• Contents:
• 1. Introduction: the legacy of the Reagan revolution
• 2. Economic policy: reconfiguring the supply - side
• 3. Drowning government in the bathtub: restructuring social provision
• 4. Conservative foreign policy: Reagan to Trump
• 5. The right and the `culture wars'
• 6. The impact of the populist challenge
• 7. The Trump Administration
• 8. Afterword Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This timely and significant book provides a comprehensive overview of right-wing ideology and policy-making in the years since Ronald Reagan left office, and an explanation of the reasons why the Republicans, the `party of Reagan', turned towards Donald Trump. The authors assess the ways in which the Reagan legacy, rather than the empirical realities of his tenure, has impacted economic, social and cultural policy formation and conservative efforts at reshaping the United States. They also evaluate the changing relationships between different ideological currents on the right. Against this background, The American Right After Reagan discusses Trump's insurgent populism and the profound tensions that have marked his presidency. This thought-provoking book will prove invaluable to scholars in political science and American Studies, in particular those studying US domestic or foreign policy during this period. It will also provide useful insights for those seeking to understand the recent rise of right-wing populism and Trump's ascendancy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Cover; Title Page; Copyright page; Table of Contents; Acknowledgments; Introduction by Michael Ignatieff; I. The Open Society Ideal: For and Against; Open Society as an Oxymoron: A Conversation between Mark Lilla and Michael Ignatieff; The Open Society from a Conservative Perspective (Roger Scruton); Educating Skeptical but Passionate Citizens: The Open Society Ideal as a University Mission (Stefan Roch); II. Open Society in Practice: Democracy, Rule of Law, Free Speech and Secularism; Democracy Defended and Challenged (Thomas Christiano).

• Free Speech and the Defence of an Open Society (Timothy Garton Ash)Religion in the Open Society (Tim Crane); Constitutionalism in Closing Societies (Andras Sajo); III. Open Society in 21st Century Geopolitics; War and Open Society in the Twentieth Century (Margaret MacMillan); Open Societies at Home and Abroad (Stephen M. Walt); Eurasia, Europe, and the Question of U.S. Leadership (Robert Kaplan); The Open Society in a Networked World (Niall Ferguson); Germany and the Fate of Open Society (Daniela Schwarzer); IV. Open Society's New Enemies: The Authoritarian Competitors.

• The Puzzle of "Illiberal Democracy" (János Kis)How Can Populism Be Defeated? (Jan-Werner Müller); Beyond Demagoguery? The Contemporary Crisis of PoliticalCommunication (Erica Benner); Populism and Democracy in the Twenty-First Century (Pierre Rosanvallon); The Enduring Appeal of the One-Party State (Anne Applebaum); V. From Transition to Backsliding: Did Open Societies Fail?; After
• 1989: The Perennial Return of Central Europe Reflections on the Sources of the Illiberal Drift in Central Europe (Jacques Rupnik); Perhapsburg: Reflections on the Fragility and Resilience of Europe (Ivan Krastev).

• Capitalism and Democracy in East Central Europe: A Sequence of Crises (Dorothee Bohle)Civic Activism, Economic Nationalism, and Welfare for the Better Off: Pillars of Hungary's Illiberal State (Béla Greskovits); Corruption: The Ultimate Frontier of Open Society (Alina Mungiu-Pippidi); Conclusions: The Future of the Open Society Ideal (Michael Ignatieff); About the Contributors; Index; Back cover.

The key values of the Open Society - freedom, justice, tolerance, democracy and respect for knowledge - are increasingly under threat in today's world. As an effort to uphold those values, this volume brings together some of the key political, social and economic thinkers of our time to re-examine the Open Society closely in terms of its history, its achievements and failures, and its future prospects. Based on the lecture series Rethinking Open Society, which took place between 2017 and 2018 at the Central European University, the volume is deeply embedded in the history and purpose of CEU, its Open Society mission, and its belief in educating sceptical but passionate citizens. This volume aims to inspire students, researchers and citizens around the world to critically engage with Open Society values and to defend them wherever they are at risk. The volume features contributions from, among others: Dorothee Bohle, Timothy Garton Ash, Jacques Rupnik, Steven Walt, Erica Benner, Robert Kaplan, Andras Sajo, Roger Scruton, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, and Pierre Rosanvallon.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: Is democracy in retreat?
• The American experience
• Russia and the weight of history
• Martial law and the origins of Polish democracy
• Ukraine : "a made up country"?
• Kenya : "Save our beloved country"
• Colombia : the era of democratic security
• The Middle East : can democracy exist in a cauldron? Iraq : when tyrants fall ; Egypt and Tunisia : when old men fail ; Arab monarchies: will they reform?
• Are authoritarians so bad?
• What democracy must deliver
• "Democracy is the worst... except for all the others"
• Epilogue: They will look to America
• 2016.

