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"The British colony of West Florida--which once stretched from the mighty Mississippi to the shallow bends of the Apalachicola and portions of what are now the states of Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana--is the forgotten fourteenth colony of America's Revolutionary era. The colony's eventful years as a part of the British Empire form an important and compelling interlude in Gulf Coast history that has for too long been overlooked. For a host of reasons, including the fact that West Florida did not rebel against the British Government, the colony has long been dismissed as a loyal but inconsequential fringe outpost, if considered at all. But the colony's history showcases a tumultuous political scene featuring a halting attempt at instituting representative government; a host of bold and colorful characters; a compelling saga of struggle and perseverance in the pursuit of financial stability; and a dramatic series of battles on land and water which brought about the end of its days under the Union Jack. In 'Fourteenth Colony,' historian Mike Bunn offers the first comprehensive history of the colony, introducing readers to the Gulf Coast's remarkable British period and putting West Florida back in its rightful place on the map of Colonial America"-- Provided by publisher

• The Enlightenment and the Declaration of Independence
• Declaring the laws of nature
• Self-evident truths
• Equality
• Equality and slavery
• The nature of rights
• Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness
• The consent of the governed
• Consent and the just powers of government
• Revolution
• Rebels with a cause
• Has America lost its American mind?

America's Revolutionary Mind is the first major reinterpretation of the American Revolution since the publication of Bernard Bailyn's The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution and Gordon S. Wood's The Creation of the American Republic. The purpose of this book is twofold: first, to elucidate the logic, principles, and significance of the Declaration of Independence as the embodiment of the American mind; and, second, to shed light on what John Adams once called the "real American Revolution"; that is, the moral revolution that occurred in the minds of the people in the fifteen years before 1776. The Declaration is used here as an ideological road map by which to chart the intellectual and moral terrain traveled by American Revolutionaries as they searched for new moral principles to deal with the changed political circumstances of the 1760s and early 1770s. This volume identifies and analyzes the modes of reasoning, the patterns of thought, and the new moral and political principles that served American Revolutionaries first in their intellectual battle with Great Britain before 1776 and then in their attempt to create new Revolutionary societies after 1776. The book reconstructs what amounts to a near-unified system of thought-what Thomas Jefferson called an "American mind" or what I call "America's Revolutionary mind." This American mind was, I argue, united in its fealty to a common philosophy that was expressed in the Declaration and launched with the words, "We hold these truths to be self-evident.".
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The Enlightenment and the Declaration of Independence
• Declaring the laws of nature
• Self-evident truths
• Equality
• Equality and slavery
• The nature of rights
• Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness
• The consent of the governed
• Consent and the just powers of government
• Revolution
• Rebels with a cause
• Has America lost its American mind?

America's Revolutionary Mind is the first major reinterpretation of the American Revolution since the publication of Bernard Bailyn's The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution and Gordon S. Wood's The Creation of the American Republic. The purpose of this book is twofold: first, to elucidate the logic, principles, and significance of the Declaration of Independence as the embodiment of the American mind; and, second, to shed light on what John Adams once called the "real American Revolution"; that is, the moral revolution that occurred in the minds of the people in the fifteen years before 1776. The Declaration is used here as an ideological road map by which to chart the intellectual and moral terrain traveled by American Revolutionaries as they searched for new moral principles to deal with the changed political circumstances of the 1760s and early 1770s. This volume identifies and analyzes the modes of reasoning, the patterns of thought, and the new moral and political principles that served American Revolutionaries first in their intellectual battle with Great Britain before 1776 and then in their attempt to create new Revolutionary societies after 1776. The book reconstructs what amounts to a near-unified system of thought-what Thomas Jefferson called an "American mind" or what I call "America's Revolutionary mind." This American mind was, I argue, united in its fealty to a common philosophy that was expressed in the Declaration and launched with the words, "We hold these truths to be self-evident.".
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Charles Lee turns traitor
• Did Lee commit treason?
• Lee's motivations
• Did Lee try to trick Howe?
• Lee's continued efforts to negotiate a peace
• Lee rejoins the Continental Army
• The road to Monmouth Court House
• Lee in command
• The court-martial
• Did Lee disobey orders to attack the enemy?
• Did Lee conduct an unnecessary and sometimes disorderly retreat?
• Did Lee show disrespect to the commander in chief? Did his punishment fit the verdict?
• Congress approves the verdict and sentence
• Duels, disgrace and death.

Revolutionary War historians and biographers of Charles Lee have treated him as either an inveterate enemy of George Washington or a great defender of American liberty. Neither approach is accurate argues author Christian McBurney, who stresses that in order to fully understand the war's most complicated general, objectivity is required. His new book, George Washington's Nemesis: The Outrageous Treason and Unfair Courtmartial of Major General Charles Lee during the American Revolution, relies on original documents (some newly discovered) to combine two dramatic stories involving the military law of treason and court-martials, creating a balanced view of the Revolution's most fascinating personality. General Lee, second in command in the Continental Army led by George Washington, was captured by the British in December 1776. While a prisoner, he prepared and submitted to his captors a military plan on how to defeat Washington's army as quickly as possible. This extraordinary act of treason, arguably on a par with Benedict Arnold's heinous treachery, was not discovered during his lifetime. Many historians shrug off this ignoble act, but it should not be ignored. Less well known is that throughout his sixteen months of captivity and even after his release, Lee continued communicating with the enemy, offering to help negotiate an end to the rebellion. After Lee rejoined the Continental Army, he was given command of many of its best troops with orders from Washington to attack the rear of British General Henry Clinton's column near Monmouth, New Jersey. Lee intended to attack on June 28, 1778, but retreated in the face of Clinton's bold move to reverse his march. Two of Lee's subordinate generals-without orders and without informing Lee-moved more than half of his command off the field. Faced with the possible destruction of the balance, Lee ordered a general retreat while conducting a skillful delaying action. Many historians have been quick to malign Lee's performance at Monmouth, for which he was convicted by court-martial for not attacking and for retreating in the face of the enemy. This was a miscarriage of justice, stresses McBurney, for the evidence clearly shows that Lee was unfairly convicted and had, in fact, by retreating, performed an important service to the Patriot cause. The guilty verdict was more the result of Lee's having insulted Washington, which made the matter a political contest between the army's two top generals-only one of them could prevail. McBurney's objective pen makes George Washington's Nemesis a gripping, fast-paced study that relies upon facts, logic, and hard evidence to set the historical record straight.
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• Foreword / David R. Starbuck
• Introduction / David G. Orr
• "Make sure you aim, for one shot well pointed is worth a dozen thrown away:" evidence of a musketry range at Valley Forge National Historical Park, Pennsylvania, USA / Wade P. Catts, and Joseph F. Balicki
• A more tolerable quarter: archaeology at Washington's headquarters at Valley Forge / Joseph R. Blondino
• The material world of the Revolutionary War soldier at Valley Forge revisited: comparative excavations of a brigade encampment on the grounds of the Washington Memorial Chapel, Valley Forge, Pennsylvania / Jesse West-Rosenthal
• "The ground necessary": excavations of a brigade encampment; Wayne's Woods, Valley Forge / Julia Steele, Douglas Campana, and David Orr
• Building the Log Hut City: an analysis using the tools issued at Morristown, New Jersey / Mathew Grubel
• Forgotten stones: the rediscovery of Redding's middle encampment / Bethany A. Morrison and Cosimo A. Sgarlata
• The unfulfilled American Revolution / Laurie Weinstein, Diane Hassan and Samantha Mauro
• The Rochambeau Project: historical and archaeological documentation of the French army's marches through Connecticut in 1781 and 1782 / Mary Guillette Harper
• Incidents of regional variation in winter encampment hut construction: huts and history at Redding, Connecticut / Daniel Cruson
• Conclusion / Cosimo A. Sgarlata.

