Chapter Three. The United States: Economic Relations; Chapter Four. China: Economic Development and Wounded Feelings; Chapter Five. Korea: South Korean Relations Develop with Complexity, Will North Korean Relations Start?; Chapter Six. Asia and the Pacific: Expanding Relations from Bilateral to Multilateral.

This book describes major aspects of Japanese foreign policy from WWII to the present. Bilateral relations with the US, China, Korea, Southeast Asia, Russia, Europe and the Middle East as well as multilateral diplomacy are analysed. Written by a former diplomat who was deeply involved in major issues of postwar Japanese foreign policy, it provides fascinating insider views on policy making in Tokyo. The book explains how and why Japan is developing a more proactive foreign policy and highlights vital policy issues which it is facing at the turn of the century. It is written with exceptional clarity and is accessible and friendly to any reader who is interested in modern Japan.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• 1. The Appeal of Limited Alignments
• 2. Latter Stages of the Cold War
• 3. The Post-Cold War Era
• 4. Maritime Southeast Asia
• 5. The Mainland Peninsula
• 6. The Prevalence of Limited Alignments Today Conclusion: Key Findings and Implications Notes Glossary Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The Limits of Alignment is an engaging and accessible study that explores how small states and middle powers of Southeast Asia ensure their security in a world where they are overshadowed by greater powers. John D. Ciorciari challenges a central concept in international relations theory-that states respond to insecurity by either balancing against their principal foes, "bandwagoning" with them, or declaring themselves neutral. Instead, he shows that developing countries prefer limited alignments that steer between strict neutrality and formal alliances to obtain the fruits of security cooperation without the perils of undue dependency. Ciorciari also shows how structural and normative shifts following the end of the Cold War and the advent of U.S. primacy have increased the prevalence of limited alignments in the developing world and that these can often place constraints on U.S. foreign policy. Finally, he discusses how limited alignments in the developing world may affect the future course of international security as China and other rising powers gather influence on the world stage.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• How to think about the culture war
• Like it was when I was a boy
• Overcome
• Twenty percent of what the nuts want
• Cheerleaders for the rev
• Babe in Christ
• Act right
• Robert Bork's America
• Like battling the devil
• Referendum on the 1960s
• The illusion of conservatism.

Few question the "right turn" America took after 1966, when liberal political power began to wane. But if they did, "No Right Turn" suggests, they might discover that all was not really "right" with the conservative golden age. A provocative overview of a half century of American politics, this book takes a hard look at the counterrevolutionary dreams of liberalism's enemies - to overturn people's reliance on expanding government, reverse the moral and sexual revolutions, and win the Culture War - and finds them largely unfulfilled. David Courtwright deftly profiles celebrated and controversial figures, from Clare Booth Luce, Barry Goldwater, and the Kennedy brothers to Jerry Falwell, David Stockman, and Lee Atwater. He shows us Richard Nixon's keen talent for turning popular anxieties about morality and federal meddling to Republican advantage - and his inability to translate this advantage into reactionary policies. Corporate interests, boomer lifestyles, and the media weighed heavily against Nixon and his successors, who placated their base with high-profile attacks on crime, drugs, and welfare dependency. Meanwhile, religious conservatives floundered on abortion and school prayer, obscenity, gay rights, and legalized vices like gambling, and fiscal conservatives watched in dismay as the bills mounted. We see how President Reagan's melange of big government, strong defense, lower taxes, higher deficits, mass imprisonment, and patriotic symbolism proved an illusory form of conservatism. Ultimately, conservatives themselves rebelled against George W. Bush's profligate brand of Reaganism. Courtwright's account is both surprising and compelling, a bracing argument against some of our most cherished cliches about recent American history.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• PUBLISHER'S NOTE;
• CHAPTER 1 MIRACLE IN CALI;
• CHAPTER 2 MY FAMILY AND MY EARLY YEARS;
• CHAPTER 3 POLITICS AND PEOPLE DURING MY TEENS AND EARLY TWENTIES;
• CHAPTER 4 I MOVE TO BERKELEY;
• CHAPTER 5 THE BATTLE FOR TELEGRAPH AVENUE;
• CHAPTER 6 FELONY CHARGES, A TRIP TO CUBA, AND PEOPLE'S PARK;
• CHAPTER 7 THE ANTIWAR MOVEMENT;
• CHAPTER 8 THE SWP AND THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL;
• CHAPTER 9 THE 1970 CAMPAIGN FOR SENATE AND THE 1976 CAMPAIGN FOR PRESIDENT;
• CHAPTER 10 SAN ANTONIO NATIONAL IMMIGRATION CONFERENCE;
• CHAPTER 11 INTERNATIONAL WORK: HUGO BLANCO; NICARAGUA.

This is the autobiography of a remarkable life. As The New York Times wrote, "A first generation Venezuelan-American ... Mr. Camejo [spoke] out against the Vietnam War and for the rights of migrant workers. He marched in Selma, Alabama, with the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King."

• Acknowledgments Introduction
• Part 1
• 1. The Idea of the End
• 2. Two Color Lines of the Twentieth Century
• 3. American Orientalism
• Part 2
• 4. The Ambidextrous Body
• 5. The Democratic Family
• Part 3
• 6. Rethinking Postcolonial History
• 7. Cold War Culture in Perspective Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