"From the former secretary of state and bestselling author -- a sweeping look at the global struggle for democracy and why America must continue to support the cause of human freedom. From the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union to the ongoing struggle for human rights in the Middle East, Condoleezza Rice has served on the front lines of history. As a child, she was an eyewitness to a third awakening of freedom, when her hometown of Birmingham, Alabama, became the epicenter of the civil rights movement for black Americans. In this book, Rice explains what these epochal events teach us about democracy. At a time when people around the world are wondering whether democracy is in decline, Rice shares insights from her experiences as a policymaker, scholar, and citizen, in order to put democracy's challenges into perspective."-- Provided by publisher.

• Prologue
• Introduction : Is democracy in retreat?
• The American experience
• Russia and the weight of history
• Martial law and the origins of Polish democracy
• Ukraine : "A made up country"?
• Kenya : "Save our beloved country"
• Colombia : the era of democratic security
• The Middle East : can democracy exist in a cauldron? Iraq : when tyrants fall ; Egypt and Tunisia : when old men fail ; Arab monarchies : will they reform?
• Are authoritarians so bad?
• What democracy must deliver
• "Democracy is the worst... except for all the others"
• Epilogue : they will look to America
• 2016.

From the former secretary of state and bestselling author -- a sweeping look at the global struggle for democracy and why America must continue to support the cause of human freedom."This heartfelt and at times very moving book shows why democracy proponents are so committed to their work...Both supporters and skeptics of democracy promotion will come away from this book wiser and better informed." --The New York Times From the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union to the ongoing struggle for human rights in the Middle East, Condoleezza Rice has served on the front lines of history. As a child, she was an eyewitness to a third awakening of freedom, when her hometown of Birmingham, Alabama, became the epicenter of the civil rights movement for black Americans. In this book, Rice explains what these epochal events teach us about democracy. At a time when people around the world are wondering whether democracy is in decline, Rice shares insights from her experiences as a policymaker, scholar, and citizen, in order to put democracy's challenges into perspective. When the United States was founded, it was the only attempt at self-government in the world. Today more than half of all countries qualify as democracies, and in the long run that number will continue to grow. Yet nothing worthwhile ever comes easily. Using America's long struggle as a template, Rice draws lessons for democracy around the world -- from Russia, Poland, and Ukraine, to Kenya, Colombia, and the Middle East. She finds that no transitions to democracy are the same because every country starts in a different place. Pathways diverge and sometimes circle backward. Time frames for success vary dramatically, and countries often suffer false starts before getting it right. But, Rice argues, that does not mean they should not try. While the ideal conditions for democracy are well known in academia, they never exist in the real world. The question is not how to create perfect circumstances but how to move forward under difficult ones. These same insights apply in overcoming the challenges faced by governments today. The pursuit of democracy is a continuing struggle shared by people around the world, whether they are opposing authoritarian regimes, establishing new democratic institutions, or reforming mature democracies to better live up to their ideals. The work of securing it is never finished.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Cradle conservative
• Paris holiday
• The movement
• Rebels with a cause
• Reluctant champion
• The day Kennedy died
• Decision time
• A choice, not an echo
• The real Barry Goldwater
• The must primary
• Civil rights and the constitution
• Convention
• Things that matter
• Extremism and liberty
• Anything goes
• Let Goldwater be Goldwater
• Landslide
• 27 million Americans can't be wrong
• On my own
• Author, author
• The "voice" of the silent majority
• Square power
• The rabbi and the president
• The new right
• The changing face of conservatism
• Captive nations and peoples
• Leaving the arena
• Back to school
• Defalcation
• Missionaries for freedom
• "Dear Bill"
• The making of a memorial
• The final step
• Dedication day
• Chimera?
• Trumped
• Coda.