• Cover; Book Title; Copyright; Contents; Notes on Dates, Spelling, Language and Names and Titles; Preface; Acknowledgements; List of Abbreviations; Prologue: Philadelphia, Monday, 5 September 1774; PART I-'The Chicaneries of Bubble';
• 1. Refugees;
• 2. 'A Heap of Rubble';
• 3. 'The Three Mile Stone';
• 4. 'Young Gentlemen';
• 5. 'Claptonians';
• 6. 'Change Alley;
• 7. 'The Great Scheme';
• 8. 'Lame Ducks';
• 9. Shakespeare's Jubilee;
• 10. 'A Gloomy Compting House'; PART II-'A Little of the Soldier in Him';
• 11. 'House of Lords';
• 12. 'The Drill Book';
• 13. 'Petite Guerre';
• 14. 'A Terrible Confl agration'

• 15 'A Man of Nearly Womanlike Modesty and Gentleness'16 'Parting'; Plate section; PART III-A Subaltern at War;
• 17. 'America is in a Flame';
• 18. 'Five Feet of Snow';
• 19. 'Adverse Winds and Hard Frosts';
• 20. 'No Political Correspondence';
• 21. 'Th e Crooked Hill Tavern';
• 22. 'No Firelock'; PART IV-At Secret War;
• 23. 'Th e Fair Quakers';
• 24. 'Implicit Confi dence';
• 25. 'Th ese Double Faces';
• 26. 'Mutual Confi dence';
• 27. Southern Interlude; PART V-'The Grand Stroke';
• 28. 'False Friends';
• 29. 'Armed Boats';
• 30. 'A Personal Conference';
• 31. 'My Great Mortifi cation'

• 32. 'The Chance of Passing Undiscovered'33. 'I was Betrayed';
• 34. 'It will be but a Momentary Pang'; Epilogue: 'Westminster Abbey'; Endnotes; Bibliography; Index; Back cover.

John Andre was head of the British Army's Secret Service in North America as the Revolutionary War entered its most bitter and, ultimately, decisive phase. In 1780, he masterminded the defection of a high-ranking American officer - General Benedict Arnold. Arnold-his name for ever synonymous with treason in American folklore - had recently been appointed commander of West Point and agreed, through Andre, to turn over to the British this strategically vital fort on the upper reaches of the Hudson River. Control of the fort would interrupt lines of communication between New England and the southern colonies, seriously impeding military operations against the British. The plan was also to simultaneously kidnap General George Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army. By these two masterstrokes, the British believed they could end rebel resistance. The secret negotiations between Arnold and Andre were protracted and fraught with danger. Arnold's new wife, Peggy became the go-between in the negotiations. Arnold insisted that, to complete negotiations, he and Andre must meet face to face. At the dead of night on September 21st 1780 the two rendezvoused in no-man's-land. Sir Henry Clinton, commander of British forces in North America and Andre's immediate superior, agreed to this meeting but with three strict conditions: that Andre not go within the American lines; that he remain in uniform; and that he carry away from the meeting no incriminating papers. Thus, if caught, Andre could not be treated as a spy. Yet, when Andre was captured forty-eight hours later, he was within American lines, had changed into civilian clothes and was carrying maps of West Point hidden in his boots. The Americans had no option other than to treat him as a spy, especially when he himself admitted this. He was convicted by military tribunal and hanged - his death lamented both in America and England. While biographers agree on the facts of this tragic episode, they disagree on Andre's motives and why he chose to sacrifice himself. This new biography of Andre puts forward a new answer to this mystery - not only why he acted as he did, but how he wished others to see his actions.
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• A war of consequence
• The beginning of the long American Revolution
• The revolutionary equation
• The republic in peril
• The western question
• The American democracy
• The American war and peace
• The end of the long American Revolution.

This book brings together Lester D. Langley's personal and professional link to the long American Revolution in a narrative that spans more than 150 years and places the Revolution in multiple contexts-from the local to the transatlantic and hemispheric and from racial and gendered to political, social, economic, and cultural perspectives. It offers a reminder that we are an old republic but a young nation and shows how an awareness of that dynamic is critical to understanding our current political, cultural, and social malaise. The United States of America is still a work in progress. A descendant on his father's side from a long line of Kentuckians, Langley grew up torn between a father who embodied the idea of the Revolution's poor white male driven by economic self-interest and racial prejudices and a devoted and pious mother who saw life and history as a morality play. The author's intellectual and professional "encounter" with the American Revolution came in the 1960s as a young historian specializing in U.S. foreign relations and Latin American history, an era when the U.S. encounter with the revolution in Cuba and with the civil rights movement at home served as a reminder of the lasting and troublesome legacy of a long American Revolution. In a sweeping account that incorporates both the traditional, iconic literature on the Revolution and more recent works in U.S., Canadian, Latin American, Caribbean, and Atlantic world history, Langley addresses fundamental questions about the Revolution's meaning, continuing relevance, and far-reaching legacy.
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• Introduction. North Carolina in an age of revolution / Jeff Broadwater and Troy L. Kickler
• Part I. The revolutionaries. Treasonous tea: the Edenton Tea Party of 1774 / Maggie Hartley Mitchell
• Declaring independence: William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, and John Penn / Jeff Broadwater
• Part II. The West. Caught between two fires: the Catawba and the Cherokee choose sides in the American Revolution / James MacDonald
• Our common country: John Sevier and the American Revolution / Michael Toomey
• Part III. The federalists. Hugh Williamson: North Carolina federalist / Jennifer Davis-Doyle
• An ordinary founder: Richard Dobbs Spaight Sr. / Karl Rodabaugh
• The political views of Richard Caswell and the founding of the new nation / Lloyd Johnson
• James Iredell: revolutionist, constitutionalist, jurist / Willis P. Whichard
• Part IV. The anti-federalists. Samuel Spencer, anti-federalist / Jason Stroud
• Willie Jones / Kyle Scott
• Part V. The legatees of the Revolution. William R. Davie: North Carolina's patriot partisan / Scott King-Owen
• John Chavis: quiet leader of an early revolution / Benjamin R. Justesen
• Two North Carolinians, same goal, different approaches: an examination of the political lives and philosophies of Nathaniel Macon and Archibald D. Murphey / Troy L. Kickler.

• Introduction : the importance of place in the age of Atlantic revolutions
• Houses : the rise of domestic privacy
• Barracks : constructing a colonial military infrastructure
• Empire : drafting and implementing the Quartering Act
• Borderland : Native Americans, soldiers, and colonists in the backcountry
• Cities and towns : accommodation and eviction of the British Army
• Nation : American armies and the march toward independence
• Epilogue : the Third Amendment and the shadow of quartering

When Americans declared independence in 1776, they cited King George III "for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us." In Quarters, John Gilbert McCurdy explores the social and political history behind the charge, offering an authoritative account of the housing of British soldiers in America. Providing new interpretations and analysis of the Quartering Act of 1765, McCurdy sheds light on a misunderstood aspect of the American Revolution. Quarters unearths the vivid debate in eighteenth-century America over the meaning of place. It asks why the previously uncontroversial act of accommodating soldiers in one's house became an unconstitutional act. In so doing, Quarters reveals new dimensions of the origins of Americans' right to privacy. It also traces the transformation of military geography in the lead up to independence, asking how barracks changed cities and how attempts to reorder the empire and the borderland led the colonists to imagine a new nation. Quarters emphatically refutes the idea that the Quartering Act forced British soldiers in colonial houses, demonstrates the effectiveness of the Quartering Act at generating revenue, and examines aspects of the law long ignored, such as its application in the backcountry and its role in shaping Canadian provinces. Above all, Quarters argues that the lessons of accommodating British troops outlasted the Revolutionary War, profoundly affecting American notions of place. McCurdy shows that the Quartering Act had significant ramifications, codified in the Third Amendment, for contemporary ideas of the home as a place of domestic privacy, the city as a place without troops, and a nation with a civilian-led military.
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• Series Editor's Foreword Acknowledgments Introduction
• 1. The Business and Economic World of the Late Colonial Printing Trade
• 2. A Trade under Threat: Printers and the Stamp Act Crisis
• 3. The Business of Protest: Printing against Empire
• 4. The Collision of Business and Politics, 1774-1775
• 5. Patriots, Loyalists, and the Perils of Wartime Printing
• 6. Rebuilding Print Networks for the New Nation Conclusion Notes Essay on Sources Index.
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During the American Revolution, printed material, including newspapers, pamphlets, almanacs, and broadsides, played a crucial role as a forum for public debate. In Revolutionary Networks, Joseph M. Adelman argues that printers-artisans who mingled with the elite but labored in a manual trade-used their commercial and political connections to directly shape Revolutionary political ideology and mass mobilization. Going into the printing offices of colonial America to explore how these documents were produced, Adelman shows how printers balanced their own political beliefs and interests alongside the commercial interests of their businesses, the customs of the printing trade, and the prevailing mood of their communities. Adelman describes how these laborers repackaged oral and manuscript compositions into printed works through which political news and opinion circulated. Drawing on a database of 756 printers active during the Revolutionary era, along with a rich collection of archival and printed sources, Adelman surveys printers' editorial strategies. Moving chronologically through the era of the American Revolution and to the war's aftermath, he details the development of the networks of printers and explains how they contributed to the process of creating first a revolution and then the new nation. By underscoring the important and intertwined roles of commercial and political interests in the development of Revolutionary rhetoric, this book essentially reframes our understanding of the American Revolution. Printers, Adelman argues, played a major role as mediators who determined what rhetoric to amplify and where to circulate it. Offering a unique perspective on the American Revolution and early American print culture, Revolutionary Networks reveals how these men and women managed political upheaval through a commercial lens.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• The business and economic world of the late colonial printing trade
• A trade under threat : printers and the stamp act crisis
• The business of protest : printing against empire
• The collision of business and politics : 1774-1775
• Patriots, loyalists, and the perils of wartime printing
• Rebuilding print networks for the new nation
• Conclusion.

