• How have presidents addressed race since 1964?
• We're one America : racial rhetoric in Lyndon Johnson's 1964 campaign and Richard Nixon's 1972 campaign
• Back to basic values : Ronald Reagan's 1984 campaign and George H.W. Bush's 1988 campaign
• One America redux : Clinton's 1996 campaign
• New strategies for the right? : George W. Bush's 2004 campaign
• An old message to reach new groups : Obama's 2012 campaign
• Strategy, rhetoric, and the future : does it matter what presidents say about race and ethnicity?
• Epilogue : Trump.

• Préface / Jean-Pierre Chevènement
• Biographie, Jean-Pierre Chevènement, parcours d'un homme d'Etat
• Figures tutélaires et récit national
• Michelet et Jaurès, et la centralité de la Révolution française dans notre histoire
• Notre XIXe siècle à travers La Débâcle de Zola
• 1914 : la matrice et l'énigme de notre histoire
• Versailles cent ans après
• Le tragique isolement de la France après 1918
• De Gaulle : contre le choix de la défaite, le "parti de l'Histoire de France"
• Modernité de Clemenceau
• Sous la figure tutélaire de Pierre Mendès France; la foi républicaine de Claude Nicolet
• François Mitterrand : il était
• Engagements de jeunesse
• Mes sources
• Feu sur l'Énarchie
• Années 1960 : à l'Ouest, du nouveau
• Le pari d'Épinay : pouvait-on relever la France à travers l'union de la gauche ?
• Les impasses de la gauche
• Le mythe de l'union de la gauche revisité
• La gauche perd la bataille qu'elle n'a pas livrée
• 1983-1989 - Bruxelles-Paris : le chemin le plus court pour la normalisation libérale
• 1989-1995 : le pari pascalien de François Mitterrand
• 1983-2010 : le temps des petites ambitions et des seconds couteaux
• "Au-dessus de la droite, au-dessus de la gauche telles qu'elles sont devenues : il y a la République"
• La république et la nation
• Finis Franciae ?
• Deux conceptions de la nation
• La nation républicaine : articulation du particulier et de l'universel
• La nation, brique de base de l'internationalisme
• Pourquoi la France " ne doit pas 'disparaître
• Europe, nation et sentiment d'appartenance
• L'état républicain et le citoyen
• Rousseau, père du républicanisme, civique
• Faire des citoyens
• Le défi migratoire : métissage accepté, citoyenneté maintenue
• L'État républicain
• Pour une décentralisation républicaine
• La montée, des communautarismes
• Laïcité et citoyenneté
• Continuer à "faire France"
• Un exemple de déconstruction républicaine : 2±-la Corse, au miroir de la France
• Regard sur la souveraineté
• Du fordisme au capitalisme financier mondialisé, le rôle de l'état stratège industriel
• La relance de l'effort de recherche et de développement
• L'échec du projet industrialiste (1982-1983)
• En trois décennies, la mutation du vieux bonhomme capitaliste
• Le second décrochage industriel français
• Un État stratège industriel nécessaire
• Transmettre
• Au ministère de l'Education nationale, relever l'Ecole républicaine
• D'abord régler"la querelle public/privé"
• Le retour aux fondamentaux de l'École républicaine
• L'École, fer de, lance de la modernisation
• L'Ecole au défi, de l'intégration
• Transmettre ou disparaître
• La fin du communisme et le renversement du monde
• Au temps de la perestroïka
• Le suicide du Centre
• L'Union soviétique et le destin du siècle
• Retour à Marx et à la Belle Époque
• Regard rétrospectif sur le bicentenaire (1989)
• La guerre du golfe, mère de toutes les batailles
• La guerre du Golfe, leçon inaugurale du nouvel ordre mondial
• Récit de voyage : Le Vert et le Noir
• Partie X L'état stratège et la défense de la France
• Politique étrangère et intérêt national

• Sur la dissuasion
• L'évolution de la posture de défense de la guerre froide aux interventions extérieures
• Les interventions extérieures
• L'empire américain et nous de l'atlantisme à l'occidentalisme
• Le choc du 11-Septembre
• Les États-Unis et le reste du monde
• L'Amérique, destination manifeste ? (2004)
• L'Euramérique, une nouvelle et grande Cacanie (sur un livre d'Ulrich Beck)
• L'avenir des relations germano-américaines
• L'extraterritorialité du droit américain
• Chaos mondial et islamisme radical
• La globalisation
• La globalisation, mère du chaos mondial
• Quel est le sens des "révolutions arabes" ?
• Face à la radicalisation
• Un ressentiment venu de loin
• La panne de l'intégration républicaine et la crise du modèle républicain civique
• Le défi de l'islam de France
• La montée des émergents et de la Chine
• Avant-propos, Sur la notion, d'émergence
• La première mondialisation, laboratoire de la seconde ?
• Entre les Etats-Unis et la Chine, la question de l'hegemon au XXe siècle
• Cinquante ans après le rétablissement des relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Chine
• La montée dé l'Inde
• Une forme particulière d'émergence le Pakistan et l'arme nucléaire
• La Chine vue de l'Inde
• L'Asie du Sud-Est entre la Chine et les États-Unis
• Entre les États-Unis de Donald Trump et la Chine, y a-t-il place pour un gaullisme européen ?
• L'Europe peut-elle être redressée ?
• Le lourd passif génétique de la construction européenne
• Le combat de Maastricht (1992)
• L'Europe piégée
• Pour une Europe des nations républicaine
• Changer de cap : de la souveraineté populaire à l'Europe européenne
• Repenser le modèle de développement européen
• France-Allemagne, deux nations en miroir
• Question de méthode
• 1945 année zéro : le traumatisme allemand
• La signification de la seconde unification (1990)
• 1990-2010 : le retour de l'Allemagne au premier plan de la scène européenne au début du XXe siècle
• France-Allemagne : les miroirs déformants
• Les dilemmes de l'Allemagne d'aujourd'hui
• L'Europe, de l'atlantique à la Russie
• 2005 : aider la Russie à aller dans le sens où elle déclare vouloir aller
• La crise ukrainienne ne doit pas faire oublier les fondamentaux de la relation franco-russe
• mai 2014 : entretien avec Vladimir Poutine à Sotchi
• Vingt-cinq ans après la chute du Mur
• Organiser la "résilience" de l'Europe et de la Russie au XXIe siècle
• Le partenariat avec la Russie, clé de la sécurité européenne
• En guise de conclusion : Entre Trump et Merkel, recalibrer la politique de la France.

"Jean-Pierre Chevènement jouit dans l'opinion d'une estime qui dépasse tous les clivages. On reconnaît à son caractère et à sa pensée une force et une cohérence qui lui valent respect et admiration. Ses livres sont inspirés par sa connaissance de la société française et par une vision de notre histoire en relation avec celle des autres peuples. Ce volume illustre les moments forts de son expression publique, tout au long d'un demi-siècle de vie politique, et regroupe les grands thèmes qui donnent sens à son engagement : la Nation et la République, l'État et le citoyen, l'Europe et la relation franco-allemande, le défi de l'islam radical... Le lecteur pourra ainsi apprécier l'évolution de la pensée de Jean-Pierre Chevènement et sa continuité depuis qu'adolescent il s'est irrésistiblement senti attiré par la politique. Son sens, pour lui, n'a jamais changé : c'était l'Histoire en train de se faire, et pas n'importe quelle histoire, celle de la France. On ne naît pas impunément en 1939. C'est de la brûlure suscitée par une défaite sans précédent qu'est née sa "passion" de la France, au sens premier du terme : une souffrance naturellement sublimée. Jean-Pierre Chevènement revient ici sur cinquante ans d'engagement politique inspiré par l'idée d'une République de justice et d'exigence. Il évoque son admiration pour Charles de Gaulle, ses relations complexes avec François Mitterrand, ses combats, au sein et en dehors du Parti socialiste, une fois reconnues "les impasses de la gauche", jusqu'à l'élection d'Emmanuel Macron, dont il fournit ici une subtile analyse. En un temps de grande incertitude, en France comme dans le monde, cet ouvrage offre à nos dirigeants comme à chaque citoyen le solide ancrage d'une conception républicaine de la nation, à la fois rempart contre l'extrémisme et tremplin d'une refondation."--Page 4 of cover.

• Contents AcknowledgmentsIntroduction
• 1: The Unhappy Country
• 2: The Lehman Shock
• 3: The Seiji Shokku4: The Senkaku Shokku5: Higashi Nihon Daishinsai, the Great Eastern Japan Disaster6: Abe Shinzo's Triumphant Return7: Peak Japan IndexAbout the Author.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The post-Cold War era has been difficult for Japan. A country once heralded for evolving a superior form of capitalism and seemingly ready to surpass the United States as the world's largest economy lost its way in the early 1990s. The bursting of the bubble in 1991 ushered in a period of political and economic uncertainty that has lasted for over two decades. There were hopes that the triple catastrophe of March 11, 2011--a massive earthquake, tsunami, and accident at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant--would break Japan out of its torpor and spur the country to embrace change that would restart the growth and optimism of the go-go years. But several years later, Japan is still waiting for needed transformation, and Brad Glosserman concludes that the fact that even disaster has not spurred radical enough reform reveals something about Japan's political system and Japanese society. Glosserman explains why Japan has not and will not change, concluding that Japanese horizons are shrinking and that the Japanese public has given up the bold ambitions of previous generations and its current leadership. This is a critical insight into contemporary Japan and one that should shape our thinking about this vital country.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Quel modèle économique pour la Pologne après 1989 ?
• La mutation néolibérale de la Pologne après 1989
• Retour sur un choc thérapeutique
• Entre deux utopies : le marxisme et le libéralisme en Pologne
• La Pologne vingt ans en avance sur l'Occident
• La culture polonaise à l'épreuve du néolibéralisme
• Les mécanismes persuasifs dans le discours des médias néolibéraux
• Après la tempête - une évolution culturelle du pays qui a flirté avec le libéralisme
• Littérature et art polonais face à la pensée et à la réalité néolibérale.