In this conceptually bold project, Heonik Kwon uses anthropology to interrogate the cold war's cultural and historical narratives. Adopting a truly panoramic view of local politics and international events, he challenges the notion that the cold war was a global struggle fought uniformly around the world and that the end of the war marked a radical, universal rupture in modern history. Incorporating comparative ethnographic study into a thorough analysis of the period, Kwon upends cherished ideas about the global and their hold on contemporary social science. His narrative describes the slow decomposition of a complex social and political order involving a number of local and culturally creative processes. While the nations of Europe and North America experienced the cold war as a time of "long peace, " postcolonial nations entered a different reality altogether, characterized by vicious civil wars and other exceptional forms of violence. Arguing that these events should be integrated into any account of the era, Kwon captures the first sociocultural portrait of the cold war in all its subtlety and diversity.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• List of Illustrations ix Acknowledgments xiii Introduction Devoted to the Common Good? 1
• Chapter 1: Dissent and the New Deal 11
• Chapter 2: Warring over the War on Poverty 56
• Chapter 3: Economic Anxiety in the New Gilded Age 112
• Chapter 4: Searching for "the Better Angels of Our Nature" 149 Notes 167 Bibliography 203 Index 211.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Americans like to think that they look after their own, especially in times of hardship. Particularly for the Great Depression and the Great Society eras, the collective memory is one of solidarity and compassion for the less fortunate. Who Cares? challenges this story by examining opinion polls and letters to presidents from average citizens. This evidence, some of it little known, reveals a much darker, more impatient attitude toward the poor, the unemployed, and the dispossessed during the 1930s and 1960s. Katherine Newman and Elisabeth Jacobs show that some of the social policies that Americans take for granted today suffered from declining public support just a few years after their inception. Yet Americans have been equally unenthusiastic about efforts to dismantle social programs once they are well established. Again contrary to popular belief, conservative Republicans had little public support in the 1980s and 1990s for their efforts to unravel the progressive heritage of the New Deal and the Great Society. Whether creating or rolling back such programs, leaders like Roosevelt, Johnson, Nixon, and Reagan often found themselves working against public opposition, and they left lasting legacies only by persevering despite it. Timely and surprising, Who Cares? demonstrates not that Americans are callous but that they are frequently ambivalent about public support for the poor. It also suggests that presidential leadership requires bold action, regardless of opinion polls.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• 1. Campaign funds and congressional party politics : an overview
• Spreading wealth the old-fashioned way
• The reform era
• The rise of leadership PACs
• The parties strike back
• The money pit
• Conclusion
• Notes
• 2. Pursuing ambition in a congressional parties framework
• Explaining House member behavior
• Intrainstititutional ambition
• Individual versus collective goals
• Promoting the party by rewarding ambition
• Combating the problem of fragmentation : battleground 2000
• Explaining party power in the House
• Conclusion
• Notes
• 3. The 1970s reform era : the money chase begins
• The rise of the seniority system
• The reform era
• Out with the old and in with the new
• Political change and the rise of entrepreneurial House members
• The money chase begins
• Conclusion
• Notes
• 4. The 1980s : new directions in campaign funding
• Party campaign strategies in the 1980s
• The resurgence of strong leaders and party cohesion
• Patterns of member-to-member giving
• Partisan politics heats up
• Conclusion
• Notes.

• 5. A republican revolution in politics and money : the Gingrich era
• The Contract with America
• The 1994 Republican revolution
• The new Republican majority and institutional reform
• New majority leadership strategies
• Trouble in the ranks
• The end of the Gingrich era
• Conclusion
• Notes
• 6. Paying to play : redistributing money in the post-Gingrich era
• Democrats rev up the money machine
• Broader trends in the redistribution of campaign money
• Pursuing intrainstitutional power within a party framework
• Beyond 2000 : the Republican majority hangs on, but how long?
• Conclusion
• 7. Campaign funds and the new democratic majority
• Republican turmoil
• Democrats take the reins
• Consequences and challenges
• Epilogue
• Bibliography
• Acknowledgments
• Index.

Money in the House provides a compelling look at how the drive to raise campaign money has come to dominate congressional party politics. Author Marian Currinder examines the rise of member-to-member and member-to-party giving as part of a broader process that encourages ambitious House members to compete for power by raising money for the party and its candidates. As the margin between parties in the House has narrowed, the political environment has become fiercely competitive. Because electoral success is largely equated with fundraising success, the party that raises the most money is at a distinct advantage. In addition to relying on outside interests and individuals for campaign contributions, the congressional parties increasingly call on their own members to give for the good of the whole. As a result, lawmakers must devote ever-increasing amounts of time to fundraising. The fundraising expectations for members who wish to advance in the chamber are even higher. By requiring their members to raise and redistribute tremendous amounts of money in order to gain power in the chamber, the parties benefit from their members' ambitious pursuits. Currinder argues that the new "rule of money" is fundamentally altering the way House members pursue power and the way congressional parties define and reward loyalty.Contents1. Introduction: Redistributing Campaign Funds and Congressional Party Politics 2. Pursuing Ambition in a Parties Framework 3. The 1970s Reform Era: The Money Chase Begins 4. The 1980s: New Directions in Campaign Funding 5. A Republican Revolution in Politics and Money 6. Redistributing Campaign Money in a New Era.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• Presidential style, institutional structure, and bureaucratic process
• Post-World War II nation-building: Germany and Japan
• Post-Cold War nation-building: Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo
• Post-9/11 nation-building: Afghanistan and Iraq
• Toward better decisions and more competent execution.

In recent decades, the United States' overwhelming military superiority has allowed it to 'overawe' or overrun adversaries with comparative ease. However, consolidating victory and preventing a renewal of conflict has usually taken more time, energy, and resources than originally foreseen. Few recent efforts of this sort can be regarded as unqualified successes, and one or two must be accounted as clear failures. Prior RAND research examined the factors that contribute to this success or failure, including the natures of the society being reformed and of the conflict being terminated, as well as the quality and quantity of the military and civil assets of external actors. This volume addresses the manner in which U.S. policy toward postconflict reconstruction has been created and implemented and the effect that these processes have had on mission outcomes. Through the lens of presidential decisionmaking style and administrative structure, from the post-World War II era through the Cold War, post-Cold War era, and current war on terrorism, it is both possible and necessary to reassess how these elements can work in favor of, as well as against, the nation-building goals of the U.S. government and military and those of its coalition partners and allies.