Lee Edwards is the preeminent historian of the conservative movement. But as this riveting memoir makes clear, he has not simply observed conservatism as a detached scholar; he has been active on the national stage longer than any other conservative in America.Since committing his life to pro-freedom and anticommunist efforts as a young man in 1956, he has been present at nearly every major event of the modern conservative movement. In his tireless pursuit of liberty, Dr. Edwards has combined politics, policy, and philosophy. His memoir is full of colorful stories from a man who has done it all in a remarkable, multifaceted career.Just Right reveals: Edwards's insider account of Barry Goldwater's pivotal campaign, for which he ran national publicityExcerpts from his fifty-year-long correspondence with William F. Buckley Jr., revealing new aspects of WFBWhy the New York Times dubbed Edwards "The Voice of the Silent Majority"How he put international communism on trialHow he first interviewed Ronald Reagan when the actor was thinking of running for governor-and discovered that Reagan was a secret intellectual who read Hayek, Bastiat, and ChambersHow he organized the largest public demonstration in support of our men in Vietnam, attracting some 25,000 peopleHow he created the Victims of Communism Memorial in Washington, pushing against the federal bureaucracy for years Lee Edwards's memoir appears at a critical time in the history of American conservatism. In an inspiring final chapter aimed at the rising generation, Dr. Edwards shows how conservatives can remain a major political and philosophical force in America.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• * The Politics of Mary Kaldor.* Militarism and the State.* European Nuclear Disarmament.* Linking Peace and Human Rights.* Politics "From Below."* Independent Civil Society.* Dealignment, Helsinki Citizens, and Moscow 134.* The Problem of Intervention to Stop War.* The Politics of Violence.* Safe Havens and Protectorates.* New Wars.* Rethinking Intervention.* Human Security.* The Future of Security?
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Although more than a little controversial, Mary Kaldor's academic work and ideas have both stimulated and influenced debate in the Pentagon, the United Nations, the European Union, NATO, and beyond. How did this come about? And how did Kaldor reach the conclusions outlined in her seminal books? Melinda Rankin traces the evolution of Kaldor's work, revealing how her thinking developed from her years as an antiwar activist and scholar in the 1970s-1980s, through her direct experiences of war in the Balkans and Caucasus, to her present support of armed humanitarian intervention to defend civilians from state and quasi-state violence.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Section I. The Birth of the Modern Revolution (1700-1815)
• Section II. The Revolutionaries Regroup (1815-1848)
• Section III. The Spread of Revolution beyond Western Europe and the Americas (1848-1949)
• Section IV. The Post-Imperial World (1949-present) Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Revolution is an idea that has been one of the most important drivers of human activity since its emergence in its modern form in the 18th century. From the American and French revolutionaries who upset a monarchical order that had dominated for over a millennium up to the Arab Spring, this notion continues but has also developed its meanings. Equated with democracy and legal equality at first and surprisingly redefined into its modern meaning, revolution has become a means to create nations, change the social order, and throw out colonial occupiers, and has been labelled as both conservative and reactionary. In this concise introduction to the topic, Jack R. Censer charts the development of these competing ideas and definitions in four chronological sections. Each section includes a debate from protagonists who represent various forms of revolution and counterrevolution, allowing students a firmer grasp on the particular ideas and individuals of each era. This book offers a new approach to the topic of revolution for all students of world history.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Part 1: Democracy
• 1. Constitutional Democracy for Divided Societies Munafrizal Manan
• 2. Democracy Promotion as a Security Strategy: The Case of the European Union Ioannis A. Stivachtis
• 3. The EU's Democracy Promotion in its "Neighborhood": Renegotiating the post-Arab Spring Framework Manasi Singh
• 4. States of Depoliticization: The Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Political Economy of Discretion Sorin Mitrea
• 5. The Public Sphere and Practice of Democracy in Nigeria: The Context and Contribution of the Nigerian Diaspora Kudus Oluwatoyin Adebayo and Emeka Thaddues Njoku