"L'année 1989 marque la fin du "socialisme réel" en Pologne et dans la plupart des pays d'Europe centrale, ainsi que le début de leur mutation capitaliste. Les articles réunis dans ce volume, fruit d'une journée d'étude organisée à Nancy, le 10 avril 2018 par le Centre de recherche sur les cultures et littératures européennes (CERCLE - EA 4372) portent sur le modèle néolibéral, qui a été adopté en Pologne après 1989. L'étude de textes économiques, journalistiques, mais aussi littéraires et philosophiques amène les auteurs à réfléchir non seulement sur les choix économiques effectués après la chute du communisme en Pologne, mais encore à analyser leurs conséquences et à formuler les propositions qui visent à faire évoluer la situation sociale du pays qui fait partie de l'Union européenne en crise. Les chercheurs français et polonais représentent des approches et des opinions différentes ce qui augmente, d'ailleurs, l'intérêt de l'ouvrage dont le but est de poursuivre le dialogue entamé depuis longtemps dans les pays ex-communistes sur le néolibéralisme, la mondialisation et leurs limites."--Page 4 of cover.

• Part One: Unexpected Victory
• 1. From the Truman Doctrine to the Second Superpower Detente: The Rise and Fall of the Cold War
• 2. Why did we get the end of the Cold War wrong?
• 3. His Finest Hour?' George Bush and the Diplomacy of German Unification
• 4. Another Transatlantic Split? American and European Narratives and the End of the Cold War Part Two: After the Fall
• 5. Learning from history? From Soviet collapse to the `new' Cold War
• 6. Not just `convenient': China and Russia's new strategic partnership in the age of geopolitics Part Three: Crisis in the West?
• 7. Power shifts, Economic Change and the Decline of the West
• 8. Beyond the West: Terrors in Transatlantia
• 9. Still the American Empire
• 10. Europe - Still between the Superpowers
• 11. The Rise of Populism and the Crisis of Globalization: Brexit, Trump and Beyond.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book by a leading scholar of international relations examines the origins of the new world disorder - the resurgence of Russia, the rise of populism in the West, deep tensions in the Atlantic alliance, and the new strategic partnership between China and Russia - and asks why so many assumptions about how the world might look after the Cold War - liberal, democratic and increasingly global - have proven to be so wrong. To explain this, Michael Cox goes back to the moment of disintegration and examines what the Cold War was about, why the Cold War ended, why the experts failed to predict it, and how different writers and policy-makers (and not just western ones) have viewed the tumultuous period between 1989 when the liberal order seemed on top of the world through to the current period when confidence in the western project seems to have disappeared almost completely.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This landmark global study makes us rethink what happened when the Cold War ended and our present era was born. The world changed dramatically as the Berlin Wall fell and protest turned to massacre in Tiananmen Square. Now, with deft analysis and a wealth of newly declassified archival sources, historian Kristina Spohr offers a bold and novel interpretation of the revolutionary upheaval of 1989 and, how in its aftermath, a new world order was forged without major conflict. The Post-Wall world, Spohr argues, was brought about in significant measure through the determined diplomacy of a small cohort of international leaders. They engaged in tough but cooperative negotiation and worked together to reinvent the institutions of the Cold War. Exploring this extraordinary historical moment, Spohr offers a major reappraisal of US President George H. W. Bush and innovative assessments of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, and President Francois Mitterrand of France. But the transformation of Europe must be understood in global context. Spohr elegantly weaves together the Western and Asian timelines to revelatory effect, by contrasting events in Berlin and Moscow with the story in Beijing, where the pro-democracy movement was brutally suppressed by Deng Xiaoping. Post Square, he pushed through China's very different Communist reinvention. Meticulously researched and brilliantly original, Post Wall, Post Square provides an authoritative contemporary history of those crucial hinge years of 1989-1992 and their implications for our times. The world of Putin, Trump and Xi, with a fractious European Union, rogue states and the crisis of mass migration has its roots in the global exit from the Cold War.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Chapter 1: The Strategic-Tactical Gap in U.S. Grand Strategy
• Chapter 2: Toward a Framework for Foreign-Policy Evaluation
• Chapter 3: Historical Progenitors of Preponderance and the OPM Model
• Chapter 4: The Strategic-Tactical Gap of the Vietnam War
• Chapter 5: The Iraq War: FPDM Prisms and the Man Behind the Curtain
• Chapter 6: The Infinite Multidimensionality of Foreign-Policy Evaluation.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Preponderance in U.S. Foreign Policy: Monster in the Closet identifies and explains the factors contributing to the presence and severity of blunders, or gross errors in strategic judgment resulting in significant harm to the national interest, in U.S. foreign policy since 1945. It contends that when U.S. policymakers overestimate the capacity of American power to transform the politics of other states, the likelihood of a foreign policy resulting in a blunder increases. It concomitantly contends that the prevailing grand strategy of American preponderance since the Second World War precipitates the frequency and severity of foreign-policy blunders. The dissertation pursues four original lines of research: (1) the presentation of a sui generis framework for foreign-policy evaluation; (2) the new delineation of the concept and classification of the foreign-policy blunder; (3) the gathering of empirical data with regard to the decision-making of policymakers and the results of two corresponding foreign-policy blunders, the Vietnam War and the Iraq War; and (4) the demonstration of the two contentions within the overarching research question of what factors contribute to the presence and severity of blunders in modern U.S. foreign policy. The book presents a theoretical model examining and explaining the cultural and ideational connections between the pursuit of the grand strategy of American preponderance, decision-making in U.S. foreign policy, and blunders in modern U.S. foreign policy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Chapter 1U.S. Military Intervention in The Post-Cold War Era Chapter 2Bush I: Persian Gulf War-Go Chapter 3Bush I: Bosnia-No-Go Chapter 4Clinton: Rwanda-No-Go
• Chapter 5 Clinton: Kosovo-Go
• Chapter 6 Bush II: Iraq-Go
• Chapter 7 Bush II: Iran-No-Go Chapter 8Obama: Libya-Go Chapter 9Obama: Syria-No-Go Chapter 10Military Intervention & Presidential Decision Making.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Despite the end of the Cold War, the frequency of U.S. military intervention has increased. While military intervention accelerated after 9/11, increasing intervention was demonstrably evident well before 2001. Presidential Decision Making and Military Intervention in the Post-Cold War Era: Go or No-Go analyzes presidential decision making regarding military intervention through a focused, structured comparison of "go" and "no-go" decisions from the four successive administrations of Presidents George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama. Dennis Ricci explores competing explanations for why a presidential administration will decide to intervene in one situation and not in another. Since both the situations and decision makers vary across cases, Ricci analyzes explanations for intervention by asking: Why intervene? Why use force or not? Under what conditions or circumstances are intervention decisions made?
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Chapter 1: Introduction: The Reagan Administration and Democracy Promotion-- Robert Pee and William Michael Schmidli.- Part I: Ideology, Strategy, and Institutional Change in the Shift towards Democracy Promotion.-
• Chapter 2: "A Positive Track of Human Rights Policy": Elliott Abrams, the Human Rights Bureau, and the Conceptualization of Democracy Promotion, 1981-1984-- Rasmus Sinding Sondergaard.-
• Chapter 3: The Rise of Political Aid: The National Endowment for Democracy and the Reagan Administration's Cold War strategy-- Robert Pee.-
• Chapter 4: Recreating the Cold War Consensus: Democracy Promotion and the Crisis of American Hegemony-- William Michael Schmidli.- Part II: U.S. Democracy Promotion and the Soviet Empire.-
• Chapter 5: The Reagan Administration's Efforts to Promote Human Rights and Democracy in the Soviet Union-- Christian Peterson.-
• Chapter 6: The Autonomy of Solidarity-- Gregory F. Domber.-
• Chapter 7: Neoliberalism and Democracy Promotion: Hernando de Soto and U.S. Foreign Policy-- Kate Geoghegan.- Part III: Democracy Promotion and the Third World.-
• Chapter 8: U.S. Electoral Assistance to El Salvador and the Culture of Politics, 1982-1984-- Evan D. McCormick.-
• Chapter 9: Reagan and the Waning Years of Uruguay's Military Rule: Democracy Promotion and the Redefinition of Human Rights-- Debbie Sharnak.-
• Chapter 10: The Pivot: Neoconservatives, the Philippines, and the Democracy Agenda-- Mattias Fibiger.-
• Chapter 11: Stable Imperatives, Shifting Strategies: Reagan and Democracy Promotion in the Republic of Korea-- Clint Work.- Part IV: Legacy.-
• Chapter 12: `"The Most Deeply Honorable Form of Government Ever Devised by Man:' Reagan, Human Rights, and Democracy"-- Joe Renouard.-
• Chapter 13: Conclusion-- Robert Pee and William Michael Schmidli.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book posits that democracy promotion played a key role in the Reagan administration's Cold War foreign policy. It analyzes the democracy initiatives launched under Reagan and the role of administration officials, neoconservatives and non-state actors, such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), in shaping a new model of democracy promotion, characterized by aid to foreign political movements and the spread of neoliberal economics. The book discusses the ideological, strategic and organizational aspects of U.S. democracy promotion in the 1980s, then analyzes case studies of democracy promotion in the Soviet bloc and in U.S.-allied dictatorships in Latin America and East Asia, and, finally, reflects on the legacy of Reagan's democracy promotion and its influence on Clinton, Bush and Obama. Based on new research and archival documents, this book shows that the development of democracy promotion under Reagan laid the foundations for US post-Cold War foreign policy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction
• 2. Sanctuary in Lichen: practices and aspirations of the Polish church community
• 3. Woodstock Station summer music festival: practices of responsibility
• 4. National internet pro-voting campaigns and local watchdog websites: practices of civil society through the internet
• 5. Conclusion: ordinary celebrations, or interpreting the new Polish social imaginary.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Harnessing a cultural sociological approach to explore transformations in key social spheres in post-1989 Poland, Chmielewska-Szlajfer illuminates shifts in religiosity, sympathy towards others, and civic activity in post-Communist Poland in the light of Western influence over elements of Polish life. Reshaping Poland's Community after Communism focuses on three major cases, largely ignored in Polish scholarship: (1) a hugely popular, faux-baroque Catholic shrine, which illustrates new strategies adopted by the Polish Catholic Church to attract believers; (2) Woodstock Station, a widely known free charity music festival, demonstrating new practices of sympathy towards strangers; and (3) the emergence of national internet pro-voting campaigns and small-town watchdog websites, which uncover changes in practical uses of civic engagement. In exploring grass-roots, everyday negotiations of religiosity, charity, and civic engagement in contemporary Poland, Chmielewska-Szlajfer demonstrates how a country's cultural changes can suggest wider, dramatic democratic transformation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Foreword
• List of Abbreviations
• Introduction
• Aim and Envisioned Contribution
• Structure
• Concepts and Methodology : Strategic Culture in Terms of Components, Subject and Method of Analysis, Form, Dimensions, and Explanatory Model
• Strategic Culture : Term Definition, Conceptual Delimitation and Methodological Issues
• Concept Evolution
• Concept Definition
• Methodology
• Strategic Cultureʼs Components : Identity, Norms, Culture
• Identity
• Norms
• Culture
• Strategic Cultureʼs Subject of Analysis : Security Discourse
• Strategic Cultureʼs Method of Analysis : Discourse Analysis
• Strategic Cultureʼs Form : Strategy
• Strategic Cultureʼs Analytical Framework : Dimensions
• Change Conceptualization in Strategic Culture : Developing a New Explanatory Model
• The Conceptualized National Identity of Romania
• The Concept of Nation : A Never-Ending Quest
• The Formative Moments
• The Search for Identity
• The Dichotomic Images of the State
• The Westernists and the Autochthonists
• The West as Romaniaʼs Touchstone
• Romaniaʼs Two Possible Paths
• The State as Insurance for the Nation
• Attachment Dimensions of the Nation : Patriotism and Cohesion
• Conclusion
• Romaniaʼs Understanding of Security
• The First Discursive Period 1848-1879 : Uncertain Status
• Insularity
• The Second Discursive Period 1878-1918 : Seeking Legitimation and Avoiding Isolation
• Reluctant Neutrality
• Role Consolidation
• Between Balancer and Irredentist
• The Third Discursive Period 1919-1945 : Identity Fulfillment
• Romaniaʼs External Projection : Status Quo and Insularity
• Romaniaʼs Internal Projection : Westernism and the Modernity Project
• Europe as a Partner
• The Fourth Discursive Period 1946-1989 : The Invertion of Romaniaʼs Security Understanding
• The Communists' Struggle for Legitimacy
• "Otherness" in Romaniaʼs Security Understanding
• Romanian Communismʼs Nationalism and Militarism
• The Romanian Revolution : A Discourse in Itself
• Conclusion
• Romaniaʼs Role Conception : National Strategic Documents 1990-2014
• Methodology and Criteria of Analysis
• 1990-1995 : Romania in the Grey Area
• 1996-1999 : Romania in Transition
• 2001-2004 : Romania in NATO
• 2005-2009 : Romania in the EU
• 2010-2014 : Romania in Search of a New Paradigm
• Conclusion
• Romaniaʼs Foreign Policy Orientation
• The Europeanization of Romanian Foreign Policy Discourse
• Europeanization : Delimiting the Terms and Understanding the Process
• The Europeanization of Romanian Foreign and Security Discourse : From Start to Stop
• The Atlanticization of Romanian Foreign Policy
• In Search of a New Paradigm
• Conclusion
• Strategic Culture and the Use of Force
• Security Concerns : Unchallenged and Unchanged Perceptions
• Instruments of Foreign and Security Policy : Traditional Understanding of Security and Defense
• The Role of the Armed Forces in Romanian Society : Trusted Institution and Diplomatic Instrument
• Political Elites and Defense Policy : Unenthusiastic Relationship
• Non-governmental Actors in Defense Policy Decisions : Scarce and Insignificant
• The Use of Force : Freedom of Action and the Quest for Affirmation
• The Romanian Armed Forces Abroad : Public Diplomacy and the Quest for Recognition
• The New Expeditionary Roleʼs Legitimation : Not a Tool of National Interest
• Romaniaʼs Involvement Abroad Before the Ukrainian Crisis : Drifting Towards Indifference?
• Conclusion
• Conclusions
• The Conceptualization of Change in Strategic Culture : Model Development
• Findings on Romanian Strategic Culture 1990-2014 : Assessment of Change
• Strategic Cultureʼs Core : National Identity
• Strategic Cultureʼs Intermediary Layer : Security Understanding and Role Conception
• Strategic Cultureʼs Hull : Foreign Policy Orientation and Use of Force
• Future Evolution and Predictability of Strategic Culture
• Limits and Research Areas
• Bibliography.