• Preface-- Introduction-- Part I. Years of Consensus, 1945-1960--
• 1. Defining the Cold War-- George F. Kennan: The Origins of Containment-- Henry A. Wallace: The Case for Cooperation--
• 2. Fighting the Cold War at Home-- I.F. Stone: Dissent in an Age of Conformity-- J. Edgar Hoover: Combating the Red Menace--
• 3. The Transformation of Popular Culture-- Marilyn Monroe: The New Sexuality-- Elvis Presley: The Birth of Rock and Roll--
• 4. Outsiders in a Conformist Society-- Jackie Robinson: The National Pastime and the Issue of Race-- Allen Ginsberg: Avatar of the Beats--
• 5. Defending Democracy in the Nuclear Age-- Curtis LeMay: Planning for Armageddon-- C. Wright Mills: Prophet of the New Left-- Part II. From Confidence to Crisis, 1960-1980--
• 6. Civil Rights and Social Justice-- Fannie Lou Hamer: The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party-- Cesar Chavez: The United Farm Workers Union--
• 7. Challenges to the Liberal Consensus-- Tom Hayden: The Birth of the New Left-- Barry Goldwater: The Roots of the New Right--
• 8.
• 1968: The Hope and the Fear-- Robert Kennedy: The Promise of the New Politics-- George Wallace: The Politics of Rage--
• 9. Implosions: The Collapse of the Counterculture and the New Left-- Jimi Hendrix: The Limits of Cultural Radicalism-- Bernardine Dohrn: The Death of the New Left--
• 10. The Women's Movement: Revolution and Reaction-- Gloria Steinem: New Directions for Feminism-- Phyllis Schlafly: Counterrevolution on the Right-- Part III. The Search for New Directions, 1980-Present--
• 11. The Roaring Eighties: Patriotism, Piety, and Profit-- Jerry Falwell: The Emergence of the Christian Right-- Bill Gates: The Profitability of Techno-Times--
• 12. After the Revolution: New Horizons for Black Americans-- Tiger Woods: Golf's Great Black Hope-- Clarence Thomas: Black Conservatism in Judicial Robes--
• 13. America and the New World Order-- Paul Wolfowitz: Democratic Imperialist-- Noam Chomsky: Radical Gadfly-- About the Authors.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The individuals presented in these narrative biographies significantly, and sometimes decisively, impacted contemporary American life in a wide range of areas, including national politics, foreign policy, social and political activism, popular and literary culture, sports, and business. The combined biographical/thematic approach is designed to serve two purposes: to present more substantive biographical information, and to offer a fuller examination of key events and issues. The book is an ideal supplement for undergraduate courses on The United States Since 1945, as well as for courses on Modern America and 20th Century America.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Chapter 1 Table of Contents
• Chapter 2 List of Illustrations
• Chapter 3 Preface
• Chapter 4 Acknowledgments
• Chapter 5
• 1. Earliest Beginnings, 1922-1946
• Chapter 6
• 2. In Postwar Germant and France, 1947-1954
• Chapter 7
• 3. Developing a Global Perspective: Washington, D.C., 1954-1959
• Chapter 8
• 4. Working in Turkey, Iran, and Pakistan, 1959-1962
• Chapter 9
• 5. Posted in Egypt, 1963-1966
• Chapter 10
• 6. The National War College: Washington, D.C., 1966-1967
• Chapter 11
• 7. Getting Involved in the UN System, 1967-1974
• Chapter 12
• 8. Deputy Director-General at the International Labour Organization: Geneva, 1974-1978
• Chapter 13
• 9. Special Assignments in the State Department's Bureau of International Organization Affairs: Washington, D.C., 1978-1983
• Chapter 14
• 10. Exploring Track Two, Retirement, and a New Beginning: Washington, D.C., 1983-1988
• Chapter 15
• 11. President of the Iowa Peace Institute: Grinnell, Iowa, 1989-1991
• Chapter 16
• 12. The Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy-Creation and Early Years: Washington, D.C., 1992-2000
• Chapter 17
• 13. More about IMTD Projects-Patience, Perseverence, and Optimism: Arlington (Rosslyn), Virginia, 2000-2007
• Chapter 18
• 14. IMTD's New Initiatives, 2007
• Chapter 19
• 15. Assessing the State of the World Today (2008)
• Chapter 20
• Appendix 1: Publications by Ambassador John W. McDonald
• Chapter 21
• Appendix 2: Ambassador John W. McDonald's Major Awards and Career Distinctions
• Chapter 22
• Appendix 3: Ambassodor John W. McDonald's Board of Directors Memberships in Not-for-Profit Organizations and Academic Institutions (2008)
• Chapter 23 Index
• Chapter 24 About Noa Zanolli.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book brings together the remembrances of Ambassador John W. McDonald, a veteran diplomat whose life serves as a model to those people of vision and action who wish to make a difference in a world that is desperate for the end of conflict. Beginning his career in international diplomacy in post-WWII Berlin and under the Marshall Plan, Ambassador McDonald's 40 years of working with the U.S. government and the United Nations-as well as with various academic institutions and NGOs-offer the reader both inspiration and hope for the future of international peace and cooperation. This international civil servant of extraordinary vision and courage has devoted his life to the successful resolution of conflict through communication. The Shifting Grounds of Conflict and Peacemaking contains the professional life lessons of Ambassador McDonald and offers his insight into international issues, providing frank and informed discussion on the environment, women's rights, the global water crisis, sustainable resources, international development, and, above all, peace. Those looking to be inspired into action should read this book to receive guidance about how one person can make all the difference toward building a lasting peace.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• 1: The Roots of Revolution
• 2: Colonialism and Cold War
• 3: An Anguished Peace
• 4: Escalation
• 5: War on Many Fronts
• 6: The Tet Offensive
• 7: The End of the American War
• 8: Wars Unending Further Reading.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The Vietnam War remains a topic of extraordinary interest, especially in light of the invasion of Iraq. In The Vietnam War, Mark Lawrence offers readers a superb short account of this key moment in U.S. as well as world history, based on the latest European and American research and on newly opened archives in China, Russia, and Vietnam. While focusing on the American involvement from 1965 to 1975, Lawrence offers an unprecedentedly complete picture of all sides of the war, drawing on now available communist records to capture the complicated brew of motivations that drove the other side. Moreover, the book reaches back well before American forces set foot in Vietnam, describing for instance how French colonialism sparked the 1945 Vietnamese revolution, and revealing how the Cold War concerns of the 1950s warped Washington's perception of Vietnam, leading the United States to back the French and eventually become involved on the ground itself. Of course, the heart of the book is the "American war, " ranging from the overthrow of Ngo Dinh Diem to the impact of the Tet Offensive on the political situation in the US, Johnson's withdrawal from the 1968 presidential race, Nixon's expansion of the war into Cambodia and Laos, and the final peace agreement of 1973, which ended American military involvement. Finally, the book examines the aftermath of the war, from the momentous liberalization-"Doi Moi"-in Vietnam that began in 1986, to the enduring legacy of the war in American books, films, and political debate. A quick and reliable primer on an intensely relevant topic, this well researched and engaging volume offers an invaluable overview of the Vietnam War.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Depression kids
• Caught up in the Cold War
• A new generation takes over
• Helping HHH
• The great society
• Vietnam and little else
• 1968
• A near miss
• In transition
• Crusade and catastrophe
• Strange presidents, Nixon and Carter
• The counterrevolution proceeds
• Storm cleanup and new storm
• A new Jacksonian era, part one
• A new Jacksonian era, part two
• Escape from the capital
• A new century
• Not the same country
• Who will lead?
• The democratic message.