During the American Revolution, printed material, including newspapers, pamphlets, almanacs, and broadsides, played a crucial role as a forum for public debate. In Revolutionary Networks, Joseph M. Adelman argues that printers-artisans who mingled with the elite but labored in a manual trade-used their commercial and political connections to directly shape Revolutionary political ideology and mass mobilization. Going into the printing offices of colonial America to explore how these documents were produced, Adelman shows how printers balanced their own political beliefs and interests alongside the commercial interests of their businesses, the customs of the printing trade, and the prevailing mood of their communities. Adelman describes how these laborers repackaged oral and manuscript compositions into printed works through which political news and opinion circulated. Drawing on a database of 756 printers active during the Revolutionary era, along with a rich collection of archival and printed sources, Adelman surveys printers' editorial strategies. Moving chronologically through the era of the American Revolution and to the war's aftermath, he details the development of the networks of printers and explains how they contributed to the process of creating first a revolution and then the new nation. By underscoring the important and intertwined roles of commercial and political interests in the development of Revolutionary rhetoric, this book essentially reframes our understanding of the American Revolution. Printers, Adelman argues, played a major role as mediators who determined what rhetoric to amplify and where to circulate it. Offering a unique perspective on the American Revolution and early American print culture, Revolutionary Networks reveals how these men and women managed political upheaval through a commercial lens.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

"A year after his imitative first novel Precaution (1820) enjoyed only modest success, James Fenimore Cooper penned The Spy: A Tale of the Neutral Ground , a Revolutionary War narrative initiating the American historical romance, a novel and a genre that quickly put to rest the British critic Sydney Smith's 1820 quip, "In the four corners of the globe, who reads an American novel?" Beginning with The Spy , everyone did. The novel excited readers with the perilous adventures of the spy (Harvey Birch, the Yankee peddler) and his contact Mr. Harper (George Washington appearing incognito), both surfacing repeatedly in various disguises and engaged in counterespionage (very clearly a parallel to the John Andre and Benedict Arnold stories) with their guerilla nemeses, the renegade Cow-Boys and loyalist Skinners. The Spy revealed the clash of loyalties within families between public and private duty to country and to self, and served as a microcosm of the new American world, staged in the "neutral ground" between opposing forces in Westchester, New York. William Gilmore Simms, Cooper's admirer and imitator, declared "The publication of The Spy ... was an event, " while Boston's North American Review agreed, "the American Revolution is an admirable basis, on which to found fictions of the highest order of romantic interest." This fresh tale generated good American press for the young Cooper, and so set the stage for Cooper's career-long contributions to the development of the American novel. The editors provide a historical introduction identifying Cooper's sources, as well as detailed explanatory notes to enable readers fully to appreciate the geographical and historical settings in the novel. This scholarly edition, the eighteenth in "The Writings of James Fenimore Cooper, " presents an accurate text drawing upon eight texts, from the first edition (with two editorially revised reprintings soon following to satisfy public demand) through the heavily revised Bentley Standard Novels edition (1831) and the more lightly revised Putnam Author's edition (1849). The editors provide a full scholarly apparatus discussing their editorial choices, and the edition has been approved by scholarly peers in the Committee for Scholarly Editions of the Modern Language Association. "-- Provided by publisher.

• Introduction: stripped and script
• Scripting disaffection: Grace Growden Galloway
• Scripting pacifism: Elizabeth Drinker and Sarah Logan Fisher
• Scripting neutrality: Margaret Hill Morris
• Scripting loyalism: Anna Rawle Clifford
• Scripting patriotism: Elizabeth Graeme Fergusson
• Afterword: Scripting ellipses: Deborah Norris Logan.

Female loyalists occupied a nearly impossible position during the American Revolution. Unlike their male counterparts, loyalist women were effectively silenced - unable to officially align themselves with either side or avoid being persecuted for their family ties. In this book, Kacy Dowd Tillman argues that women's letters and journals are the key to recovering these voices, as these private writings were used as vehicles for public engagement. Through a literary analysis of extensive correspondence by statesmen's wives, Quakers, merchants, and spies, Stripped and Script offers a new definition of loyalism that accounts for disaffection, pacifism, neutralism, and loyalism-by-association. Taking up the rhetoric of violation and rape, this archive repeatedly references the real threats rebels posed to female bodies, property, friendships, and families. Through writing, these women defended themselves against violation, in part, by writing about their personal experiences while knowing that the documents themselves may be confiscated, used against them, and circulated.
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• Foreword / by Jon Meacham
• Preface
• List of Abbreviations
• Introduction: The many lives of Thomas Jefferson / Barbara Oberg
• "Merely personal or private, with which we have nothing to do" : Thomas Jefferson's autobiographical writings / J. Jefferson Looney
• "More loved ... and more hated" : George Tucker on Thomas Jefferson / Christine Coalwell McDonald and Robert M.S. McDonald
• "Dexterity and delicacy of manipulation" : biographers Henry S. Randall and James Parton / Andrew Burstein
• "A beautiful domestic character" : Sarah N. Randolph's The domestic life of Thomas Jefferson / Jan Ellen Lewis
• Painting with a fine pencil : Henry Adams's Jefferson / Richard Samuelson
• "I come to bury Caesar" : Burr biographers on Jefferson / Nancy Isenberg
• Punching the ticket : Hamilton biographers and the sins of Thomas Jefferson / Joanne B. Freeman
• Consulting the timeless oracle : the Thomas Jeffersons of Claude Bowers and Albert Jay Nock / Brian Steele
• The cosmopolitan and the curator : Gilbert Chinard, Marie Goebel Kimball, and Jefferson biography in the mid-twentieth century / Herbert Sloan
• The perils of definitiveness : Dumas Malone's Jefferson and his time / R.B. Bernstein
• Merrill D. Peterson and the apostle of freedom : Thomas Jefferson and the new nation / Francis D. Cogliano
• "That woman" : Fawn Brodie and Thomas Jefferson's intimate history / Annette Gordon-Reed
• Afterword: A tribute to Peter Onuf / Gordon S. Wood.

Who was the "real" Thomas Jefferson? If this question has an answer, it will probably not be revealed reading the many accounts of his life. For two centuries biographers have provided divergent perspectives on him as a man and conflicting appraisals of his accomplishments. Jefferson was controversial in his own time, and his propensity to polarize continued in the years after his death as biographers battled to control the commanding heights of history. To judge from their depictions, there existed many different Thomas Jeffersons.The essays in this book explore how individual biographers have shaped history-as well as how the interests and preoccupations of the times in which they wrote helped to shape their portrayals of Jefferson. In different eras biographers presented the third president variously as a proponent of individual rights or of majority rule, as a unifier or a fierce partisan, and as a champion of either American nationalism or cosmopolitanism. Conscripted to serve Whigs and Democrats, abolitionists and slaveholders, unionists and secessionists, Populists and Progressives, and seemingly every side of almost every subsequent struggle, the only constant was that Jefferson's image remained a mirror of Americans' self-conscious conceptions of their nation's virtues, values, and vices. Thomas Jefferson's Lives brings together leading scholars of Jefferson and his era, all of whom embrace the challenge to assess some of the most important and enduring accounts of Jefferson's life. Contributors:Jon Meacham, presidential historian * Barbara Oberg, Princeton University * J. Jefferson Looney, Thomas Jefferson Foundation at Monticello * Christine Coalwell McDonald, Westchester Community College * Andrew Burstein, Louisiana State University * Jan Ellen Lewis, Rutgers University * Richard Samuelson, California State University, San Bernardino * Nancy Isenberg, Louisiana State University * Joanne B. Freeman, Yale University * Brian Steele, University of Alabama at Birmingham * Herbert Sloan, Barnard College * R. B. Bernstein, City College of New York * Francis D. Cogliano, University of Edinburgh * Annette Gordon-Reed, Harvard University * Gordon S. Wood, Brown University.
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• Introduction
• Treason in colonial Pennsylvania
• Resistance and treason, 1765-1775
• Treason against America, 1775-1776
• From independence to invasion, 1776-1778
• The winding path to the courthouse, 1778
• The Philadelphia treason trials, 1778-1779 : forming the jury
• The Philadelphia treason trials, 1778-1779 : trial and deliberation
• Resentment and betrayal, 1779-1781
• Peace, the constitution, and rebellion, 1781-1800
• Conclusion.