Analysis of strategic culture facilitates a comprehensive understanding of a nations security identity and patterns of policy conduct. Though strategic culture changes over time, why and how these mutations take place has not been researched much so far. This book sheds light on the reasons why specific features of a countrys strategic thinking remain rigid while others transform. The national strategic cultures of post-communist Eastern Europe have been exposed to a panoply of shocks and shifts. Romanias communist regime cultivated a uniquely thorny relationship with the Soviet Union, which facilitated the development of a national security narrative legitimizing a highly isolationist foreign policy. These factors have heavily weighed on Romanian post-communist strategic thinking and complicated the transition process. At first glance, Romania went through an astonishing adaptation to novel security challenges. Ultimately, however, its traditional national strategic thinking remained in some ways constant. Core features of Romanias strategic culture -- such as the state-nation constellation -- were the most resilient to change. In contrast, the intermediary features -- such as the understanding of security and role conception -- as well as outer layers -- such as the foreign policy orientation and guidelines to using force -- of strategic culture were more prone to influence by shocks, shifts, and norm entrepreneurs.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations Used in Text List of News Sources Cited in Text List of Maps and Figures in Text Part One: Theories and Histories: Europeanization and the Post-Communist World Since 1989 Chapter One: From Europhilia to Europhobia? Trajectories and Theories of Europeanization in the Post-Communist World Since 1989 Chapter Two: Europe as a Cultural-Civilizational Construct Chapter Three: Political Europeanization Since 1989 Chapter Four: Security Europeanization Since 1989 Chapter Five: Cultural-Civilizational Europeanization Since 1989 Part Two: Case Studies Chapter Six: Russia: Eternal and Incomplete Europeanization Chapter Seven: The Baltic States: Successful "Return to Europe" Chapter Eight: Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova: Almost European? Chapter Nine: The Caucasus States: The Endpoint of Europe or Europe's New Eastern Boundary? Chapter Ten: The Central Asian States Chapter Eleven: Conclusion: The Continuing Influence of the Eurocentric-Orientalist Cultural Gradient on European, Russian and Post-Soviet Politics Bibliography.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Nearly three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, early hopes for the integration of the post-Soviet states into a "Europe whole and free" seem to have been decisively dashed. Europe itself is in the midst of a multifaceted crisis that threatens the considerable gains of the post-war liberal European experiment. In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, Katherine Graney provides a panoramic and historically-rooted overview of the process of "Europeanization" in Russia and all fourteen of the former Soviet republics since 1989. Graney argues that deeply rooted ideas about Europe's cultural-civilizational primacy and concerns about both ideological and institutional alignment with Europe continue to influence both internal politics in contemporary Europe and the processes of Europeanization in the post-Soviet world. By comparing the effect of the phenomenon across Russia and the ex-republics, Graney provides a theoretically grounded and empirically rich window into how we should study politics in the former USSR.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations Used in Text List of News Sources Cited in Text List of Maps and Figures in Text Part One: Theories and Histories: Europeanization and the Post-Communist World Since 1989 Chapter One: From Europhilia to Europhobia? Trajectories and Theories of Europeanization in the Post-Communist World Since 1989 Chapter Two: Europe as a Cultural-Civilizational Construct Chapter Three: Political Europeanization Since 1989 Chapter Four: Security Europeanization Since 1989 Chapter Five: Cultural-Civilizational Europeanization Since 1989 Part Two: Case Studies Chapter Six: Russia: Eternal and Incomplete Europeanization Chapter Seven: The Baltic States: Successful "Return to Europe" Chapter Eight: Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova: Almost European? Chapter Nine: The Caucasus States: The Endpoint of Europe or Europe's New Eastern Boundary? Chapter Ten: The Central Asian States Chapter Eleven: Conclusion: The Continuing Influence of the Eurocentric-Orientalist Cultural Gradient on European, Russian and Post-Soviet Politics Bibliography.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Nearly three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, early hopes for the integration of the post-Soviet states into a "Europe whole and free" seem to have been decisively dashed. Europe itself is in the midst of a multifaceted crisis that threatens the considerable gains of the post-war liberal European experiment. In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, Katherine Graney provides a panoramic and historically-rooted overview of the process of "Europeanization" in Russia and all fourteen of the former Soviet republics since 1989. Graney argues that deeply rooted ideas about Europe's cultural-civilizational primacy and concerns about both ideological and institutional alignment with Europe continue to influence both internal politics in contemporary Europe and the processes of Europeanization in the post-Soviet world. By comparing the effect of the phenomenon across Russia and the ex-republics, Graney provides a theoretically grounded and empirically rich window into how we should study politics in the former USSR.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction--
• 1. The battle of the laboratories--
• 2. Science contained--
• 3. The quiet war--
• 4. The crossing point--
• 5. Disorientation--
• 6. Globalization--
• 7. The fray--
• 8. The laboratory of diplomacy.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The sciences played a critical role in American foreign policy after World War II. From atomic energy and satellites to the green revolution, scientific advances were central to American diplomacy in the early Cold War, as the United States leveraged its scientific and technical pre-eminence to secure alliances and markets. The growth of applied research in the 1970s, exemplified by the biotech industry, led the United States to promote global intellectual property rights. Priorities shifted with the collapse of the Soviet Union, as attention turned to information technology and environmental sciences. Today, international relations take place within a scientific and technical framework, whether in the headlines on global warming and the war on terror or in the fine print of intellectual property rights. Science and American Foreign Relations since World War II provides the historical background necessary to understand the contemporary geopolitics of science.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• L'enjeu européen et le rôle de la diplomatie publique dans les stratégies de la politique américaine de guerre froide
• Genèse institutionnelle et conceptuelle : la démocratie américaine en propagande. Réticences historiques de Washington et urgence de la situation internationale, bien-fondé de la "campagne de vérité"
• Les stratégies de la nouvelle diplomatie et de la guerre totale
• L'expérience de la Première Guerre mondiale : le CPI ou le Creel Committee
• Le déploiement des diplomaties culturelles européennes comme vecteur d'influence
• La montée des propagandes fascistes dans l'entre-deux-guerres
• La nécessité de la guerre psychologique : de la Seconde Guerre mondiale à la guerre froide
• Les organes précurseurs : l'OSS, VOA et l'OVII
• La "première guerre froide" : Harry Truman et les prémices de l'arsenal législatif et institutionnel de la diplomatie publique
• Les élites européennes enjeu de la guerre froide culturelle : le "grand schisme"
• Le Mouvement des partisans de la paix contre...
• ...le Congrès pour la liberté de la culture
• L'Allemagne et l'Autriche : laboratoires d'expérimentation incontournables des stratégies de l'information
• De la guerre psychologique à la diplomatie publique. L'USIA au coeur des jeux de pouvoirs institutionnels à Washington
• À la recherche du Consensus : les premières années (1953.1960)
• Méfiance et défiance : perceptions intérieures de la diplomatie culturelle et des politiques d'information internationale
• Eisenhower et la "people-to-people-communication" en Europe
• "The Golden Years" : Kennedy-Murrow un "ticket" gagnant pour l'image du leadership américain (1961.1963)
• Ed Murrow et la renaissance de l'USIA
• L'USIA une arme stratégique au service du pouvoir exécutif : l'affirmation de l'USIA comme conseiller stratégique de la Maison-Blanche à l'apogée de la guerre des mots et des images
• Crises et défis de la diplomatie publique dans les années1960 et 1970 : remises en cause du leadership et changements de stratégies diplomatiques
• Lyndon Johnson et la remise en cause du leadership par les opinions publiques européennes
• La diplomatie publique en question (1969-1979)
• Carter et la parenthèse de l'USICA, fin de l'unilatéralisme culturel? (1977-1981)
• Les combattants de la désinformation dans la nouvelle guerre froide, les années Reagan Wick. "From mouth piece to policy participant" : le triomphe de la diplomatie publique
• "Public Diplomacy is back" : l'USIA arme privilégiée des stratégies reaganiennes de guerre idéologique
• La consécration de la diplomatie publique et l'officialisation progressive des stratégies de l'information
• La diplomatie publique selon Charles Wick
• L'Europe à l'heure de la "nouvelle guerre froide" : terrain privilégié de la guerre des propagandes
• Bilan de l'information américaine en Europe
• Les enjeux de la reconquête du leadership ; les pays de la "zone critique" face à la montée de l'idéologie soviétique
• Les stratégies de l'USIA et des USIS au service de la démocratie en Europe
• Comment répondre à la propagande communiste anti américaine sur le territoire européen ? Les stratégies du talk-back
• Les stratégies de "la guerre totale" (1953.1960)
• Analyse des stratégies et des méthodes de l'adversaire : les techniques de la désinformation