"Ted Van Dyk, a shrewd veteran of countless national political and policy fights, casts fresh light on many of the leading personalities and watershed events of American public life since JFK. He was a Pentagon intelligence analyst during the Berlin Crisis of 1961 and an aide to Jean Monnet and other leaders of the movement for European unity before serving at the Johnson White House as Vice President Hubert Humphrey's senior advisor and alter ego. He was involved in that administration's Great Society triumphs and Vietnam tragedy." "In the late 1960s Van Dyk moved to Columbia University as vice president to help quell campus disorders which threatened the university. Over a period of 35 years he was a senior advisor to presidential candidates Humphrey, McGovern, Carter, Ted Kennedy, Mondale, Hart and Tsongas; contributed regular essays to the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, Fortune, and other national publications; and led two national think tanks. In 2001 the Bellingham, Washington, native returned to the Northwest to write a regular editorial-page column for the Seattle Post-Intelligencer."--Jacket.

• Chapter 1. Fractures and Faultlines in the Global Political Economy
• Chapter 2. Integrating Atlantic Europe
• Chapter 3. America's Crusade in Asia and the Euro-Atlantic Rift
• Chapter 4. The Spectre of Social and Economic Democracy
• Chapter 5. Transnational Rivalries and the Neoliberal Turn
• Chapter 6. From Pinochet to the Reagan Doctrine
• Chapter 7. The Rapallo Syndrome and the Demise of the Soviet Union
• Chapter 8. America over Europe in the Balkans Crisis
• Chapter 9. The Rise of China as the New Contender
• Chapter 10. Energy Conflicts in the Post-Soviet Era
• Chapter 11. From Human Rights to the Global State of Emergency References Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Fractures and Faultlines in the Global Political Economy
• 2. Integrating Atlantic Europe
• 3. America's Crusade in Asia and the Euro-Atlantic Rift
• 4. The Spectre of Social and Economic Democracy
• 5. Transnational Rivalries and the Neoliberal Turn
• 6. From Pinochet to the Reagan Doctrine
• 7. The Rapallo Syndrome and the Demise of the Soviet Union
• 8. America over Europe in the Balkans Crisis
• 9. The Rise of China as the New Contender
• 10. Energy Conflicts in the Post-Soviet Era
• 11. From Human Rights to the Global State of Emergency References Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

'One of those rare books that will change the way thoughtful people think. Global Rivalries is rich in insight, bringing coherence to disparate events. Extremely well documented, [it] will force people to think critically about history and the world we now live in.' Joyce and Gabriel Kolko 'Just when you thought International Relations as a field was dead, along comes Kees van der Pijl's new book. His inspired account brings together history, economics and politics to create a far more nuanced view of rivalry and cooperation among the great powers.' Thomas Ferguson, University of Massachusetts, Boston 'This book should be required reading for all students of international relations and global political economy. It is a magisterial work that explains and demystifies the rivalries and conflicts which have characterised the foreign relations of the "great powers" in the modern era. His thesis is consistent, provocative, and compelling.' Stephen Gill, York University, Toronto This is a groundbreaking new work from a leading scholar in the field of international relations. Offering a highly original analysis of world events, especially in the light of the Iraq War, Kees van der Pijl explores the history and development of relations between major countries in the international community, and the impact that successive wars and changes in the global political economy have had on the way states relate to each other today. Tracing the liberal state structure back to the closing stages of the English Civil War and settlement in North America, he argues that the rise of the English-speaking West has created rivalries between contender states that are never entirely put to rest. With each round of Western expansion, new rivalries are created. Offering a truly global analysis that covers every area of the world -- from Europe and America to China, the Middle East, Latin America and Russia -- he analyses the development of international relations post WWII, and questions whether the neoliberal project and its human rights ideology have collapsed back into authoritarianism under the guise of the 'war on terror'.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
This book offers a highly original analysis of world events in the light of the Iraq War. It explores the history and development of relations between major countries in the international community and the impact that successive wars and changes in the global political economy have had on the way states relate to each other today. Tracing the liberal state structure back to the closing stages of the English Civil War and settlement in North America, it argues that the rise of the English-speaking West has created rivalries between contender states that are never entirely put to rest. With each round of Western expansion, new rivalries are created. Offering a truly global analysis that covers every area of the world - from Europe and America to China, the Middle East, Latin America and Russia -- he analyses the development of international relations post WWII, and questions whether the neoliberal project and its human rights ideology have collapsed back into authoritarianism under the guise of the 'war on terror'.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Contents<\> Acknowledgments List of Abbreviations Note on Transliteration
• 1. Introduction
• 2. Establishing Contact: Huang-Stuart Talks, 1949
• 3. Negotiating While Fighting: The Korean Armistice Talks, 195153
• 4. Creating a Special Channel: The Ambassadorial Talks, 195560
• 5. Negotiating at Cross-Purposes: The Ambassadorial Talks, 196168
• 6. Entering a New Era: Toward Higher-level Talks, January 1969June 1971
• 7. Breaking the Ice: Kissinger and Haig in Beijing, July 1971January 1972
• 8. Summit Talks: Nixon's China Trip, February 1972
• 9. Conclusion Chronology Notes Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

A very good attempt to give a coherent and consistent account of the China-U.S. contacts during the Cold War.... [R]eaders will certainly gain a better understanding of this interesting and intricate history." -Zhou Wenzhong, Chinese Ambassador to the United States Few relationships during the Cold War were as dramatic as that between the United States and China. During World War II, China was America's ally against Japan. By 1949, the two countries viewed each other as adversaries and soon faced off in Korea. For the next two decades, Beijing and Washington were bitter enemies. Negotiating with the Enemy is a gripping account of that period. On several occasions-Taiwan in 1954 and 1958, and Vietnam in 1965-the nations were again on the verge of direct military confrontation. However, even as relations seemed at their worst, the process leading to a rapprochement had begun. Dramatic episodes such as the Ping-Pong diplomacy of spring 1971 and Henry Kissinger's secret trip to Beijing in July 1971 paved the way for Nixon's historic 1972 meeting with Mao.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• "Freedom fries" & presidential power
• The "foetus of monarchy" grows up
• The "old" imperial presidency
• The world after Watergate: the resurgence regime takes shape
• The resurgence recedes, part I: money & morals
• The resurgence recedes, part II: peace & war
• Tidal wave : the world after September 11
• "Practical advantages & grave dangers": Imperial presidency or invisible Congress?