The Trials of Allegiance examines the law of treason during the American Revolution: a convulsive, violent civil war in which nearly everyone could be considered a traitor, either to Great Britain or to America. Drawing from extensive archival research in Pennsylvania, one of the main centers of the revolution, Carlton Larson provides the most comprehensive analysis yet of the treason prosecutions brought by Americans against British adherents: through committees of safety, military tribunals, and ordinary criminal trials. Although popular rhetoric against traitors was pervasive in Pennsylvania, jurors consistently viewed treason defendants not as incorrigibly evil, but as fellow Americans who had made a political mistake. This book explains the repeated and violently controversial pattern of acquittals. Juries were carefully selected in ways that benefited the defendants, and jurors refused to accept the death penalty as an appropriate punishment for treason. The American Revolution, unlike many others, would not be enforced with the gallows. More broadly, Larson explores how the Revolution's treason trials shaped American national identity and perceptions of national allegiance. He concludes with the adoption of the Treason Clause of the United States Constitution, which was immediately put to use in the early 1790s in response to the Whiskey Rebellion and Fries's Rebellion. In taking a fresh look at these formative events, The Trials of Allegiance reframes how we think about treason in American history, up to and including the present.
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• The labors of enslaved midwives in revolutionary Virginia / Sara Collini
• "Until liberty of importation is allowed": milliners and mantuamakers in the Chesapeake on the eve of revolution / Kaylan M. Stevenson
• Marketing medicine: apothecary Elizabeth Weed's economic independence during the American Revolution / Susan Hanket Brandt
• "She did not open her mouth further": Haudenosaunee women as military and political targets during and after the American Revolution / Maeve Kane
• "A lady of New Jersey": Annis Boudinot Stockton, patriot and poet in an age of revolution / Martha J. King
• "As if I had been a very great somebody": Martha Washington's revolution / Mary V. Thompson
• Women's politics, antislavery politics, and Phillis Wheatley's American Revolution / David Waldstreicher
• "What am I but an American?": Mary Willing Byrd and Westover Plantation during the American Revolution / Ami Pflugrad-Jackisch
• Intimate ties and the Boston Massacre / Serena R. Zabin
• Left behind: loyalist women in Philadelphia during the American Revolution / Kimberly Nath
• Deborah Logan's marriage, 1781-1824 / C. Dallett Hemphill.

Building on a quarter century of scholarship following the publication of the groundbreaking Women in the Age of the American Revolution, the engagingly written essays in this volume offer an updated answer to the question, What was life like for women in the era of the American Revolution? The contributors examine how women dealt with years of armed conflict and carried on their daily lives, exploring factors such as age, race, educational background, marital status, social class, and region. For patriot women the Revolution created opportunities-to market goods, find a new social status within the community, or gain power in the family. Those who remained loyal to the Crown, however, often saw their lives diminished-their property confiscated, their businesses failed, or their sense of security shattered. Some essays focus on individuals (Sarah Bache, Phillis Wheatley), while others address the impact of war on social or commercial interactions between men and women. Patriot women in occupied Boston fell in love with and married British soldiers; in Philadelphia women mobilized support for nonimportation; and in several major colonial cities wives took over the family business while their husbands fought. Together, these essays recover what the Revolution meant to and for women.
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• What are honor, virtue, and ethics and how did they influence the American revolution?
• The old world meets the new: colonial ethical ideals before the Revolution
• A shared identity: colonial colleges and the shaping of pre-revolutionary thought
• A matter of honor and a test of virtue: riots, boycotts, and resistance during the coming of the Revolution
• Maintaining moral superiority: how ethics defined the early war years
• From tension to victory: overcoming civilian and martial differences on honor and virtue during the later war years
• Expanding ethics: the democratization of honor and virtue in the new republic
• The counterrevolution in American ethics: reinterpretations of the next generations
• March 16, 1824.

The American Revolution was not only a revolution for liberty and freedom. It was also a revolution of ethics, reshaping what colonial Americans understood as ""honor"" and ""virtue."" As Craig Bruce Smith demonstrates, these concepts were crucial aspects of Revolutionary Americans' ideological break from Europe and shared by all ranks of society. Focusing his study primarily on prominent Americans who came of age before and during the Revolution-notably John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, and George Washington-Smith shows how a colonial ethical transformation caused and became inseparable from the American Revolution, creating an ethical ideology that still remains. By also interweaving individuals and groups that have historically been excluded from the discussion of honor-such as female thinkers, women patriots, slaves, and free African Americans-Smith makes a broad and significant argument about how the Revolutionary era witnessed a fundamental shift in ethical ideas. This thoughtful work sheds new light on a forgotten cause of the Revolution and on the ideological foundation of the United States.
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• Early years
• New Spain: fighting the Apache
• Learning to be an officer and tasting defeat
• Arrival in Louisiana and preparations for war
• Bernardo de Gálvez takes the initiative
• His finest hour: Pensacola, "I alone"
• Objectives: Jamaica, return to Europe, Cuba
• Viceroy of New Spain.

• Circulating the American Revolution: the Atlantic networks of Christian Jacob Hutter / Leonard von Morze
• Republicanism redefined: how the American Revolution transformed Dutch political culture / Wyger R.E. Velema
• French writers on the American Revolution in the early 1780s: a republican moment? / Carine Lounissi
• Political theology and the alternate enlightenment: from the War of the Three Kingdoms to the American Revolution / Ed Simon
• Charlotte Corday's gendered terror: femininity, violence, and domestic peace in Sarah Pogson's The female enthusiast / Miranda A. Green-Barteet
• Soldiers, politics, and the American Revolution in Ireland and Scotland / Matthew P. Dziennik
• Franklin's mail: gun trafficking and the elisions of history / Maria O'Malley
• "Stuck a bayonet into the grave & renew'd their oath": the American Revolution and the first fleet / Therese-Marie Meyer
• The tea not consumed: cultural and political meanings of the American Revolution in China, 1774-1912 / Jeng-Guo Chen
• "Walk upon water": Equiano and the globalizing subject / Denys Van Renen.

In Beyond 1776, ten humanities scholars consider the American Revolution within a global framework. The foundation of the United States was deeply enmeshed with shifting alliances and multiple actors, with politics saturated by imaginative literature, and with ostensible bilateral negotiations that were, in fact, shaped by speculation about realignments in geopolitical power. To reanimate these intricate and often indirect connections, this volume uncovers the influences of people across disparate sites both during and after independence. The book centers first on the migration of ideas across the Atlantic, particularly among intellectuals and through print. In this section, scholars focus on how various European countries or cliques appropriate the Revolution to reanimate an array of national, local, or cosmopolitan affiliations. The essays in the second section articulate how revolutions fostered surprising exchanges in, for example the West Indies and in the first penal colonies of Australia, along the Celtic fringe and Pacific Rim, and in the vast territories through which goods circulated. Taken as a whole, this collection answers the persistent calls from scholars to move beyond the boundaries defined by the nation-state or periodization to rethink narratives of U.S. foundations. The contributors examine a range of texts, from novels and drama to diplomatic correspondence, letters of common sailors, political treatises, newspapers, accounting ledgers, naval records, and burial rituals (many from non-Anglophone sources). Beyond 1776 will appeal to scholars seeking to understand contact and exchange in the late eighteenth century. It indexes how different intellectuals in the period deployed the Revolution as a point of connection; follows the dispersal of print books, guns, slaves, and memorabilia; and evaluates literary responses to the new republic. The book puts in conversation scholars of literature, theater, history, modern languages, American studies, political science, transatlanticism, cultural studies, women's studies, postcolonialism, and geography. Contributors: Jeng-Guo Chen, Academia Sinica, Taiwan; Matthew Dziennik, United States Naval Academy; Miranda Green-Barteet, University of Western Ontario; Carine Lounissi, Universite de Rouen-Normandie; Therese-Marie Meyer, Martin-Luther-University of Halle- Wittenberg; Maria O'Malley, University of Nebraska, Kearney; Denys Van Renen, University of Nebraska, Kearney; Ed Simon, Bentley University; Wyger Velema, University of Amsterdam; Leonard von Morze, University of Massachusetts, Boston.
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• Introduction: A lawyers' revolution
• "The worst instrument of arbitrary power"
• "The alienation of the affection of the colonies"
• "My dear countrymen rouse yourselves"
• "A right which nature has given to all men"
• "That these colonies are ... free and independent states"
• Conclusion: The legacy of the lawyers' American Revolution.