• "Vendre" le modèle américain : images et idéologies du "capitalisme démocratique"
• Les campagnes de masse : l'USIA et les vitrines de la puissance américaine
• Les expositions de la "culture officielle" et les campagnes de communication de masse sur le désarmement et "la recherche de la paix internationale"
• Les artistes américains au service du "capitalisme du peuple"?
• "Public Diplomacy goes private"
• La diplomatie publique, une exception culturelle américaine : privatisation stratégique de la culture et complémentarité des opérations de propagande officielles et officieuses
• Les stratégies des combattants de la désinformation : complémentarité des stratégies "ouvertes" et des stratégies indirectes (1981-1989)
• Ciblages : typologie et analyse des stratégies de l'information américaine de part et d'autre du rideau de fer
• Les stratégies de long terme : infiltrer et influencer les élites et les leaders d'opinion
• Les programmes culturels et d'échanges à destination des élites et des leaders d'opinion européens dans les années 1950 et 1960 : l'exemple de la France
• Le regain d'intérêt pour les programmes d'échanges dans les années 1980 : les programmes à destination des médias et des élites, politiques et économiques
• Les stratégies de l'USIA dans les pays de la "zone critique" : entre politique de réalité et exceptions culturelles, les cas de la France, de l'Italie et de l'Allemagne
• Les stratégies communes des USIS en Europe de l'Ouest
• Ciblages : les stratégies de réussite des programmes d'information en Italie (1953-1963)
• Ciblaqes : les stratégies de l'influence américaine sur la population ouest-allemande au début des années 1960
• Les relations culturelles germano-américaines, pierre angulaire de la politique américaine de sécurité en Europe dans les années 1980
• Stratégies de l'information et stratégies de libéralisation dans les démocraties populaires : la propagande et la culture au service des missions de l'USIA
• Cibles et objectifs dans les pays satellites de l'Union soviétique
• Permanence des enjeux de la guerre des ondes à l'Est (1953-1989)
• Ciblage : le modèle polonais et l'ouverture culturelle roumaine et hongroise ; la diplomatie culturelle au service de la diplomatie publique (1956-1967)
• Ouverture culturelle et contingences économiques : un accès à la culture américaine très encadré en Tchécoslovaquie (1960-1967)
• La victoire de la guerre idéologique en question : audits des stratégies d'influence en Europe
• Problématiques de la réception : sociologie et sciences de la communication au service de l'idéologie de la Vérité
• Le souci de la crédibilité et l'arme de "la vérité" entre idéologie et résistance
• Les premiers audits externes de la diplomatie publique : une évaluation des objectifs théoriques
• L'ambition de "la vie dans la vérité" comme moyen de résistance
• Évaluation des programmes opérationnels et contribution des activités de l'USIA à l'élaboration des stratégies de la politique étrangère : diplomatie publique et renseignement
• La difficulté de mesurer l'impact des programmes d'information : méthodes et moyens d'évaluation de la diplomatie publique

• Les "Special "S" Reports" : pertinence et efficacité des activités de renseignement et d'information de l'USIA : l'évaluation de la réception au service de la communauté du renseignement
• L'éveil incontestable de la démocratie à l'Est
• Des premiers "craquements"...
• Les espoirs déçus de1956 : déstalinisation et échec du dégel. La vacuité de la propagande en faveur du roll-back confrontée aux événements de Pologne et de Hongrie
• Le "Printemps de Prague" et les menaces de "la poussée progressiste"
• La rupture d'Helsinki : "nouvelle donne" pour l'Europe et pour la diplomatie publique américaine?
• ... à l'explosion du bloc soviétique : l'impact des nouvelles technologies et de la culture de l'entertainement
• Les années Reagan et l'innovation technologique au service de la communication transfrontières : la médiatisation de la guerre contre "l'empire du mal"
• Libéraliser pour mieux libérer : de "la culture du secret" à "la culture de l'information"
• Les stratégies d'influence américaines de la guerre froide aux guerres hybrides
• L'après guerre froide : "Rising the curtain and tearing clown the wall"
• Les limites de la "conquête des esprits"?
• L'USIA et le concept de diplomatie publique de guerre froide : l'héritage de quarante années de pratiques de guerre idéologique
• Le rôle de l'USIA dans les relations Est-Ouest et dans les relations Ouest-Ouest
• La "traversée du désert" : l'USIA dans un monde unipolaire (1989.1999)
• Diplomatie publique et soft power dans un monde post-américain
• L'héritage de l'ère Bush et la crise de leadership de la diplomatie publique américaine : vers une "Nouvelle Diplomatie publique" (2001-2008)?
• La crise de leadership de la diplomatie publique américaine
• Vers une Nouvelle Diplomatie publique ? La mise en oeuvre de stratégies de diplomatie publique inter-ministérielles
• Corporate diplomacy : la privatisation de la diplomatie publique au service du leadership ?
• Soft power et diplomatie publique de l'Administration Obama : entre engagement et retrait
• Les stratégies d'engagement du premier mandat : moderniser le soft power au service du nation branding
• Les limites de l'engagement : guerres d'influence et militarisation du soft power face au défi djihadiste et sécuritaire
• Les facteurs permanents de la puissance du soft power américain : guerre technologique et guerre économique, la concurrence du soft power chinois
• Les alternatives au déclin pour le soft power américain : isolate or engage ?
• Conclusion Le retour des guerres de l'information. Quelles stratégies pour la diplomatie publique de l'ère Trump : influencer ou informer ?

"Quel rôle les États-Unis ont-ils joué dans les guerres de l'information depuis la guerre froide ? Quelles stratégies d'influence ont-ils mises en oeuvre pour favoriser leurs objectifs de politique étrangère ? Cet ouvrage apporte un éclairage inédit sur le rôle de la diplomatie publique au sein de la fabrique de la politique étrangère américaine. Outre la description de son fonctionnement institutionnel à Washington, il propose une analyse de l'évolution des stratégies mises en oeuvre dans les "zones critiques" à l'Ouest et à l'Est dans l'Europe de la guerre froide. Au-delà du "siècle américain", Maud Quessard analyse la transition vers une nouvelle ère, un monde "post-américain". Elle aborde l'impact des attentats du 11 septembre qui remet en cause le rapport au monde des États-Unis et annonce, sous les administrations Bush puis Obama, une "nouvelle diplomatie publique" associant le secteur privé, la société civile et les grandes entreprises. À l'ère numérique, elle aborde les enjeux et les difficultés de s'adapter aux menaces protéiformes du XXIe siècle et à s'inscrire durablement dans des stratégies de smart power, subtil dosage de hard et soft power."--Page 4 of cover.