Has the imperial presidency returned? The New Imperial Presidency suggests that the Congressional framework meant to guide and constrain presidential behavior has slowly eroded over the decades since Watergate. Author Andrew Rudalevige describes the evolution of executive power in our separated system of governance. Rudalevige discusses the abuse of power that prompted what he calls the "resurgence regime" against the imperial presidency, and inquires as to how and why, over the three decades that followed Watergate, presidents regained their standing. The New Imperial Presidency shows that presidents have always tried to interpret Constitutional powers broadly. Ambitious executives can choose from an array of actions that push against congressional power and, finding insufficient resistance, expand the scope of presidential power. Rudalevige concludes that the freedoms secured by the checks and balances of government are not automatic, but depend on the exertions of public servants and the citizens they serve. His story confirms the importance of the "living Constitution, " a tradition of historical experiences overlaying the text of the Constitution itself.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Has the imperial presidency returned? "Well written and, while indispensable for college courses, should appeal beyond academic audiences to anyone interested in how well we govern ourselves. . . . I cannot help regarding it as a grand sequel for my own The Imperial Presidency." ---Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. Has the imperial presidency returned? This question has been on the minds of many contemporary political observers, as recent American administrations have aimed to consolidate power. In The New Imperial Presidency, Andrew Rudalevige suggests that the congressional framework meant to advise and constrain presidential conduct since Watergate has slowly eroded. Rudalevige describes the evolution of executive power in our separated system of governance. He discusses the abuse of power that prompted what he calls the "resurgence regime" against the imperial presidency and inquires as to how and why---over the three decades that followed Watergate---presidents have regained their standing. Chief executives have always sought to interpret constitutional powers broadly. The ambitious president can choose from an array of strategies for pushing against congressional authority; finding scant resistance, he will attempt to expand executive control. Rudalevige's important and timely work reminds us that the freedoms secured by our system of checks and balances do not proceed automatically but depend on the exertions of public servants and the citizens they serve. His story confirms the importance of the "living Constitution, " a tradition of historical experiences overlaying the text of the Constitution itself.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The power of small states : diplomacy in World War II / Annette Baker Fox
• Lilliputians' dilemmas : small states in international politics / Robert O. Keohane
• The inequality of states : a study of the small power in international relations / David Vital
• Micro-states : the principality of Liechtenstein / Jorri Duursma
• Weak states in the international system / Michael Handel
• Small states in world markets : industrial policy in Europe / Peter J. Katzenstein
• The role of small states in the European Union / Baldur Thorhallsson
• Learning, realism, and alliances : the weight of the shadow of the past / Dan Reiter
• Norm entrepreneurs : Scandinavia's role in world politics / Christine Ingebritsen
• Conclusion : learning from Lilliput / Christine Ingebritsen.

Smaller nations have a special place in the international system, with a striking capacity to defy the expectations of most observers and many prominent theories of international relations. This volume of classic essays highlights the ability of small states to counter power with superior commitment, to rely on tightly knit domestic institutions with a shared "ideology of social partnership, " and to set agendas as "norm entrepreneurs." The volume is organized around themes such as how and why small states defy expectations of realist approaches to the study of power; the agenda-setting capacity of smaller powers in international society and in regional governance structures such as the European Union; and how small states and representatives from these societies play the role of norm entrepreneurs in world politics -- from the promotion of sustainable solutions to innovative humanitarian programs and policies. Christine Ingebritsenis associate professor of Scandinavian studies and associate dean of undergraduate education, University of Washington, Seattle. Iver B. Neumannis director of research at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Oslo, Norway. Sieglinde Gstohlis professor of European politics and administration at the College of Europe, Bruges, Belgium. Jessica Beyeris a doctoral candidate at the University of Washington. The other contributors include Annette Baker Fox, Jorri Duursma, Michael Handel, Peter J. Katzenstein, Dan Reiter, Baldur Thorhallsson, and David Vital.

• Preface-- Part One: The Rise and Fall of the Cold War Consensus--
• Chapter 1. In Search of Consensus-- The Elements of Consensus-- After Vietnam-- After the Cold War-- After September 11-- Foreign Policy Legitimation-- Part Two: American Foreign Policy After Vietnam--
• Chapter 2. The Nixon Administration-- The New Majority-- Peace with Honor-- A Full Generation of Peace-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus?
• Chapter 3. The Carter Administration-- The People's President-- A Complex New World-- The Arc of Crisis-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus?
• Chapter 4. The Reagan Administration-- We the People-- A Shining City on the Hill-- The "Rescue Mission" and the "Democratic Resistance"-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus? Part Three: The Post-Cold War Interlude--
• Chapter 5. The Bush Administration-- The Procedural President-- From Containment to the New World Order-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus?
• Chapter 6. The Clinton Administration-- The Governor-President-- The Dilemmas of Armed Intervention-- A Strategy of Engagement and Enlargement-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus?-- Part Four: The Global War on Terror--
• Chapter 7. The George W. Bush Administration-- The Compassionate Conservative-- 9/11 and Operation Enduring Freedom-- A Strategy of Prevention and Enlargement-- A New Foreign Policy Consensus? Part Five: Conclusions--
• Chapter 8. American Foreign Policy Since Nixon-- The Nixon Administration-- The Carter Administration-- The Reagan Administration-- The Bush Administration-- The Clinton Administration-- The George W. Bush Administration Bibliography-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book integrates the study of presidential politics and foreign policy-making from the Vietnam aftermath to the events following September 11 and the Iraqi War. Focusing on the relationship between presidents' foreign policy agendas and domestic politics, it offers compelling portraits of presidents Nixon, Carter, Reagan, Bush I, Clinton, and Bush II. In the course of comparing the efforts of these presidents to articulate a clear conception of the national interest and to forge a foreign policy consensus, the author shows the key role of public opinion in constraining presidential initiatives, in particular the decision to use military force overseas. Never more timely, this popular text is appropriate for courses in U.S. foreign policy, the presidency, or contemporary U.S. politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Then (1945-1991)
• Pax Americana
• The Postwar Task
• Bretton Woods
• The Marshall Plan and Containment
• German Wirtschaftswunder
• The Berlin Blockade
• The Truman Doctrine
• NATO and Its Cross of Lorraine
• The Korean War
• The Hungarian Revolution and the Berlin Wall
• The Cuban Missile Crisis and Nikita Khrushchev
• The Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia and the Brezhnev Doctrine
• Cultural Shift
• D'tente
• Eurocommunism
• Negotiated Cold War
• The Errors of Socialism
• Ronald Reagan and His Critics
• Solidarity
• Gorbachev and His Nemesis
• The Fall of the Berlin Wall and Reunification of Germany
• The End of an Era
• And Now (1991-2004)
• After the Fall: Celebratory Foresight and Ominous Speculations
• After the Wall: What Happened on the Ground
• Drifting Apart: Multipolarity and Hegemony
• Aggregation: The European Union
• Disaggregation: Civil War in Bosnia and Herzegovina
• Chinese Shadows
• 9/11 and the War on Terrorism
• Lessons.