• 6. Immigration and Democratic States' Borders: A Normative Map of Migration Theories Georgiana Turculet
• 7. Managing Ethnic Diversity: The Pakistani Experience Muhammad Mushtaq
• 8. An Abuse of Culture: North Korean Settlers, Multiculturalism, and Liberal Democracy Minkyu Sung
• 9. Dictators, Trade, and Development: The Mediterranean MENA Development Model and Euro-Mediterranean Economic Relations Eugenio Dacrema
• 10. Regional Security and Democratic Transitions: An Alternate Perspective Barbara Buraczynska
• 11. Democracy and State Constitutionalism: The Quest for "Good Governance" in Bangladesh Sayed Javed Ahmad & Scott Nicholas Romaniuk
• Part 2: Civil Society
• 12. Taking Steps towards an Understanding of "Civil Society with Chinese Characteristics": An Exploration through the Eyes of Chinese Faith-based Organizations Dr. Caroline Fielder
• 13. Redrawing Boundaries: Neoliberal Governmentality and the Politics of Active Citizenship Abhilash Babu
• 14. Public Corruption and Civic Disclosure: Natural Resources and Indonesia Mark S. Williams
• 15. The United Nations and Post-conflict Zones: Policy Failure in the Afghanistan New Beginnings Programme Sarah Shoker
• 16. Global Civil Society and UN Anti-Trafficking Agreements Marguerite Marlin
• 17. When Interests Collide: J. H. Merryman's "The Public Interests in Cultural Property" and the Sistine Chapel Joshua K. Wasylciw
• 18. ASEAN: The Intersection of Democracy, Civil Society, and Human Rights Benoit Masset.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Democracy and Civil Society in a Global Era addresses challenges to the strengthening of active citizenship. In this highly-structured work, the themes presented are linked to fostering a culture of peace and non-violence, the lessening of fear and insecurity in political, economic, social, and cultural terms inherently detached from the conceptualization of political delineations and physical boundaries, and the ability to live dignified lives. The various regions that are represented in the case studies include: the Indian sub-continent, Malaysia, Indonesia, Turkey, Iran, China, the Middle East, Nigeria and the EU. The commonality and universality of the topics allows readers from any region of the world to relate to them. This book presents a dynamic combination of theory and field research, and is an iconoclastic tour-de-force of studies in democracy. Policy makers, think tanks and development practitioners may be particularly be interested in this book because it is about action rather than mere ideas and processes. It demonstrates how social movements can introduce and strengthen equality, inclusion, accountability, and the free flow of information. These elements, in turn, can contribute to the acculturation of freedom and social justice, in the developed world just as much as in the developing world.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction--
• 2. Characteristics of democracy protests--
• 3. Relating economic crises to democracy--
• 4. Analyzing the rise of democracy protests--
• 5. Analyzing elections as trigger events--
• 6. Historical trends in government responses--
• 7. Analyzing political accommodation--
• 8. Historical trends in democratization--
• 9. Analyzing democratization--
• 10. Conclusion-- Bibliography.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Why do democracy protests emerge in some countries at certain times, but not in others? Why do governments accommodate these protests, undertaking sweeping reforms in some cases, and in others find ways to suppress protests? In Democracy Protests, Brancati highlights the role of economic crises in triggering protests. She argues that crises increase discontent with governments, and authoritarianism in particular, and also increase support for opposition candidates who are more likely to organize protests, especially during election periods. Economic crises are also shown to create chances for opportunists to capitalize on anti-regime sentiment and mobilize support against governments. However, if crises are severe and protests concomitantly large, governments are likely to be compelled to make accommodations with protestors, regardless of their likelihood of retaining office. Brancati's argument rests on a rich statistical analysis of the causes and consequences of democracy protests around the globe between 1989 and 2011, combined with qualitative case studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface Acknowledgments Introduction
• 1. Eqbal's Life
• 2. Reflections on Eqbal's Life
• 3. Polemics
• 4. Islam and Islamic History
• 5. Imperialism, Nationalism, Revolutionary Warfare, Insurgency, and the Need for Democracy
• 6. The Middle East and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict
• 7. India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh: The Problem of Nuclear Proliferation and Views on Partitioning States