The Clamor of Lawyers explores a series of extended public pronouncements that British North American colonial lawyers crafted between 1761 and 1776. Most, though not all, were composed outside of the courtroom and detached from on-going litigation. While they have been studied as political theory, these writings and speeches are rarely viewed as the work of active lawyers, despite the fact that key protagonists in the story of American independence were members of the bar with extensive practices. The American Revolution was, in fact, a lawyers' revolution. Peter Charles Hoffer and Williamjames Hull Hoffer broaden our understanding of the role that lawyers played in framing and resolving the British imperial crisis. The revolutionary lawyers, including John Adams's idol James Otis, Jr., Pennsylvania's John Dickinson, and Virginians Thomas Jefferson and Patrick Henry, along with Adams and others, deployed the skills of their profession to further the public welfare in challenging times. They were the framers of the American Revolution and the governments that followed. Loyalist lawyers and lawyers for the crown also participated in this public discourse, but because they lost out in the end, their arguments are often slighted or ignored in popular accounts. This division within the colonial legal profession is central to understanding the American Republic that resulted from the Revolution.
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• Preface Introduction: A Lawyer's Revolution
• 1. "The Worst Instrument of Arbitrary Power"
• 2. "The Alienation of the Affection of the Colonies"
• 3. "My Dear Countrymen Rouse Yourselves"
• 4. "A Right Which Nature Has Given to All Men"
• 5. "That These Colonies Are...Free and Independent States" Conclusion: The Legacy of the Lawyers' American Revolution Notes A Note on Sources Index.
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The Clamor of Lawyers explores a series of extended public pronouncements that British North American colonial lawyers crafted between 1761 and 1776. Most, though not all, were composed outside of the courtroom and detached from on-going litigation. While they have been studied as political theory, these writings and speeches are rarely viewed as the work of active lawyers, despite the fact that key protagonists in the story of American independence were members of the bar with extensive practices. The American Revolution was, in fact, a lawyers' revolution. Peter Charles Hoffer and Williamjames Hull Hoffer broaden our understanding of the role that lawyers played in framing and resolving the British imperial crisis. The revolutionary lawyers, including John Adams's idol James Otis, Jr., Pennsylvania's John Dickinson, and Virginians Thomas Jefferson and Patrick Henry, along with Adams and others, deployed the skills of their profession to further the public welfare in challenging times. They were the framers of the American Revolution and the governments that followed. Loyalist lawyers and lawyers for the crown also participated in this public discourse, but because they lost out in the end, their arguments are often slighted or ignored in popular accounts. This division within the colonial legal profession is central to understanding the American Republic that resulted from the Revolution.
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• Introduction
• 1. Stalemate, 1779
• 2. Washington, Clinton, and their plans
• 3. Strategic considerations
• 4. Pause
• 5. The Gibraltar of America
• 6. Anthony Wayne and the creation of the light infantry corps
• 7. The plan to assault Stony Point
• 8. American attack
• 9. Aftermath
• Epilogue
• Appendix: Orders of battle.

During 1779, armies under the command of American General George Washington and British General Sir William Clinton were locked in a strategic stalemate. Washington's Continental forces were deployed around Middlebrook, in northern New Jersey, while Clinton's forces defended New York. The entry of the French into the war as American allies had shifted the strategic initiative and caused the British government to order Clinton to dispatch significant forces to the West Indies and southern colonies. The reduction in his available forces hampered Clinton's efforts to bring Washington to a decisive engagement. Hoping to lure Washington out of the protection of his strong defensive positions at Middlebrook, Clinton decided to launch an attack north from New York to threaten the important American supply routes that crossed the Hudson River at Kings Ferry. Clinton's attack was also intended to establish a base of operations that would allow an attack on the American fortress at West Point. In late June 1779 Clinton moved men and material into position for his thrust up the Hudson while Washington cautiously responded by moving his army north to positions intended to respond to the British advance. Clinton struck on 3 July 1779, capturing the strategic Kings Ferry crossing of the Hudson River along with American forts at Stony Point and Verplank's Point. Rather than react as Clinton had hoped, Washington remained safely deployed in the Watchung Mountains. Hoping to entice Washington to leave his sanctuary, Clinton ordered Major General William Tryon to attack American supply stockpiles and privateer bases in Connecticut. Despite burning Fairfield and New Haven, capturing or destroying large quantities of supplies and ships, Tyron's raid did nothing to entice Washington to respond. Although he had established a strong position at Stony Point, Clinton still lacked the resources to strike further up the Hudson at West Point without exposing New York City to a sudden attack by the Americans. The delay in the anticipated return of 5,000 men from the West Indies and expected reinforcements from England continued to flummox Clinton and after the return of Tyron's Connecticut raiding party Clinton returned to New York to consider his options. Washington had not been inactive throughout the period of the British attacks. Whilst anxious about maintaining communications between the New England states and the Middle Colonies across Kings Ferry, and protecting West Point, Washington also recognized the importance of protecting his Continental Army. He clearly understood Clinton's desire to engage the Americans at a disadvantage and was not deceived by Clinton's attempts to goad him into a precipitous action. At the same time Washington understood that the loss of Kings Ferry would create long term logistical problems for his army and that the British capture of West Point would have catastrophic impacts on American morale. Soon after the British capture of Stony Point Washington began to develop an audacious plan to recapture the strongpoint and restore American fortunes. After organizing an elite force of light infantry, Washington assigned command to Brigadier General Anthony Wayne. Washington and Wayne spent several days observing the British position at Stony Point and collecting intelligence on British defences. Washington proposed a night time assault and worked with Wayne to finalize plans for the attack. At midnight on 15 July, 1779 Wayne led 1,300 picked men against the British defenders of Stony Point. The British force included the 380 men of the 17th Foot and elements of the Loyal American provincial regiment and 71st Highlanders as well as Royal Artillery with 15 cannon deployed to defend the hilltop position. Attacking in two columns with unloaded muskets, the Americans used their bayonets to overwhelm the British defenders. In little over one hour the American light infantry captured Stony Point. 63 British defenders were killed, 61 wounded and 543 captured. American losses were 13 dead and 63 wounded. Wayne, although slightly wounded early in the assault, demanded to be carried in to the British positions and early on the morning of 16 July 1779 prepared a brief report for Washington detailing the American success. With news of the American victory Washington quickly rode to the fort to congratulate Wayne and his men. Recognizing that he had neither the troops nor the resources needed to defend Stony Point against an expected British counter attack Washington ordered all supplies and arms to be removed, prisoners marched into captivity and the fortifications destroyed. Although the British did successfully reoccupy Stony Point several days later, the Americans trumpeted their unexpected victory and a chagrined General Clinton concluded a further offensive up the Hudson River towards West Point would be pointless.
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"Before the world knew them as Alexander Hamilton and Elizabeth Schuyler, young Alex and Eliza fell in love amidst the turmoil of the American Revolution"-- Provided by publisher.

• A war of words
• Town and crown
• Smugglers and mobs
• Imperial spaces
• Settling in
• Provocations
• Uncertain outcomes
• Four trials
• Contested meanings
• A usable past
• Appendix. Eyewitness accounts.