In The American Way of Peace, Jan S. Prybyla traces the implementation of an idea derived from bedrock American values that has shaped the American character from the nation's beginning. The idea - simple, generous, optimistic, and effective - was and remains to give people realizable hope, an attainable dream, by creating a peaceful, secure, and materially comfortable world, a Pax Americana, the American Way of Peace. In the period surveyed, beginning with the end of World War II, this objective was achieved through American initiative and with American leadership, despite resistance from Nazi barbarism, Soviet serfdom, and, more recently, Islamic extremist inhumanity. There has also been opposition from some of those in the western confines of Europe whom Pax Americana helped raise from the ashes to which they had been reduced by aggressive forces. The American Way of Peace examines the work of reconstruction, the enemy bombardment, as well as the hurtful sniping along the way to this goal by the beneficiaries of American support. Prybyla recommends a reevaluation of American relations with those to whom friendship is but a utilitarian device, in light of the present eruption of terrorism worldwide. The need for America to act wisely and resolutely in defense of civilized values, to stem the third tidal wave of terrorist savagery, and to venture where others fear to tread is more compelling now than it has been in the six decades past, for today America's very survival as a force for immense good in the world is being put to the test.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• From the Meiji restoration to the Pacific War
• After the war: new values and the peace treaty
• The United States: political and security relations
• The United States: economic relations
• China: Economic development and wounded feelings
• Korea: South Korean relations develop with complexity, will North Korean relations start?
• Asia and the Pacific: expanding relations from bilateral to multilateral
• Russia: territorial disputes and strengthening the relationship
• Europe: struggle for relevance
• The Middle East: Oil diplomacy and issues of war and peace
• Official development assistance: from recipient to donor number one
• Multilateral economic diplomacy: from participant to positive contributor
• Multilateral political diplomacy: the United Nations and peacekeeping operations
• Conclusion: Past perspectives and future agendas.

This book describes major aspects of Japanese foreign policy from WWII to the present. Bilateral relations with the US, China, Korea, Southeast Asia, Russia, Europe and the Middle East as well as multilateral diplomacy are analysed. Written by a former diplomat who was deeply involved in major issues of postwar Japanese foreign policy, it provides fascinating insider views on policy making in Tokyo. The book explains how and why Japan is developing a more proactive foreign policy and highlights vital policy issues which it is facing at the turn of the century. It is written with exceptional clarity and is accessible and friendly to any reader who is interested in modern Japan.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Child of the Appalachian Coalfields
• The Depression Years
• A Political Career Begins
• Mr. Byrd Goes to Washington
• Around the World in Sixty-Six Days
• Excelsior!
• The Sapling Grows Tall
• Stormy Horizons
• Climbing the Leadership Ladder
• A Visit to Russia
• Muddy Waters
• A Supreme Court Nomination?
• Building West Virginia Piece by Piece
• The Old Order Changeth
• The Top Rung-Majority Leader (1977)
• Second Fiddle
• Back in the Saddle Again
• Elected President Pro Tempore
• A Hand on the Purse Strings
• Building a New West Virginia
• West Virginia on the Go
• Bits and Pieces
• Building a 21st Century West Virginia
• The Winds of Change
• The Tide Ebbs
• Full Circle
• The Return of the Native
• Dribs and Drabs
• Line-Item Veto Struck Down
• In the Heat of Battle
• Semper Fidelis.

This autobiography follows United States Senator Robert C. Byrd's experiences from his boyhood in the early 1920s to his election in 2000, which won him an unprecedented eighth term in the Senate. Along the way, Senator Byrd offers commentary on national and international events that occurred throughout his long life in public service. Senator Byrd's journey from the hardscrabble coalfields to the marbled halls of Congress has inspired generations of people in West Virginia and throughout the nation. From reading the stories of the Founding Fathers as a young boy by the light of a kerosene lamp to the swearing of an oath for more than a half-century to guard the United States Constitution, Senator Byrd's life is legendary. Byrd always stands by his principles, earning the affection of the people of his home state and the respect of Americans from all walks of life. With his beloved Erma ever by his side, Robert C. Byrd has never forgotten his roots, harkening back to those early lessons that he learned as a child of the Appalachian coalfields.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface List of tables Acknowledgements List of abbreviations 1.Prologue
• 2. Gathering Momentum
• 3. A New Beginning
• 4. A Hyperactive Interregnum
• 5. Consolidation Amid Fluidity
• 6. Building China's National Power
• 7. The Afghan War
• 8. The Soviet Denouement
• 9. Epilogue Endnotes Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

After more than four decades the Cold War ended with the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union. Almost simultaneously China emerged as the new potential disruptor of international stability, with Beijing replacing Moscow as the key source of Western insecurity. Drawing upon extensive primary resources, Ali questions the logic behind this perception, reflected both in popular and academic literature. Disclosing hitherto unknown aspects of the Soviet Union's disintegration, the text reveals a secret strategic alliance between the USA and China during the Cold War's final decades. Presenting an in-depth analysis of the relationship between the two countries, the book identifies the bases on which the alliance emerged; the growing mutual concern of a `Soviet threat'. Using documentation from the three capitals, Ali presents a compelling tale of intrigue and conspiracy at the highest level of the international security system. The text brings a new dimension to the current literature and deepens our understanding of a key aspect of the Cold War - its end.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The role of covert action in intelligence and foreign policy
• The "romances" of covert action
• Covert action policy and pitfalls
• The military and peacetime covert action
• The discipline of covert action
• Approval and review of covert action programs in the modern era
• Harry S. Truman
• Dwight D. Eisenhower
• John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson
• Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford
• Jimmy Carter
• Ronald W. Reagan
• George H.W. Bush and William J. Clinton
• Conclusion.