• List of plates. Preface. List of abbreviations.
• 1. Introduction: Syria Against All Odds
• 2. Resisting the Powerful: Iran and Syria Post-1979
• 3.
• 2011: The Onset of the Syrian Crisis and Iran's Role
• 4. Russia and Syria since
• 1956: An Alliance Built on Defiance
• 5. Russia's Intervention in Syria
• 6. Russia, China and Iran: A Changing World Order
• 7. The United States: Implications of New Realities in MENA
• 8. Conclusion. Appendix. Bibliography. Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book explores the global impact of the Syrian conflict, and the roles of Russia, Iran and the US in its wake. It looks closely at origins of political turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region by analysing the growing influence of Russia and Iran - militarily, economically and diplomatically - juxtaposed against US defense and national interests. The book: challenges the conventional scholarship to show how non-democratic states such as Russia, Iran and China exhibit a consistent strategic intent in their foreign-policy-making; underlines the convergence of Syrian foreign policy with Russia's (the USSR before 1989) and Iran's regional outlook post-1979; takes stock of the shifts in the US foreign policy in MENA in light of new realities. Drawing on detailed fieldwork and archival material, including National Security Archival documents, this book is a tour de force in understanding global politics and contemporary history. It will be indispensable to scholars and researchers of politics and international relations, political theory, foreign policy, Middle East studies, and peace and conflict studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The colossus rises
• With talent on loan from God
• Media that sounds like us
• Necessity, mother of invention
• The new Republican king
• Bill Clinton, talk radio innovator
• Stopping legislation in its tracks
• The political earthquake
• Everything changes
• The Democrats wake up
• Talk radio takes over television-and tries to impeach a president
• Money propels talk radio to the right
• Talk radio in the 2000s: big changes for the medium and for politics
• The parties go their own ways
• Disgruntled but still loyal - unless you're a moderate
• The titans of talk, 1-bipartisanship, 0
• Never a Republican puppet
• The conservative media empire
• I hope he fails
• The relationship sours
• Hunting RINOs
• Trying (and failing) to govern
• Turning the power structure upside down
• The president that talk radio made
• The big picture.

The cocreator of the Washington Post's "Made by History" blog reveals how the rise of conservative talk radio gave us a Republican Party incapable of governing and paved the way for Donald Trump. America's long road to the Trump presidency began on August 1, 1988, when, desperate for content to save AM radio, top media executives stumbled on a new format that would turn the political world upside down. They little imagined that in the coming years their brainchild would polarize the country and make it nearly impossible to govern. Rush Limbaugh, an enormously talented former disc jockey-opinionated, brash, and unapologetically conservative-pioneered a pathbreaking infotainment program that captured the hearts of an audience no media executive knew existed. Limbaugh's listeners yearned for a champion to punch back against those maligning their values. Within a decade, this format would grow from fifty-nine stations to over one thousand, keeping millions of Americans company as they commuted, worked, and shouted back at their radios. The concept pioneered by Limbaugh was quickly copied by cable news and digital media. Radio hosts form a deep bond with their audience, which gives them enormous political power. Unlike elected representatives, however, they must entertain their audience or watch their ratings fall. Talk radio boosted the Republican agenda in the 1990s, but two decades later, escalation in the battle for the airwaves pushed hosts toward ever more conservative, outrageous, and hyperbolic content. Donald Trump borrowed conservative radio hosts' playbook and gave Republican base voters the kind of pugnacious candidate they had been demanding for decades. By 2016, a political force no one intended to create had completely transformed American politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• Chapter 1: Accountability. A more accountable world? (2001)
• Chapter 2: Trust. The United States and Israel: partners for peace and freedom (1985). What I learned about Israel (2017)
• Chapter 3: A changing world. America can ride the 21st Century's waves of change (2018). Automation: a new dimension to old problems (1955)
• Chapter 4: The drug issue. Gary Becker and the War on Drugs (2011). The failed War on Drugs (2018)
• Chapter 5: Force and strength. The ethics of power (1984). Discerning strength from force (2017). Power and diplomacy (1984)
• Chapter 6: Practicing theories of governance. The new federalism (1970). Prescription for economic policy: steady as you go (1971)
• Chapter 7: America in the world. Resources are needed for effective foreign policy (1987). Proposed refugee admissions for FY 1989 (1988)
• Chapter 8: A balanced approach to climate change. A Reagan approach to climate change (2015). A conservative answer to climate change (2017)
• Chapter 9: Nuclear security, past and future. US-Soviet relations in the context of US foreign policy (1983). A world free of nuclear weapons (2007). Deterrence in the age of nuclear proliferation (2011). Lenten nukes, by the Rt. Rev. William E. Swing (2018)
• Acknowledgements
• Notes
• About the author
• Index.

In a rich and varied career, George P. Shultz has aided presidents, confronted national and international crises, and argued passionately that the United States has a vital stake in promoting democratic values and institutions. In speeches, articles, congressional testimony, and conversations with world leaders, he has helped shape policy and public opinion on topics ranging from technology and terrorism to drugs and climate change. The result is a body of work that has influenced the decisions of nations and leaders, as well as the lives of ordinary people. In Thinking About the Future, Shultz has collected and revisited key writings, applying his past thinking to America's most pressing contemporary problems. Each chapter includes new commentary from the author, providing context, color, and behind-the-scenes glimpses of how decisions are made in the halls of power. In the more than half a century since Shultz entered public life, the world has changed dramatically. But he remains guided by the belief that ""you can learn about the future-or at least relate to it-by studying the past and identifying principles that have continuing application to our lives and our world.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Accountability. A more accountable world? (2001)
• Trust. The United States and Israel : partners for peace and freedom (1985)
• What I learned about Israel (2017)
• A changing world. America can ride the 21st century's waves of change (2018)
• Automation : a new dimension to old problems (1955)
• The drug issue. Gary Becker and the War on Drugs (2011)
• The failed War on Drugs (2018)
• Force and strength. The ethics of power (1984)
• Discerning strength from force (2017)
• Power and diplomacy (1984)
• Practicing theories of governance. The new federalism (1970)
• Prescription for economic policy : steady as you go (1971)
• America in the world. Resources are needed for effective foreign policy (1987)
• Proposed refugee admissions for FY 1989 (1988)
• A balanced approach to climate change. A Reagan approach to climate change (2015)
• A conservative answer to climate change (2017)
• Nuclear security, past and future. US-Soviet relations in the context of US foreign policy (1983)
• A world free of nuclear weapons (2007)
• Deterrence in the age of nuclear proliferation (2011)
• Lenten nukes, by the Rt. Rev. William E. Swing (2018)

In a rich and varied career, George P. Shultz has aided presidents, confronted national and international crises, and argued passionately that the United States has a vital stake in promoting democratic values and institutions. In speeches, articles, congressional testimony, and conversations with world leaders, he has helped shape policy and public opinion on topics ranging from technology and terrorism to drugs and climate change. The result is a body of work that has influenced the decisions of nations and leaders, as well as the lives of ordinary people. In Thinking About the Future, Shultz has collected and revisited key writings, applying his past thinking to America's most pressing contemporary problems. Each chapter includes new commentary from the author, providing context, color, and behind-the-scenes glimpses of how decisions are made in the halls of power. In the more than half a century since Shultz entered public life, the world has changed dramatically. But he remains guided by the belief that ""you can learn about the future-or at least relate to it-by studying the past and identifying principles that have continuing application to our lives and our world.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction. Donald Trump's populism: what are the prospects for US democracy? Kurt Weyland and Raul L. Madrid--
• 2. 'Dealing with populism in Latin America: lessons for Donald Trump's populist presidency in the United States' Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser--
• 3. 'Donald Trump and the lessons of East-Central European Populism' Kevin Deegan-Krause--
• 4. 'Has populism eroded the quality of European democracy? Insights from Italy and the Netherlands' Bertjan Verbeek and Andrej Zaslove--
• 5. 'Trump's populism: the mobilization of nationalist cleavages and the future of US democracy' Bart Bonikowski--
• 6. 'Parties, populism, and democratic decay: a comparative perspective on political polarization in the United States' Kenneth M. Roberts-- Conclusion: 'why US democracy will survive Trump' Raul L. Madrid and Kurt Weyland.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 election left specialists of American politics perplexed and concerned about the future of US democracy. Because no populist leader had occupied the White House in 150 years, there were many questions about what to expect. Marshaling the long-standing expertise of leading specialists of populism elsewhere in the world, this book provides the first systematic, comparative analysis of the prospects for US democracy under Trump, considering the two regions - Europe and Latin America - that have had the most ample recent experiences with populist chief executives. Chapters analyze the conditions under which populism slides into illiberal or authoritarian rule and in so doing derive well-grounded insights and scenarios for the US case, as well as a more general cross-national framework. The book makes an original argument about the likely resilience of US democracy and its institutions.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction: Exposing ParaguayFederico Pous, Alejandro Quin, Marcelino VieraPart One: Writing the Limits of Authoritarian Paraguay2. War and Dismemberment: The Paraguayan War According to Leon de Palleja's Diario (1866)Javier Uriarte3. Poetry and Revisionism. Notes on Authority and Restoration in Postwar ParaguayAlejandro Quin4. Writing the State: The Re-Distribution of Sovereignty and the Figure of the "Legislator" in I the Supreme by Augusto Roa BastosJohn KraniauskasPart Two: Preaching Popular Art in Paraguay5. Indigenous Art: The Challenge of the UniversalTicio Escobar6. Inheritances of Carlos Colombino. Painting and the Making of a Democratic ParaguayHoracio Legras7. Interrupted Visions of History: Nineteenth-century Illustrated Newspapers and the History of (Popular) Art in Contemporary ParaguaySebastian Diaz-Duhalde8. The Wings of Carlos Colombino: Architect, Artist, Writer (An Interview)Adriana Johnson & Horacio LegrasPart Three: Flashes of Memory in Paraguay: the Legacies of Stronism9. Beyond Coercion: Social Legitimation and Conservative Modernization in the Stroessner Regime (1954-1989)Lorena Soler10. 108/Cuchillo de palo (2010): Limits and Political Potentialities of Queer CountermemoryEva Karene Romero11. De-parting Paraguay: The Interruption of the Aesthetic Gaze in Siete Cajas (2012)Federico PousPart Four: Tracing la realidad que delira12. Paraguayan CounterlivesAdriana Johnson13. Paraguayan Realism as Cruelty in Gabriel Casaccia's El guajhuGabriel Horowitz14. Rafael Barrett's Haunted LetterMarcelino Viera.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book takes on the challenge of conceptually thinking Paraguayan cultural history within the broader field of Latin American studies. It presents original contributions to the study of Paraguayan culture from a variety of perspectives that include visual, literary, and cultural studies; gender studies, sociology, and political theory. The essays compiled here focus on the different narratives and political processes that shaped a country decentered from, but also deeply connected to, the rest of Latin America. Structured in four thematic sections, the book reflects upon authoritarianism; the tensions between modern, indigenous, and popular artistic expressions; the legacies of the Stroessner Regime, political resistance, and the struggle for collective memory; as well as the literary framing of historical trauma, particularly in connection with the Roabastian notion of la realidad que delira [delirious reality].
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Chapter 1: The Times: Celebrating Hyberabadi Style.-
• Chapter 2: The Old and the New.-
• Chapter 3: Education and Romance.-
• Chapter 4: Return to the United States.-
• Chapter 5: Back to Pakistan.-
• Chapter 6: Home is Where You End Up.-
• Chapter 7: Monitoring Pakistan as a Scholar.-
• Chapter 8: U.S. Army War College.-
• Chapter 9: Joining the Secretary of State's Staff.-
• Chapter 10: The Zia Visit.-
• Chapter 11: Returning to the Land of My Ancestors.-
• Chapter 12: The Burden of Being First.-
• Chapter 13: Diplomacy with India.-
• Chapter 14: Adding Pakistan to the Equation.-
• Chapter 15: Failed Statecraft?.-
• Chapter 16: Ambassador from Where?.-
• Chapter 17: The First Gulf War.-
• Chapter 18: The Last Trust Territory: Palau.-
• Chapter 19: The Muslim Ambassador from the United States..-
• Chapter 20: "Name and Shame".-
• Chapter 21: Return to the University.-
• Chapter 22: The BALUSA Group.-
• Chapter 23: Family Life.-
• Chapter 24: Washington Return.-
• Chapter 25: George W. Bush Years.-
• Chapter 26: 9/11.-
• Chapter 27: White House Redux.-
• Chapter 28: A Changed Model.-
• Chapter 29: Democracy Promotion.-
• Chapter 30: Ongoing Diplomacy in South Asia.-
• Chapter 31: Return to Democracy.-
• Chapter 32: The Freedom Agenda: What Went Wrong?.-
• Chapter 33: GTMO.-
• Chapter 34: Forum for Freedom.-
• Chapter 35: Vice President Cheney.-
• Chapter 36: The American Legacy of the Basrah Children's Hospital.-
• Chapter 37: Trip to Iraq.-
• Chapter 38: Rallying Support.-
• Chapter 39: The Big Picture.-
• Chapter 40: Women's Empowerment.-
• Chapter 41: Reflections.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book offers a fascinating insider's perspective from one who happens to be a Muslim woman on U.S. foreign policy making during three Republican presidential administrations. Shirin Tahir-Kheli's life story is a testament to the promise and delivery of the American dream in another era and is a must read for scholars and policy makers.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
• 1. WHY IS EVERYONE SO ANGRY?
• 2. THE LONG PEACE
• 3. THE RIGHT TO RULE
• 4. TAMING THE ECONOMY
• 5. BATTLE OF THE BULGE
• 6. HARD CHOICES AHEAD
• 7. PERESTROIKA FURTHER READING NOTES.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Across the Western world, people are angry about the inability of government to perform basic functions competently. With widespread evidence of policy failures at home and ill-conceived wars and interventions abroad, it is hardly surprising that politicians are distrusted and government is derided as a sprawling, wasteful mess. But what exactly is government supposed to do, and is the track record of Western governments really so awful? In this compelling book, leading scholar of public policy and management, Alasdair Roberts, explores what government does well and what it does badly. Political leaders, he explains, have always been obliged to wrestle with shifting circumstances and contending priorities, making the job of governing extraordinarily difficult. The performance of western democracies in recent decades is, admittedly, far from perfect but - as Roberts ably shows - it is also much better than you might think.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Can politics be thought? Threshold ; Destruction ; Recomposition
• Of an obscure disaster: on the end of the truth of the state.