On the night of March 5, 1770, British soldiers fired into a crowd gathered in front of Boston's Custom House, killing five people. Denounced as an act of unprovoked violence and villainy, the event that came to be known as the Boston Massacre is one of the most familiar incidents in American history, yet one of the least understood. Eric Hinderaker revisits this dramatic episode, examining in forensic detail the facts of that fateful night, the competing narratives that molded public perceptions at the time, and the long campaign afterward to transform the tragedy into a touchstone of American identity. When Parliament stationed two thousand British troops in Boston beginning in 1768, resentment spread rapidly among the populace. Steeped in traditions of self-government and famous for their Yankee independence, Bostonians were primed to resist the imposition. Living up to their reputation as Britain's most intransigent North American community, they refused compromise and increasingly interpreted their conflict with Britain as a matter of principle. Relations between Britain and the North American colonies deteriorated precipitously after the shooting at the Custom House, and it soon became the catalyzing incident that placed Boston in the vanguard of the Patriot movement. Fundamental uncertainties about the night's events cannot be resolved. But the larger significance of the Boston Massacre extends from the era of the American Revolution to our own time, when the use of violence in policing crowd behavior has once again become a pressing public issue.-- Provided by publisher.

• Cover; EUTAW SPRINGS; Title; Copyright; Dedication; Contents; List of Illustrations; Preface; Acknowledgments; Prologue; Chapter One
• Commanders and Personalities; Chapter Two
• The War in the Carolinas and the March to Eutaw Springs; Chapter Three
• First Encounters; Chapter Four
• The Battle Develops; Chapter Five
• British Resurgence; Chapter Six
• Aftermath; Epilogue; Appendix One
• Battlefield Archaeology, Preservation, and Tour; Appendix Two
• Unit Strengths and Losses, Officer Casualties, and the Return of the Army; Notes; Bibliography; Index.

The Battle of Eutaw Springs took place on September 8, 1781, and was among the last in the War of Independence. It was brutal in its combat and reprisals, with Continental and Whig militia fighting British regulars and Loyalist regiments. Although its outcome was seemingly inconclusive, the battle, fought near present-day Eutawville, South Carolina, contained all the elements that defined the war in the South. In Eutaw Springs: The Final Battle of the American Revolution's Southern Campaign, Robert M. Dunkerly and Irene B. Boland tell the story of this lesser known and under-studied battle of the Revolutionary War's Southern Campaign. Shrouded in myth and misconception, the battle has also been overshadowed by the surrender of Yorktown. Eutaw Springs represented lost opportunities for both armies. The American forces were desperate for a victory in 1781, and Gen. Nathanael Greene finally had the ground of his own choosing. British forces under Col. Alexander Stewart were equally determined to keep a solid grip on the territory they still held in the South Carolina lowcountry. In one of the bloodiest battles of the war, both armies sustained heavy casualties with each side losing nearly 20 percent of its soldiers. Neither side won the hard-fought battle, and controversies plagued both sides in the aftermath. Dunkerly and Boland analyze the engagement and its significance within the context of the war's closing months, study the area's geology and setting, and recount the action using primary sources, aided by recent archaeology.
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• Lake Champlain, Upper Hudson River, and lower Quebec
• Mohawk region
• The Wyoming and Wyalusing Campaigns
• New York's midwestern frontier
• Back in the Mohawk region.

"Following a disastrous campaign in 1777, the alliance between the Six Nations and the British Crown became seriously strained. Relations were made even more difficult by the hands-off stance of Quebec's governor, General Guy Carleton, which led to the Native leaders developing their own strategies and employing traditional tactics, leading to a ferocious series of attacks on the frontiers of Vermont, New York, and Pennsylvania, supported by Loyalist and Regular troops. Among these were two infamous actions, referred to as "massacres" by American historians--attacks on the Wyoming and Cherry Valleys. This destructive campaign prompted the Continental Congress to mount three major retributive expeditions against the territories of the Six Nations and their allies the following year. In Fire and Desolation, Gavin Watt details individual historical conflicts and illustrates the crushing tactical expertise of the Senecas and their American allies and provides a fresh perspective on Canada's involvement in the American Revolution and the unfolding events of 1778"-- Provided by publisher.

• Look around you
• Powerful ambitions, powerful friends
• War for North America
• The rise of George Washington
• "Because we are Americans"
• Winter soldier
• Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth
• The great man: Yorktown, Newburgh, and Annapolis
• "The destiny of unborn millions"
• "On untrodden ground": the first term
• The age of passion: the second term
• "The debt which all must pay."

"The only Washington biography you need."-Wall Street Journal As editor of the award-winning Library of America collection of George Washington's writings and a curator of the great man's original papers, John Rhodehamel has established himself as an authority of our nation's preeminent founding father. In this "crisply written, admirably concise, and never superficial" biography (Fergus M. Bordewich, Wall Street Journal) Rhodehamel examines George Washington as a public figure, arguing that the man-who first achieved fame in his early twenties-is inextricably bound to his mythic status. Solidly grounded in Washington's papers and exemplary in its brevity, this approachable biography is a superb introduction to the leader whose name has become synonymous with America.
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• Introduction: Enlightenment and religion between Scotland and America
• "A road to distinction very different from that of his more successful companions": Augustinian piety in Witherspoon's Scotland
• "Of local and temporary reformation, local and occasional depravation": Kirk divisions and American prospects at midcentury
• "The bulwark of the religion and liberty of America": Presbyterian revivalism and American higher education before Witherspoon
• "All the conclusions drawn from these principles must be vague": American moral philosophy after Witherspoon
• "When their fathers have fallen asleep": domestic culture, public virtue, and the power of language
• "Every one of them full of the old Cameronian resisting sentiments": piety, Anglo-Scottish union, and American independence
• "How far the magistrate ought to interfere in matters of religion": public faith and the ambiguity of political representation after 1776
• "The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man": John Witherspoon, James Madison, and the American Zion": Presbyterian moral philosophy and educational conflict during the nineteenth century.

In 1768, John Witherspoon, Presbyterian leader of the evangelicalPopular party faction in the Scottish Kirk, became the College of NewJersey's sixth president. At Princeton, he mentored constitutional architectJames Madison as a New Jersey delegate to the Continental Congress, hewas the only clergyman to sign the Declaration of Independence. AlthoughWitherspoon is often thought to be the chief conduit of moral sense philosophyin America, Mailer's comprehensive analysis of this founding father'swritings demonstrates the resilience of his evangelical beliefs. Witherspoon'sPresbyterian evangelicalism competed with, combined with, and even supersededthe civic influence of Scottish Enlightenment thought in the BritishAtlantic world. John Witherspoon's American Revolution examines the connectionbetween patriot discourse and long-standing debates-already central to the1707 Act of Union-about the relationship among piety, moral philosophy, and political unionism. In Witherspoon's mind, Americans became differentfrom other British subjects because more of them had been awakenedto the sin they shared with all people. Paradoxically, acute consciousness oftheir moral depravity legitimised their move to independence by making ita concerted moral action urged by the Holy Spirit. Mailer's exploration ofWitherspoon's thought and influence suggests that, for the founders in hiscircle, civic virtue rested on personal religious awakening.
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• Family pilgrimage
• Family, war, and order
• The backcountry militia
• Defending the new order, 1777-1779
• Liberty and virtue in a conquered land
• The "brave and valuable" Colonel Pickens : the Cowpens campaign
• The North Carolina campaign
• Fighting his way back home
• Ninety Six and Eutaw
• A state of alarm and confusion
• Rebuilding civil society
• General Pickens, Indian Treaty commissioner
• The struggle for peace
• The strong hand of government, 1789-1793
• War, peace, and corruption, 1793-1797
• Every thing that was possible for men of honor to do
• Retirement and looking back.

Andrew Pickens (1739-1817), the hard-fighting South Carolina militia commander of the American Revolution, was the hero of many victories against British and Loyalist forces. In this book, Rod Andrew Jr. offers an authoritative and comprehensive biography of Pickens the man, the general, the planter, and the diplomat. Andrew vividly depicts Pickens as he founds churches, acquires slaves, joins the Patriot cause, and struggles over Indian territorial boundaries on the southern frontier. Combining insights from military and social history, Andrew argues that while Pickens's actions consistently reaffirmed the authority of white men, he was also determined to help found the new republic based on broader principles of morality and justice.After the war, Pickens sought a peaceful and just relationship between his country and the southern Native American tribes and wrestled internally with the issue of slavery. Andrew suggests that Pickens's rise to prominence, his stern character, and his sense of duty highlight the egalitarian ideals of his generation as well as its moral shortcomings--all of which still influence Americans' understanding of themselves.
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• The British violate their terms and rule by edict
• A proud and haughty Scot takes command of Charleston
• A fierce and unrelenting soldier comes in from the field
• "I do not mean to desert the cause of America"
• The captor becomes the captive
• "The imminent and shocking doom of the most unfortunate Mr. Hayne"
• "We seriously lament the necessity of such a severe expedient"
• Rawdon's fantastic shipboard recollections
• "In South Carolina no one even knows where he is buried"
• A survey of the story of Isaac Hayne in art and literature.