Borrowing the words of former Idaho senator Frank Church, one widespread notion of the Central Intelligence Agency is that it tends to behave like a "rogue elephant" rampaging out of control, initiating risky covert action programs without the sanction of either Congress or the White House. In Executive Secrets: Covert Action and the Presidency, William J. Daugherty, a seventeen-year veteran operations officer with the Central Intelligence Agency, addresses these and other perceptions about covert action that have seeped into the public consciousness. Daugherty cites congressional investigations, declassified documents, and his own experiences in covert action policy and oversight to show convincingly that the C.I.A.'s covert programs were conducted specifically at presidential behest from the Agency's founding in 1947. He provides an overview of the nature and proper use of covert action as a tool of presidential statecraft and discusses its role in transforming presidential foreign policy into reality. He concludes by detailing how each president conducted the approval, oversight and review processes for covert action while examining specific instances in which U.S. presidents have expressly directed C. I.A. covert action programs to suit their policy objectives. A former Marine Corps aviator with a combat tour in Vietnam, Daugherty's first tour with the C.I.A. was in Iran, where he was one of fifty-two Americans held hostage for 444 days during the Carter administration. Daugherty combines unique inside perspectives with sober objectivity in judging the true nature and scope of C.I.A. covert actions during the last half century.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The partners
• Government by brains trust
• Tommy Corcoran and the New Dealers' gospel
• Making the new deal revolution
• The fight for the Rooseveltian succession
• 1945-The New Dealers' government in-exile
• In my father's house
• Rise of an insider
• Ends and means
• Forbidden version
• Receivership
• Enter LBJ, stage center
• 1960-Checkmate
• President of all the people
• Last act.

In the 1930s a band of smart and able young men, some still in their twenties, helped Franklin D. Roosevelt transform an American nation in crisis. They were the junior officers of the New Deal. Thomas G. Corcoran, Benjamin V. Cohen, William O. Douglas, Abe Fortas, and James Rowe helped FDR build the modern Democratic Party into a progressive coalition whose command over power and ideas during the next three decades seemed politically invincible. This is the first book about this group of Rooseveltians and their linkage to Lyndon Johnson's Great Society and the Vietnam War debacle. Michael Janeway grew up inside this world. His father, Eliot Janeway, business editor of Time and a star writer for Fortune and Life magazines, was part of this circle, strategizing and practicing politics as well as reporting on these men. Drawing on his intimate knowledge of events and previously unavailable private letters and other documents, Janeway crafts a riveting account of the exercise of power during the New Deal and its aftermath. He shows how these men were at the nexus of reform impulses at the electoral level with reform thinking in the social sciences and the law and explains how this potent fusion helped build the contemporary American state. Since that time efforts to reinvent government by "brains trust" have largely failed in the U.S. In the last quarter of the twentieth century American politics ceased to function as a blend of broad coalition building and reform agenda setting, rooted in a consensus of belief in the efficacy of modern government. Can a progressive coalition of ideas and power come together again? The Fall of the House of Roosevelt makes such a prospect both alluring and daunting.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The family
• The early years
• Born, bred, and branded Catholic
• A Jesuit education
• A Harvard Law School education
• Landlubber in the navy
• A bite of the big apple
• Political awakening
• Comfortable and Catholic in New York
• Ringing doorbells for Kennedy
• A whiz kid in McNamara's Pentagon
• In the army on the home front
• Getting Fidel
• When Kennedy was shot
• Isthmus insurrection
• Troubleshooting for McNamara
• The LBJ years
• Recharging batteries
• Washington lawyer: Arnold & Porter
• Washington Lawyer: Williams, Connolly & Califano
• The Democratic Party's cultural revolution
• Watergate
• Putting the First Amendment first
• Washington pals
• The last secretary of health, education, and welfare
• What's next?
• My own law firm
• Hilary Paley Byers
• Lawyer in the House
• From Washington to Wall Street
• A new life
• The annulment
• Confronting cancer.

Joe Califano grew up in a tight-knit working class family in Depression-era Brooklyn. His parents instilled in their son a work ethic, sense of self, and devotion to Church that stayed with him as he rose through the ranks of America's ruling class. From Jesuit undergraduate schools to Harvard Law, influential law firms, Robert McNamara's Pentagon, Lyndon Johnson's White House, and Jimmy Carter's Cabinet, Califano was hard charging, effective, and committed to his causes whether that meant reforming the military, working for equal rights for all, his struggle to be a committed Catholic in America, or finally his passion to combat addictions that ruin so many American lives. The book is called Inside, and that's where it takes us inside his public and private life as Califano worked in the power centers of three Democratic administrations. He shows us how hardball is often necessary to make government serve its people. Califano remained "inside" even out of government, representing the Washington Post and Democratic Party during Watergate.Inside is history, memoir, and a profoundly revealing personal drama of a powerful figure involved in many defining events of the last half century. It is a tale of how ambition, tenacity and courage, guided by deeply felt ethics, can move the world, from the inside.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The post-World War II consensus
• Challenges to the postwar consensus
• Opinion leaders
• Sources of foreign policy attitudes
• A return to isolationism and unilateralism? pre-and post-September 11
• Public opinion and foreign policy: where do we go from here?

• Acknowledgements Prologue
• 1. Richard Nixon and Cambodia: Diplomatic Relations and Bombs
• 2. Sticking with Lon Nol
• 3. Denouement: Gerald Ford, Henry Kissinger and the Fall of Cambodia
• 4. Jimmy Carter, Human Rights and Cambodia
• 5. Toward a New Beginning Conclusion Abbreviations Used in Notes Notes Select Bibliography.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Beginning with the restoration of diplomatic relations between the US and Cambodia in 1969, this book is the first to systematically explore the controversial issues and events surrounding the relationship between the two countries in the latter half of the 20th century. It traces how the secret bombing of Cambodia, the coup which overthrew Prince Sihanouk and the American invasion of Cambodia in 1970 led to a brutal civil war. Based on extensive archival research in the United States, Australia and Cambodia, this is the most comprehensive account of the United States' troubled relationship with Cambodia.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• List of Illustrations Acknowledgments Introduction
• 1. Sentimental Education: Creating a Global Imaginary of Integration
• 2. Reader's Digest, Saturday review, and the Middlebrow Aesthetic of Commitment
• 3. How to Be an American Abroad: James Michener's The Voice of Asia and Postwar Mass Tourism
• 4. Family Ties as Political Obligation: Oscar Hammerstein II, South Pacific, and the Discourse of Adoption
• 5. Musicals and Modernization: The King and I
• 6. Asians in America: Flower Drum Song and Hawaii Conclusion Notes Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