In Can Politics Be Thought?-published in French in 1985 and appearing here in English for the first time-Alain Badiou offers his most forceful and systematic analysis of the crisis of Marxism. Distinguishing politics as an active mode of thinking from the political as a domain of the State, Badiou argues for the continuation of Marxist politics. In so doing, he shows why we need to recapture the emancipatory hypothesis of Marx's original gesture in order to actualize its radical potential. This volume also includes Badiou's "Of an Obscure Disaster: On the End of the Truth of the State, " in which he rebuts claims of Communism's death after the fall of the Soviet Union.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Front cover; Copyright page; Contents; Introduction; 1 Fact Givers or Fact Makers?; 2 From Hawk to Dawk; 3 Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson and the Intersection between Domestic Politics and Foreign Relations in the Postwar Era; 4 Religious Pluralism, Domestic Politics, and the Emerging Jewish-Evangelical Coalition on Israel, 1960-1980; 5 Subtraction by Addition; 6 "One Picture May Not Be Worth Ten Thousand Words, but the White House Is Betting It's Worth Ten Thousand Votes"; 7 Creating an Ethnic Lobby; 8 Forging Consensus on Vietnamese Reeducation Camp Detainees

• 9 The Congressional Human Rights Caucus and the Plight of the Refuseniks10 Peace through Austerity; 11 The Domestic Politics of Superpower Rapprochement; Conclusion; Acknowledgments; Contributors; Index

From President Truman's use of a domestic propaganda agency to Ronald Reagan's handling of the Soviet Union during his 1984 reelection campaign, the American political system has consistently exerted a profound effect on the country's foreign policies. Americans may cling to the belief that "politics stops at the water's edge, " but the reality is that parochial political interests often play a critical role in shaping the nation's interactions with the outside world.In The Cold War at Home and Abroad: Domestic Politics and US Foreign Policy since 1945, editors Andrew L. Johns and Mitchell B. Lerner bring together eleven essays that reflect the growing methodological diversity that has transformed the field of diplomatic history over the past twenty years. The contributors examine a spectrum of diverse domestic factors ranging from traditional issues like elections and Congressional influence to less frequently studied factors like the role of religion and regionalism, and trace their influence on the history of US foreign relations since 1945. In doing so, they highlight influences and ideas that expand our understanding of the history of American foreign relations, and provide guidance and direction for both contemporary observers and those who shape the United States' role in the world.This expansive volume contains many lessons for politicians, policy makers, and engaged citizens as they struggle to implement a cohesive international strategy in the face of hyper-partisanship at home and uncertainty abroad.

• 1. Corruption European Union Funding: Transnational Policies Versus Local Praxis2. A Dance of the (Il)legal: Transnational Aid Flows, Entrepreneurship and Corruption3. Transnational Constructions of Development and Control4. Bottom-Up European Integration: EU Ideal Types Versus Romanian Innovations5. "I Make the Papers Look Credible": Consultants' Educational Role in Constructing Eligibility6. Flat-Caps and Shackles: New Hierarchies of Bureaucratic Belonging7. Friday Lunch with EU Funding: Profit-Making RoutinesConclusion.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book examines the meaning, structure, practices and symbolism of corruption in relationship to European Union structural funding in Romania. It offers a unique account of the complex transformations faced by post-communist societies. Despite the new legislation that effectively re-branded typical economic practices in Romanian society as `corruption', entrepreneurs continue to use them in everyday interactions. The entrepreneurial culture described in the chapters is an ordinary trait of the local work routines. Rather than pursuing the singular logic of corruption, the author explores the concept of informality by focusing on the socio-historical context and the meanings embedded in the society that provides solutions to the problems. The book will appeal to students, scholars and practitioners in the areas of corruption, public policy and EU policy and politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1 Introduction: ideologies, extremist ideologies, and terrorist violence
• 2 Political paranoia versus political realism: on distinguishing between bogus conspiracy theories and genuine conspiratorial politics
• 3 Postwar neo-fascist internationals,
• part 1: Nazi escape networks, the Mouvement Social Europeenne, Europaische Neu-Ordnung, and Jeune Europe
• 4 Postwar "neo-fascist" internationals,
• part 2: Aginter Presse and the "strategy of tension" in Italy
• 5 The December 1970 "Borghese coup" in Rome
• 6 The May 1973 terrorist attack at Milan police HQ: anarchist `propaganda of the deed' or `false-flag' provocation?
• 7 Concluding thoughts on the terrorist "strategy of tension" in Italy
• 8 The ultranationalist right in Turkey and the attempted assassination of Pope John Paul II
• 9 `National revolutionary' groupuscules and the resurgence of `left-wing' fascism: the case of France's Nouvelle Resistance.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Terrorists as State "Proxies": Separating Fact from Fiction
• 2. South Africa's Project Coast: "Death Squads, " Covert State-Sponsored Poisonings, and the Dangers of CBW Proliferation
• 3. "Privatizing"Covert Action: The Case of the Unification Church
• 4. Apocalyptic Millenarian Groups and Mass Casualty Terrorism
• 5. Jihadist Ideology and Strategy and the Possible Employment of WMD
• 6. Islamism and Totalitarianism
• 7. Denying the Link between Islamist Ideology and Jihadist Terrorism: "Political Correctness" and the Undermining of Counterterrorism
• 8. "Nothing to Do with Islam"? The Terrorism and Atrocities of the Islamic State are Inspired and Justified by Its Interpretations of Islam
• 9. Ahmad Rassam and the December 1999 "Millennium Plot"
• 10. Some Problems with the Notion of a "Nexus" between Terrorists and Criminals.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book examines a wide array of phenomena that arguably constitute the most noxious, extreme, terrifying, murderous, secretive, authoritarian, and/or anti-democratic aspects of national and international politics. Scholars should not ignore these "dark sides" of politics, however unpleasant they may be, since they influence the world in a multitude of harmful ways. The first volume in this two-volume collection focuses on the history of underground neo-fascist networks in the post-World War II era; neo-fascist paramilitary and terrorist groups operating in Europe and Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s; and the manipulation of those and other terrorist organizations by the security forces of various states, both authoritarian and democratic. A range of global case studies are included, all of which focus on the lesser known activities of certain secular extremist milieus. This collection should prove to be essential reading for students and researchers interested in understanding seemingly arcane but nonetheless important dimensions of recent historical and contemporary politics.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

In response to the American administration's attempt to isolate Cuba, Fidel Castro delivered a series of speeches designed to radicalize Latin American society. As Latin America experiences more revolutions in Venezuela and Bolivia, and continues to upset America's plans for neo-liberal imperialism, renowned radical writer and activist Tariq Ali provides a searing analysis of the relevance of Castro's message for today.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• Democratic u-turn, the chronology of building an illiberal democracy
• Causes and explanations
• Illiberalism as constitutional identity
• Intimate citizenship and value preferences in the new constitution
• Illiberal multiculturalism : deceptive premises, misguided policies
• Communitarians, dignity and privacy : personhood and transparency in the System of National Cooperation
• Closing remarks.