In 1781 South Carolina patriot militiamen played an integral role in helping the Continental army reclaim their state from its British conquerors. Martyr of the American Revolution is the only book-length treatment that examines the events that set an American militia colonel on a disastrous collision course with two British officers, his execution in Charleston, and the repercussions that extended from the battle lines of South Carolina to the Continental Congress and across the Atlantic to the halls of British Parliament. On August 4, 1781, in Charleston, South Carolina, the British army hanged Col. Isaac Hayne for treason. Rather than a strict chronological retelling of the events, which led to his execution during the British occupation of Charleston, what is offered instead is a consideration of factors, independently set in motion that culminated in the demise of a loving father and devout patriot. Hayne was the most prominent American executed by the British for treason. He and his two principal antagonists, Lt. Col. Nisbet Balfour and Lt. Col. Francis Lord Rawdon, were unwittingly set on a collision course that climaxed in an act that sparked perhaps the most notable controversy of the war. Martyr of the American Revolution sheds light on why two professional soldiers were driven to commit a seemingly wrongheaded and arbitrary deed that halted prisoner exchange and nearly brought disastrous consequences to captive British officers. The death of a patriot in the cause of liberty was not a unique occurrence, but the unusually well-documented events surrounding the execution of Hayne and the involvement of his friends and family makes his story compelling and poignant. Unlike young Capt. Nathan Hale, who suffered a similar fate in 1776, Hayne did not become a folk hero. What began as local incident, however, became an international affair that was debated in Parliament and the Continental Congress.
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• Introduction : Enlightened empire?
• Britain's controversial empire
• Taxing America
• The Seven Years' War and the politics of empire
• The rise and fall of the Stamp Act
• Britain's authoritarian ascendancy
• Sons of Liberty, Sons of Licentiousness
• English blood by English hands
• Conclusion : Republican Empire.

A bold transatlantic history of American independence revealing that 1776 was about far more than taxation without representation Revolution Against Empire sets the story of American independence within a long and fierce clash over the political and economic future of the British Empire. Justin du Rivage traces this decades-long debate, which pitted neighbors and countrymen against one another, from the War of Austrian Succession to the end of the American Revolution. As people from Boston to Bengal grappled with the growing burdens of imperial rivalry and fantastically expensive warfare, some argued that austerity and new colonial revenue were urgently needed to rescue Britain from unsustainable taxes and debts. Others insisted that Britain ought to treat its colonies as relative equals and promote their prosperity. Drawing from archival research in the United States, Britain, and France, this book shows how disputes over taxation, public debt, and inequality sparked the American Revolution-and reshaped the British Empire.
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• Tory-hunting
• Britain's dilemma
• Rubicon
• Plundering protectors
• Violated bodies
• Slaughterhouses
• Black holes
• Skiver them!
• Town-destroyer
• Americanizing the war
• Man for man
• Returning losers.

"The American Revolution is often portrayed as an orderly, restrained rebellion, with brave patriots defending their noble ideals against an oppressive empire. It's a stirring narrative, and one the founders did their best to encourage after the war. But as historian Holger Hoock shows in this ... account of America's founding, the Revolution was not only a high-minded battle over principles, but also a profoundly violent civil war--one that shaped the nation, and the British Empire, in ways we have only begun to understand"-- Amazon.com.

• Contents
• Acknowledgements Introduction Chapter One: Esther: Imprudent and Impatient Love Chapter Two: Joseph: Love and Calculation Chapter Three: A Willful Girl Matures Chapter Four: Responsibilities and Schemes Chapter Five: Politics: Old World Patronage Chapter Six: Love Defeats Prudence Chapter Seven: Exiled Where Women "stooped like country girls." Chapter Eight: A New Political Identity: "They" becomes "We" Chapter Nine: "Unleash the Dogs of War" Chapter Ten: Politics: New World Democracy Chapter Eleven: America's Female Politician Chapter Twelve: Triumph and Tragedy Bibliographical Essay Notes Index.
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At the time of her death in 1780, British-born Esther DeBerdt Reed-a name few know today-was one of the most politically important women in Revolutionary America. Her treatise "The Sentiments of an American Woman" articulated the aspirations of female patriots, and the Ladies Association of Philadelphia, which she founded, taught generations of women how to translate their political responsibilities into action. DeBerdt Reed's social connections and political sophistication helped transform her husband, Joseph Reed, from a military leader into the president of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, a position analogous to the modern office of governor. DeBerdt Reed's life yields remarkable insight into the scope of women's political influence in an age ruled by the strict social norms structured by religion and motherhood. The story of her courtship, marriage, and political career sheds light both on the private and political lives of women during the Revolution and on how society, religion, and gender interacted as a new nation struggled to build its own identity. Engaging, comprehensive, and built on primary source material that allows DeBerdt Reed's own voice to shine, Owen Ireland's expertly researched biography rightly places her in a prominent position in the pantheon of our founders, both female and male.
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"As the Revolutionary War rages on, Isabel and Curzon are reported as runaways, and the awful Bellingham is determined to track them down. With purpose and faith, Isabel and Curzon march on, fiercely determined to find Isabel's little sister Ruth, who is enslaved in a Southern state"-- Provided by publisher.

• Introduction: As well as I can recollect
• Answer the purpose
• A strong desire to enlist
• My father caused me to enlist
• He took his father's place
• Fellow citizens.

Between 1819 and 1845, as veterans of the Revolutionary War were filing applications to receive pensions for their service, the government was surprised to learn that many of the soldiers were not men, but boys, many of whom were under the age of sixteen, and some even as young as nine. In Boy Soldiers of the American Revolution, Caroline Cox reconstructs the lives and stories of this young subset of early American soldiers, focusing on how these boys came to join the army and what they actually did in service. Giving us a rich and unique glimpse into colonial childhood, Cox traces the evolution of youth in American culture in the late eighteenth century, as the accepted age for children to participate meaningfully in society-not only in the military-was rising dramatically.Drawing creatively on sources, such as diaries, letters, and memoirs, Caroline Cox offers a vivid account of what life was like for these boys both on and off the battlefield, telling the story of a generation of soldiers caught between old and new notions of boyhood.
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• "A work of difficulty": communication networks, newspapers, and the common cause
• Interlude: the "shot heard 'round the world" revisited
• "Britain has found means to unite us": 1775
• Merciless savages, domestic insurrectionists, and foreign mercenaries: independence
• "By the American Revolution you are now free": sticking together in trying times
• "It is the cause of heaven against hell": to the Carlisle Commission, 1777-1778
• Interlude: Franklin and Lafayette's "Little book"
• "A striking picture of barbarity": Wyoming to the disaster at Savannah, 1778-1779
• "This class of Britain's heroes": From the fall of Charleston to Yorktown
• "The substance is truth": after Yorktown, 1782-1783
• "New provocations": The political and cultural consequences of revolutionary war stories.

"In this pathbreaking book, Robert Parkinson argues that to unify the patriot side, political and communications leaders linked British tyranny to colonial prejudices, stereotypes, and fears about insurrectionary slaves and violent Indians. Manipulating newspaper networks, Washington, Jefferson, Adams, Franklin, and their fellow agitators broadcast stories of British agents inciting African Americans and Indians to take up arms against the American rebellion. Using rhetoric like "domestic insurrectionists" and "merciless savages, " the founding fathers rallied the people around a common enemy and made racial prejudice a cornerstone of the new Republic"-- Provided by publisher.

• The American revolution: South Carolina's first civil war
• 1782: the new state government confronts its loyalists
• Hope for reconciliation: how loyalists built their case for reintegration
• Uneasy neighbors to trusted friends: how loyalists and their allies built reconciliation
• (Mis)remembering the founding moment: we are all patriots now
• Epilogue: a walk through historic Charleston.