In the years following World War II, American writers and artists produced a steady stream of popular stories about Americans living, working, and traveling in Asia and the Pacific. Meanwhile the U.S., competing with the Soviet Union for global power, extended its reach into Asia to an unprecedented degree. This book reveals that these trends - the proliferation of Orientalist culture and the expansion of U.S. power - were linked in complex and surprising ways. While most cultural historians of the Cold War have focused on the culture of containment, Christina Klein reads the postwar period as one of international economic and political integration - a distinct chapter in the process of U.S.-led globalization. Through her analysis of a wide range of texts and cultural phenomena - including Rodgers and Hammerstein's South Pacific and The King and I, James Michener's travel essays and novel Hawaii, and Eisenhower's People-to-People Program - Klein shows how U.S. policy makers, together with middlebrow artists, writers, and intellectuals, created a culture of global integration that represented the growth of U.S. power in Asia as the forging of emotionally satisfying bonds between Americans and Asians. Her book enlarges Edward Said's notion of Orientalism in order to bring to light a cultural narrative about both domestic and international integration that still resonates today.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The years before diplomacy
• a "correct" year with the Peróns
• O)n, briefly, to Rome
• Red Cross president
• In Nehru's India
• Recharging the battery
• The West New Guinea negotiations
• Brokering a Yemen settlement
• Troubleshooting in the Dominican Republic and Elsewhere
• To center stage in Vietnam
• Tet and afterwards
• Vietnamization has succeeded
• The Panama Canal negotiations
• Final chapter.

In this first biography of Ellsworth Bunker (1894-1984), Howard Schaffer traces the life of one of postwar America's foremost diplomats from his formative years as a successful businessman and lobbyist through a long career in international affairs. Named ambassador to Argentina by Harry Truman in 1951, Bunker went on to serve six more presidents as ambassador to Italy, India, Nepal, and Vietnam and on special negotiating missions. A widely recognized "hawk, " Bunker helped shape U.S. policy in Vietnam during his six-year Saigon posting. Using letters Bunker wrote to his wife as well as recently declassified messages he exchanged with Henry Kissinger, Schaffer examines how Bunker promoted the war effort and how he regarded his mission. After leaving Saigon on his seventy-ninth birthday, Bunker next became a key figure in the treaty negotiations, spanning three presidencies, that radically changed the operation and defense of the Panama Canal. Highlighting Bunker's views on the craft of diplomacy, Schaffer paints a complex picture of a man who devoted three decades to international affairs and sheds new light on post-World War II American diplomacy. This book is part of the ADST-DACOR Diplomats and Diplomacy Series, co-sponsored by the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training in Arlington, Virginia, and Diplomatic & Consular Officers, Retired, Inc., of Washington, D.C.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Containing East Germany in the early 1950s. Constructing the diplomatic blockade
• East German "sovereignty" and the western response
• Staving off collapse. A shifting landscape : Geneva and Moscow
• The blockade slips
• The Bonn Ambassadors' Conference
• "Managed relationships" and the isolation campaign
• Yugoslavia crosses the line. Grasping for openings
• Damascus, but not Warsaw
• A failure of deterrence
• The Hallstein Doctrine
• Scrambling for Africa. Otto Grotewohl's journey
• Doubts and hesitations : the Berlin crisis
• Bonn's counteroffensive
• Guinea : the exception that proved the rule
• Development aid and the Hallstein Doctrine : a trajectory of disillusionment. Bonn's billion-dollar aid program
• The shock of the Belgrade Conference
• Experiments in economic leverage
• The perils of detente. De Gaulle, detente, and the "policy of movement"
• Planning the breakthrough
• "New measures" in Ceylon and Zanzibar
• The apex of West German vigilance
• The peculiar longevity of a discredited doctrine. The debacle : West Germany's expulsion from the Arab world
• The contest goes on
• Unification hysteria and Erhard's political demise
• Of two minds : the grand coalition and the problem of recognition
• The Ulbricht doctrine
• The coalition "cambodes"
• A qualified breakthrough
• The halting progress of a German Sisyphus
• A war within a war
• The Hallstein Doctrine and German unity.

This volume explores West Germany's efforts to prevent international acceptance of East Germany as a legitimate state following World War II, using newly available material from both sides of the Iron Curtain. West German leaders were unwilling to accept the division of their country and regarded the German Democratic Republic (GDR) as an illegitimate upstart - a puppet of the occupying Soviet forces. Together with France, Britain and the United States, West Germany applied political and financial pressure to ensure that the GDR remained unrecognized by all countries outside the communist camp. While the GDR had some success in befriending countries such as Egypt, Ghana and Indonesia, West Germany's intimidation tactics and superior economic resources saw that it never had any decisive breakthrough. This book argues that Bonn's isolation campaign was dropped not due to failure but as a result of changes in West German priorities as the struggle against East Germany came to hamper efforts at reconciliation with Israel, Poland, and Yugoslavia - all countries of special relevance to Germany's recent past. Interest in morally grounded diplomacy, together with a growing conviction that the GDR could no longer be ignored, led to the abandonment of Bonn's effective but outdated efforts to hinder worldwide recognition of the East German regime.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Pioneer Pat
• forging a feminist --guess who's coming to Congress
• Queen of the Quip
• In the Trenches
• women and children first
• madam President
• the tailhook tale
• Pat vs. Newt
• a legend bows out.

The leading feminist in Congress for nearly twenty-five years, Pat Schroeder was elected in 1972. Beloved by the left and despised by the right, she was at the forefront of a new wave of assertive women lawmakers who refused to play by the old rules. This is the first biography of the outspoken Colorado Democrat, who has remained in the limelight since leaving public office. Schroeder's political career began at a time when many congressional committees were still controlled by a southern gerontocracy. She quickly established a reputation for speaking out in support of left-of-center causes that few of her colleagues would take on. Her razor wit and a talent for creating sound bites endeared her to the media (she coined the phrase "the Teflon president" to describe Ronald Reagan). But she proved equally adept at wielding influence in the vanguard of change. As a member of the House Armed Services Committee, she was instrumental in passing legislation to end sexism in the military despite vicious personal attacks following the U. S. Navy Tailhook scandal. She was in the forefront of exposing gender bias in medical research and was an architect of the family leave bill. Author Joan Lowy covered Schroeder's congressional career for ten years and was given unlimited access to Schroeder's staff for this biography.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface
• Acknowledgments
• STUART SYMINGTON
• Abbreviations
• Notes
• Bibliography
• Index.