This book shows the rise and morphology of a self-identified `illiberal democracy', the first 21st century illiberal political regime arising in the European Union. Since 2010, Viktor Orban's governments in Hungary have convincingly offered an anti-modernist and anti-cosmopolitan/anti-European Unionist rhetoric, discourse and constitutional identity to challenge neo-liberal democracy. The Hungarian case provides unique observation points for students of transitology, especially those who are interested in states which are to abandon pathways of liberal democracy. The author demonstrates how illiberalism is present both in `how' and `what' is being done: the style, format and procedure of legislation; as well as the substance: the dismantling of institutional rule of law guarantees and the weakening of checks and balances. The book also discusses the ideological commitments and constitutionally framed and cemented value preferences, and a reconstituted and re-conceptualized relationship between the state and its citizens, which is not evidently supported by Hungarians' value system and life-style choices.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction générale : Une période de réformes incessantes (des années 1970 à 2018)
• Les instances de la décision
• Le président de la République
• Les trois derniers septennats
• Les trois premiers quinquennats
• L'entourage
• Le secrétaire général de la présidence de la République
• La cellule diplomatique
• Encadré : Profils de conseillers diplomatiques
• La cellule africaine
• Le conseiller chargé des sommets
• Le conseiller Europe
• Les personnalités extérieures
• Le Premier ministre
• Les attributions constitutionnelles et leur mise en oeuvre
• L'entourage et les organes centraux
• Les changements en période de cohabitation
• Le ministre des Affaires étrangères
• Profils
• Approche fonctionnelle
• Les ministres rattachés
• Le cabinet du ministre
• Le Parlement
• L'initiative parlementaire
• L'information du Parlement
• Le contrôle parlementaire
• La diplomatie parlementaire officieuse
• La relative exception européenne
• Le Département
• Le secrétaire général
• Les services rattachés au ministre
• Les transformations du protocole depuis 1980
• Le conseiller pour les affaires religieuses
• L'Inspection générale des affaires étrangères
• Le Centre d'analyse, de prévision et de stratégie (CAPS)
• Le Centre de crise et de soutien
• La Direction générale des affaires politiques et de sécurité
• Quelques traits immuables de la fonction de directeur politique
• L'évolution des attributions du directeur politique
• La diplomatie multilatérale
• La coordination de la diplomatie multilatérale et de la diplomatie bilatérale
• Le cas particulier des affaires européennes
• La gestion de crise
• Les consultations politiques à l'échelle mondiale
• La coopération de sécurité et de défense (DCSD)
• Une responsabilité nouvelle en matière de gestion : la Direction du programme
• Action extérieure de la France
• Le rattachement au directeur politique de certains ambassadeurs thématiques et des ambassadeurs en région
• L'organisation de la Direction générale des affaires politiques et de sécurité
• La Direction des Nations unies, des organisations internationales, des droits de l'homme et de la francophonie
• La Direction des affaires stratégiques, de sécurité et du désarmement
• La Direction de la coopération de sécurité et de défense (DCSD)
• Encadré : La gestion civilo-militaire des crises
• Du cas particulier des questions atomiques et spatiales
• Les questions atomiques
• Les questions spatiales
• Les directions géographiques
• La Direction de l'Europe continentale
• La Direction d'Afrique du Nord-Moyen-Orient (ANMO)
• La Direction d'Afrique et de l'océan Indien
• La Direction des Amériques et des Caraïbes
• La Direction d'Asie-Océanie
• La Direction de l'Union européenne et l'intégration des affaires européennes
• L'héritage des traités de Rome : le Service de coopération économique (1980-1992)
• La sous-direction d'Europe occidentale à la Direction d'Europe (1980-1992)
• Maastricht : inflexion et maintien de la dualité entre affaires économiques et politiques (1993-2008)
• La Direction de la coopération européenne

• Le service de la PESC à la Direction générale des affaires politiques et de sécurité
• L'intégration au sein de la Direction de l'Union européenne (depuis 2009)
• La Direction générale de la mondialisation et la Direction des affaires économiques
• La Direction générale de la mondialisation
• Les mutations de la DGRCST
• La création de la DGCID
• L'émergence de la Direction générale de la mondialisation et de ses opérateurs
• La Direction des affaires économiques et financières
• La période 1970-1993
• Le contexte de la réforme de 1993
• La mission
• L'organisation de la direction
• Pourquoi la Direction générale de la mondialisation ?
• La Direction générale de l'administration
• Fluidité des organigrammes, permanence des compétences
• Le positionnement de la DGAM
• Les tendances de fond
• Gérer le changement
• La Direction de la sécurité diplomatique
• Les Directions fonctionnelles
• La Direction des Français à l'étranger et de l'administration consulaire
• La Direction des affaires juridiques
• Encadré : Le contentieux européen relatif aux sanctions : la position de la France
• La Direction de la communication et de la presse
• Les relations avec la presse
• L'e-communication
• L'ouverture au grand public
• La Direction des archives
• Encadré : Le site de La Courneuve
• Les opérateurs
• Les opérateurs au sens de la LOLF
• Autres opérateurs
• L'Institut pour la recherche et le développement (IRD)
• Avantages et inconvénients des opérateurs
• Les ambassadeurs thématiques
• Encadré : L'ambassadeur chargé des droits de l'homme
• Les services à l'étranger
• Un réseau diplomatique et consulaire en constante adaptation
• Un réseau diplomatique qui reste universel
• Un réseau d'ambassades bilatérales modulé selon les priorités de la politique étrangère
• L'affirmation des postes multilatéraux
• La représentation permanente à l'ONU
• La représentation permanente auprès de l'Union européenne La réorganisation des postes consulaires
• Structure
• Missions
• Du cas particulier de deux consulats généraux
• Jérusalem
• Québec
• Le développement des services spécialisés
• Les services de coopération et d'action culturelle
• La mission de défense
• Les services économiques Les Services de sécurité intérieure (SSI)
• La DGSE
• Les autres services
• Encadré : Les ambassadeurs français de Bonn à Berlin (1980-2018)
• L'évolution du rôle des ambassadeurs
• Un contexte international en pleine mutation
• Des acteurs internationaux plus nombreux et actifs
• De nouveaux domaines de diplomatie
• Des États faillis à la montée du terrorisme
• Les évolutions technologiques
• Un rôle immuable qui s'est adapté à ce nouveau contexte
• Représenter
• Protéger
• Négocier
• S'informer
• Promouvoir les relations bilatérales
• La montée en puissance de nouvelles missions
• Communiquer
• Gérer une équipe pluridisciplinaire
• Le renforcement du professionnalisme
• Le processus de sélection des ambassadeurs
• Le développement de la formation continue
• Une relation mieux organisée avec le ministère et les administrations centrales

• Les moyens à la disposition des ambassadeurs
• Les moyens en personnel
• La chancellerie
• Les services culturels
• Les services issus d'autres ministères
• Le réseau des consulats
• Les agences
• Les moyens financiers
• Les résidences et ambassades, instruments des ambassadeurs
• Les moyens informatiques
• Encadré : Le réseau culturel à l'étranger et ses agents
• Les moyens de l'action diplomatique
• Les ressources humaines
• Le personnel
• La diversité des personnels du ministère des Affaires étrangères
• Les effectifs
• Les corps
• Les modifications structurelles récentes
• Les innovations dans la gestion du personnel au ministère des Affaires étrangères
• La "transparence"
• Les contractuels
• Les recrutés locaux
• Les dispositifs sur la parité
• La formation permanente
• L'Institut de formationaux-Affaires administratives et consulaires (IFAAC)
• Encadré : L'Institut diplomatique
• L'Institut diplomatique et consulaire (IDC)
• Le syndicalisme
• Encadré : Instances de dialogue social
• Sociologie des diplomates
• Origines sociales et formation
• Réseaux
• La féminisation des postes d'encadrement
• Encadré : La fin des diplomates issus de la France d'outre-mer
• Le budget du Quai d'Orsay
• Le cadre budgétaire
• Évolution du cadre budgétaire
• Les aspects budgétaires de l'absorption du ministère de la Coopération par le MAE
• Les étapes de l'intégration budgétaire du MINCOOP au MAE
• L'héritage budgétaire de la Coopération
• La LOLF ou la modernisation budgétaire et comptable du MAE
• L'architecture budgétaire du MAE : le hiatus entre l'organigramme politique et l'organigramme budgétaire
• Révolution comptable et nouvelle gestion budgétaire
• Évolution et structuration des dotations budgétaires
• Une érosion réelle de la part relative du MAE au sein du budget général de l'État
• Un véritable bouleversement dans la répartition de ses masses budgétaires
• Arcanes et leviers de la nouvelle négociation budgétaire
• L'immobilier
• L'immobilier du MAE en France, un processus de rationalisation bien engagé mais non encore abouti
• L'immobilier de l'État à l'étranger, une adaptation constante
• L'informatisation et la révolution numérique
• Du Service du chiffre à la Direction des systèmes d'information
• Évolution administrative
• Un nouveau statut pour une nouvelle filière
• Construction du système d'information de l'État
• Bureautique, mobilité, connectivité et cybersécurité
• Les réformes de la correspondance diplomatique
• Les défis de l'open data et de la cybersécurité
• L'action diplomatique
• La politique de sécurité
• Les trois dimensions de la politique de sécurité de la France
• Permanence des instruments : le réseau politico-militaire, le processus de décision, le style
• Changement des priorités, évolution des missions, nouveaux cadres d'action
• Diplomaties européennes et représentation à Bruxelles
• La diplomatie communautaire avec le SGCI
• Du monopole de la CPE à la responsabilité de la PESC
• La France à Bruxelles : la représentation permanente auprès de l'Union européenne
• L'action multilatérale

• La quête d'un rôle, le multilatéralisme au service du rayonnement
• Le soutien au multilatéralisme, vecteur d'influence désormais incontournable
• Entre instrumentalisation et identification
• Les politiques d'influence
• L'influence par l'action culturelle et l'audiovisuel extérieur
• La diplomatie de la francophonie
• La diplomatie numérique et publique
• La gestion des acteurs non étatiques
• La coopération décentralisée
• La coopération universitaire et de recherche
• L'action en matière économique
• La diplomatie aû service des intérêts économiques
• La question de l'unité de la définition et de la conduite de la diplomatie économique n'a cessé d'être posée de manière lancinante par le Département
• Pour autant, les trente dernières années n'ont pas été propices à l'équilibre du commerce extérieur de la France
• La diplomatie économique au service de la stratégie d'influence
• L'Union économique et monétaire
• La mondialisation et l'émergence de nouvelles puissances
• La diplomatie économique en tension avec d'autres priorités diplomatiques
• La tension entre les intérêts économiques et les "valeurs"
• La tension entre les intérêts économiques et les intérêts de sécurité
• L'action en matière de développement
• Les années de crises : ajustements structurels et fin de la guerre froide
• Années 1994-2004 : la réforme de l'État et la "nouvelle gestion publique"
• Depuis 2004 : renforcer le pilotage stratégique et contribuer aux politiques globales
• Postface
• Un monopole historique remis en cause dans les faits
• Un outil diplomatique adapté aux nouvelles réalités.