The American Revolution was a vicious civil war fought between families and neighbors. Nowhere was this truer than in South Carolina. Yet, after the Revolution, South Carolina's victorious Patriots offered vanquished Loyalists a prompt and generous legal and social reintegration. From Revolution to Reunion investigates the way in which South Carolinians, Patriot and Loyalist, managed to reconcile their bitter differences and reunite to heal South Carolina and create a stable foundation for the new United States to become a political and economic leader. Rebecca Brannon considers rituals and emotions, as well as historical memory, to produce a complex and nuanced interpretation of the reconciliation process in post-Revolutionary South Carolina, detailing how Loyalists and Patriots worked together to heal their society. She frames the process in a larger historical context by comparing South Carolina's experience with that of other states. Brannon highlights how Loyalists apologized but also went out of their way to serve their neighbors and to make themselves useful, even vital, members of the new experiment in self-government and liberty ushered in by the Revolution. Loyalists built on existing social ties to establish themselves in the new Republic, and they did it successfully. By 1784 the state government reinstated almost all the Loyalists who had stayed, as the majority of Loyalists had reinscribed themselves into the postwar nation. Brannon argues that South Carolinians went on to manipulate the way they talked about Loyalism in public to guarantee that memories would not be allowed to disturb the peaceful reconciliation they had created. South Carolinians succeeded in creating a generous and lasting reconciliation between former enemies, but in the process they unfortunately downplayed the dangers of civil war-which may have made it easier for South Carolinians to choose another civil war.
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• V. 1. 1764-1772
• v. 2. 1773-1776.

"From more than a thousand pamphlets published on both sides of the Atlantic during the period [of 1764-1776], acclaimed historian Gordon S. Wood has selected thirty-nine of the most influential and emblematic to reveal as never before how this momentous revolution unfolded. Here, in the first volume of a two-volume set, are nineteen works from the trans-Atlantic debate triggered by Parliament's imposition of new taxes and regulations designed to reform the empire. What begins as a controversy about the origin and function of colonies ... quickly becomes a deeper dispute about the nature of political liberty itself"-- Jacket flap.

• Introduction / Patrick Griffin
• "The constant snare of the fear of man": authority and violence in the eighteenth-century British Atlantic / Andrew Cayton
• Destroying and reforming Canaan: making America British / Patrick Griffin
• "Not by force or violence": religious violence, anti-Catholicism, and the rights of conscience in the early national United States / Chris Beneke
• Government without arms; arms without government: the case of Pennsylvania / Jessica Choppin Roney
• Stamps and popes: rethinking the role of violence in the coming of the American Revolution / Peter C. Messer
• Social death and slavery : the logic of political association and the logic of chattel slavery in revolutionary America / Peter Thompson
• Violence and the limits of the political community in revolutionary Pennsylvania / Kenneth Owen
• Whiskey chaser: democracy and violence in the debate over the democratic-republican societies and the Whiskey Rebellion / Jeffrey L. Pasley
• Escaping insecurity: the American founding and the control of violence / David C. Hendrickson
• American Hercules: militant sovereignty and violence in the democratic-republican imagination, 1793-1795 / Matthew Rainbow Hale
• The Battle of Fallen Timbers: an assertion of U.S. sovereignty in the Atlantic world along the banks of the Maumee River / John C. Kotruch
• Epilogue / Peter Onuf.

Between Sovereignty and Anarchy considers the conceptual and political problem of violence in the early modern Anglo-Atlantic, charting an innovative approach to the history of the American Revolution. Its editors and contributors contend that existing scholarship on the Revolution largely ignores questions of power and downplays the Revolution as a contest over sovereignty. Contributors employ a variety of methodologies to examine diverse themes, ranging from how Atlantic perspectives can redefine our understanding of revolutionary origins; to the ways in which political culture, mobilization, and civil-war-like violence were part of the revolutionary process; to the fundamental importance of state formation for the history of the early republic. The editors skillfully meld these emerging currents together to produce a new perspective on the American Revolution, revealing how America-first as colonies, then as united states-reeled between poles of anarchy and sovereignty. This interpretation-gleaned from essays on frontier bloodshed, religion, civility, slavery, loyalism, mobilization, early national political culture, and warmaking-provides a needed stimulus to a field that has not strayed beyond the bounds of ""rhetoric versus reality"" for more than a generation. Between Sovereignty and Anarchy raises foundational questions about how we are to view the American Revolution and the type of experimental democracy that emerged in its wake.
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• A perfect purgatory: recruitment in the Scottish highlands
• Spirited martialists: the highlander as military laborer
• The same as other civilized people: colonial points of contact
• The blessing of peace: demobilization
• Land and interest in the Gaelic Atlantic world
• The soldier and highland culture.

More than 12,000 soldiers from the Highlands of Scotland were recruited to serve in Great Britain's colonies in the Americas in the middle to the late decades of the eighteenth century. In this compelling history, Matthew P. Dziennik corrects the mythologized image of the Highland soldier as a noble savage, a primitive if courageous relic of clanship, revealing instead how the Gaels used their military service to further their own interests and, in doing so, transformed the most maligned region of the British Isles into an important center of the British Empire.
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• Contents
• List of Illustrations ix
• Acknowledgments xi
• Introduction 1
• 1 Truths That Are Not Self-Evident: The Revolution in Political Speech 17
• 2 We Have Not Yet Begun to Write: Historians and Founders Chic 49
• 3 We the Tourists: The Revolution at Museums and Historical Sites 85
• 4 Give Me Liberty's Kids: How the Revolution Has Been Televised and Filmed 125
• 5 To Re-create a More Perfect Union: Originalism, the Tea Party, and Reenactors 165
• Conclusion 201
• Further Readings 213
• Index 237
• About the Author 253.
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Explores how politicians, screenwriters, activists, biographers, jurists, museum professionals, and reenactors portray the American Revolution. TheAmerican Revolution is all around us. It is pictured as big as billboards andas small as postage stamps, evoked in political campaigns and car advertising campaigns, relived in museums and revised in computer games. As the nation's foundingmoment, the American Revolution serves as a source of powerful founding myths, and remains the most accessible and most contested event in U.S. history: morethan any other, it stands as a proxy for how Americans perceive the nation'saspirations. Americans' increased fascination with the Revolution over the pasttwo decades represents more than interest in the past. It's also a site to workout the present, and the future. Whatare we using the Revolution to debate? In Fightingover the Founders, Andrew M. Schocket explores how politicians, screenwriters, activists, biographers, jurists, museum professionals, andreenactors portray the American Revolution. Identifying competing"essentialist" and "organicist" interpretations of the American Revolution, Schocket shows how today's memories of the American Revolution revealAmericans' conflicted ideas about class, about race, and about gender-as wellas the nature of history itself. Fighting over the Founders plumbsour views of the past and the present, and illuminates our ideas of what UnitedStates means to its citizens in the new millennium.
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• Introduction: The disappearance of the loyalists
• The DePeyster tradition
• Canadian exile
• Sibling relations
• Building a fortune
• Preparing the next generation
• Continuing the tradition
• Conclusion
• Appendix A: DePeyster genealogy 1
• Appendix B: DePeyster genealogy 2
• Appendix C: DePeyster genealogy 3
• Appendix D: DePeyster genealogy 4
• Appendix E: DePeyster genealogy 5.

"Challenges the traditional perception that Loyalists were ostracized as traitors to the United States, after the American Revolution. The DePeyster family of New York was one of the first families of New Amsterdam, ranking among the wealthiest of New York during the early days of the American Republic. The DePeysters were also unapologetic Loyalists, serving in the King's forces during the American Revolution. After the war, the four sons left the United States for Canada and Great Britain. Ten years later, one son, Frederick DePeyster, returned to New York, embraced his Loyalist past, and utilized his British connections to become a prominent and successful merchant. The DePeysters went on to become true patriots, zealously supporting US interests in the War of 1812. This book examines the forces at work in the lives of the DePeyster family and the decisions they made to navigate their way from loyal subjects of the British crown to loyal citizens of the United States. How this transformation occurred challenges many of the preconceived ideas we hold both about the Revolution and the formation of the American identity in the years following the war"--Publisher's website.

On August 16, 1824, an elderly French gentlemen sailed into New York Harbor and giddy Americans were there to welcome him. Or, rather, to welcome him back. It had been 30 years since the Revolutionary War hero the Marquis de Lafayette had last set foot in the United States, and he was so beloved that 80,000 people showed up to cheer for him. The entire population of New York at the time was 120,000. Lafayette's arrival in 1824 coincided with one of the most contentious presidential elections in American history. Congress had just fought its first epic battle over slavery, and the threat of a Civil War loomed. But Lafayette, belonging to neither North nor South, to no political party or faction, was a walking, talking reminder of the sacrifices and bravery of the revolutionary generation and what they wanted the country to be. His return was not just a reunion with his beloved Americans, it was a reunion for Americans with their own astonishing singular past.