"Les relations internationales ont connu ces dernières décennies d'importants bouleversements. Comment la diplomatie française s'adapte-t-elle à ce nouvel ordre du monde, alors même qu'elle dispose de l'un des trois premiers réseaux de postes diplomatiques ? Elle a ainsi subi des réformes sans précédent, que ce soit dans son organisation ou dans son action, comme aussi dans le choix des hommes et des carrières. Plus que tout autre, le Quai d'Orsay a été touché par ces transformations. À travers sa politique extérieure, à travers le ministère des Affaires étrangères, c'est le visage même de la France du rd siècle qui se dessine. L'ambition de ce livre est de nous en tracer les contours et de nous en restituer l'histoire. C'est au coeur de la Ve République que nous sommes ainsi conduits. Car, si les diplomates continuent à jouer un rôle essentiel de représentation, d'information et de coordination de l'action extérieure de la France, la négociation et la prise de décision sont de plus en plus l'apanage de l'Élysée. Voici donc le portrait saisissant du nouveau Quai d'Orsay, de son évolution passée et de ses perspectives à venir, et du futur qu'il ouvre aujourd'hui pour la France dans le monde. Ouvrage dirigé par Maurice Vaïsse, professeur émérite d'histoire des relations internationales à Sciences Po avec la collaboration de Louis Amigues (ancien ambassadeur), Denis Bauchard (ancien ambassadeur), Frédéric Charillon (professeur de sciences politiques), Marie-Christine Kessler (directrice de recherches émérite au CNRS), Dephine Lagrange (maître de conférences en sciences politiques), Isabelle Richefort (conservateur général du patrimoine aux Archives diplomatiques), ainsi que d'une quarantaine d'auteurs, de diplomates, de conservateurs d'archives, de hauts fonctionnaires, d'historiens et de politologues préface de Jean-Yves Le Drian, ministre de l'Europe et des Affaires étrangères"--Page 4 of cover.

• Introduction: the world falling apart Brexit and the causes of European disintegration EU, Russia and the conflict in Ukraine Trumponomics and the dynamics of global disintegration Piketty's fundamental inequality r > g: the key to understanding and overcoming the causes of disintegration Conclusion: holoreflexivity and the shape of things to come.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Whether we talk about human learning and unlearning, securitization, or political economy, the forces and mechanisms generating both globalization and disintegration are causally efficacious across the world. Thus, the processes that led to the victory of the `Leave' campaign in the June 2016 referendum on UK European Union membership are not simply confined to the United Kingdom, or even Europe. Similarly, conflict in Ukraine and the presidency of Donald Trump hold implications for a stage much wider than EU-Russia or the United States alone. Patomaki explores the world-historical mechanisms and processes that have created the conditions for the world's current predicaments and, arguably, involve potential for better futures. Operationally, he relies on the philosophy of dialectical critical realism and on the methods of contemporary social sciences, exploring how crises, learning and politics are interwoven through uneven wealth-accumulation and problematical growth-dynamics. Seeking to illuminate the causes of the currently prevailing tendencies towards disintegration, antagonism and - ultimately - war, he also shows how these developments are in fact embedded in deeper processes of human learning. The book embraces a Wellsian warning about the increasingly likely possibility of a military disaster, but its central objective is to further enlightenment and holoreflexivity within the current world-historical conjuncture. This work will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, peace research, security studies and international political economy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Acknowledgments Conventions
• 1. Maybe They Will Smile Back
• 2. Souls of the Ehime Maru
• 3. Cheer Up, Vietnam
• 4. Cool Optimism
• 5. Staging The Empire of Light
• 6. The Peripheral U-Turn
• 7. Everything Sinks Notes Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Empire of Hope asks how emotions become meaningful in political life. In a diverse array of cases from recent Japanese history, David Leheny shows how sentimental portrayals of the nation and its global role reflect a durable story of hopefulness about the country's postwar path. From the medical treatment of conjoined Vietnamese children, victims of Agent Orange, the global promotion of Japanese popular culture, a tragic maritime accident involving a US Navy submarine, to the 2011 tsunami and nuclear disaster, this story has shaped the way in which political figures, writers, officials, and observers have depicted what the nation feels. Expressions of national emotion do several things: they construct the boundaries of the national body, they inform and discipline appropriate expression, and they depoliticize messy problems that threaten to produce divisive questions about winners and losers. Most important, they work because they appear to be natural, simple and expected expressions of how the nation shares feeling, even when they paper over the extraordinary divergence in how the nation's citizens experience each incident. In making its arguments, Empire of Hope challenges how we read the relations between emotion and politics by arguing-unlike those who build from the neuroscientific turn in the social sciences or those developing affect theory in the humanities-that the focus should be on emotional representation rather than on emotion itself.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1 - Introduction: Differential Empowerment and Domestic Change Agents
• 2 - Evolving Opportunities in the EU Accession Process
• 3 - Civil Society Mobilisation in Croatia
• 4 - Civil Society Mobilisation in Montenegro
• 5 - Civil Society Mobilisation in Serbia
• 6 - Comparing Mobilisation Strategies and Outcomes
• 7 - Conclusion: Civil Society Empowerment and Its Limits List of interviewees List of events attended Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book examines civil society empowerment during the EU enlargement process. Building on extensive fieldwork, it compares mobilisation around rule of law issues in Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia. Moving beyond the traditional focus on the top-down impact of EU support, it demonstrates NGOs' agency and analyses their shifting strategies throughout the membership negotiations. Its approach and findings will appeal to scholars and advanced students of EU integration, social movements, and the politics of South East Europe.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: Election Day, 2016
• The battle of Trenton
• The Little Führer
• The defender of Western civilization
• Kiggy
• The NSM turns forty
• The soldiers of the Earl Turner
• National Kill-a-White-Person Day
• The ANA
• Hammerskins
• Harrisburg
• The suits
• The college boys
• Hail Heimbach
• Postscript: The hard right.

The dark story of the shocking resurgence of white supremacist and nationalist groups, and their path to political power Six years ago, when Vegas Tenold began reporting from the inner circle of three white power groups in America - the KKK, the National Socialist Movement, and the Traditionalist Workers Party - he found himself in the midst of small, disorganized groups operating well outside the mainstream. But in the last few years, that has all changed. Their racially-motivated violence has been on open display at rallies in Charlottesville, Berkeley, Pikesville, Phoenix, and Boston. In response to economic grievances, anger over the presidency of Barack Obama and the visibility of Black Lives Matter, and egged on by the rhetoric of Donald Trump, membership is rising and national politicians are giving validation to these groups. One young man has emerged as a powerful figure: Matthew Heimbach of the Traditionalist Workers Party, who was once labeled the "Little Fuhrer" by the Southern Poverty Law Center. Heimbach believes that cross burning and fight-ridden conventions are a waste of time. He understands political power, and has organized a coalition of white nationalists to bring these groups into the mainstream. Everything You Love Will Burn gives readers a front-row seat at violent white supremacist conventions, newly formed separatist communities, and backroom meetings with Republican operatives. We meet a neo-Nazi lieutenant and his daughter in Brooklyn's Sheepshead Bay; a bubbly, twenty-something Klanswoman in Tennessee; and a solemn skinhead recruit in Georgia, and learn about why they've tied their fates to these movements. By turns frightening and fascinating, Everything You Love Will Burn shows us the future of hate in America.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

The dark story of the shocking resurgence of white supremacist and nationalist groups, and their path to political power Six years ago, when Vegas Tenold began reporting from the inner circle of three white power groups in America - the KKK, the National Socialist Movement, and the Traditionalist Workers Party - he found himself in the midst of small, disorganized groups operating well outside the mainstream. But in the last few years, that has all changed. Their racially-motivated violence has been on open display at rallies in Charlottesville, Berkeley, Pikesville, Phoenix, and Boston. In response to economic grievances, anger over the presidency of Barack Obama and the visibility of Black Lives Matter, and egged on by the rhetoric of Donald Trump, membership is rising and national politicians are giving validation to these groups. One young man has emerged as a powerful figure: Matthew Heimbach of the Traditionalist Workers Party, who was once labeled the "Little Fuhrer" by the Southern Poverty Law Center. Heimbach believes that cross burning and fight-ridden conventions are a waste of time. He understands political power, and has organized a coalition of white nationalists to bring these groups into the mainstream. Everything You Love Will Burn gives readers a front-row seat at violent white supremacist conventions, newly formed separatist communities, and backroom meetings with Republican operatives. We meet a neo-Nazi lieutenant and his daughter in Brooklyn's Sheepshead Bay; a bubbly, twenty-something Klanswoman in Tennessee; and a solemn skinhead recruit in Georgia, and learn about why they've tied their fates to these movements. By turns frightening and fascinating, Everything You Love Will Burn shows us the future of hate in America.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)