• 8. Critique of U.S. Foreign Policy, the Cold War, and Terrorism Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Eqbal Ahmad (1930?-1999) was a bold and original activist, journalist, and theorist who brought uncommon perspective to the rise of militant Islam, the conflict in Kashmir, the involvement of the United States in Vietnam, and the geopolitics of the Cold War. A long-time friend and intellectual collaborator of Ahmad, Stuart Schaar presents in this book previously unseen materials by and about his colleague, having traveled through the United States, India, Pakistan, western Europe, and North Africa to connect Ahmad's experiences to the major currents of modern history. Ahmad was the first to recognize that former ally Osama bin Laden would turn against the United States. He anticipated the rapidly shifting loyalties of terrorists and understood that overthrowing Saddam Hussein would provoke violence and sectarian strife in Iraq. Ahmad had great compassion for the victims of the proxy wars waged by the leading Cold War powers, and he frequently championed unpopular causes, such as the need to extend the rights of Palestinians and protect Bosnians and Kosovars in a disintegrating Yugoslavia. Toward the end of his life, Ahmad worked tirelessly to broker a peace between India and Pakistan and to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons throughout the subcontinent. As novel and necessary as ever, Ahmad's remarkable vision is here preserved and extended to reveal the extent to which he was involved in the political and historical conflicts of his time.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction. Inclusion and mainstreaming: Radical right-wing populist parties in the new millennium Tjitske Akkerman, Sarah L. de Lange and Matthijs Rooduijn Part I. Comparative analyses
• 2. Into the mainstream? A comparative analysis of the programmatic profiles of radical right-wing populist parties in Western Europe over time Tjitske Akkerman, Sarah L. de Lange and Matthijs Rooduijn
• 3. Closing the gap? A comparison of voters for radical right-wing populist parties and mainstream parties over time Matthijs Rooduijn Part II. Case-studies
• 4. The mainstreaming of the Austrian Freedom Party: The more things change... Reinhard Heinisch and Kristina Hauser
• 5. The Danish People's Party: Combining cooperation and radical positions Flemming Juul Christiansen
• 6. From the mainstream to the margin? The radicalisation of the True Finns Ann-Cathrine Jungar
• 7. The Party for Freedom: Balancing between mission, votes and office Tjitske Akkerman
• 8. The taming of the shrew. How the Progress Party (almost) became part of the mainstream Anders Ravik Jupskas
• 9. Staying away from the mainstream. The case of the Swiss People's Party Oscar Mazzoleni
• 10. It is still a long way from Madou Square to Law Street. The evolution of the Flemish Bloc. Paul Lucardie, Tjitske Akkerman and Teun Pauwels
• 11. A new course for the French radical right? The Front National and 'de-demonisation' Gilles Ivaldi
• 12. The UK Independence Party: The dimensions of mainstreaming Simon Usherwood
• 13. Conclusions Tjitske Akkerman
• 14.
• Appendix 1
• 15. Appendix 2.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Radical right-wing populist parties, such as Geert Wilders' Party for Freedom, Marine Le Pen's National Front or Nigel Farage's UKIP, are becoming increasingly influential in Western European democracies. Their electoral support is growing, their impact on policy-making is substantial, and in recent years several radical right-wing populist parties have assumed office or supported minority governments. Are these developments the cause and/or consequence of the mainstreaming of radical right-wing populist parties? Have radical right-wing populist parties expanded their issue profiles, moderated their policy positions, toned down their anti-establishment rhetoric and shed their extreme right reputations to attract more voters and/or become coalition partners? This timely book answers these questions on the basis of both comparative research and a wide range of case studies, covering Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Analysing the extent to which radical right-wing populist parties have become part of mainstream politics, as well as the factors and conditions which facilitate this trend, this book is essential reading for students and scholars working in European politics, in addition to anyone interested in party politics and current affairs more generally.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The think tank in an era of liberal consensus
• Think tanks in a marketplace of ideas
• Think tanks in the age of Reagan
• Think tanks, new democrats, and committed conservatives
• Think tanks, foreign policy, and the marketplace of ideas in the 2000s
• Conclusion: policy as identity politics.

From the middle of the twentieth century, think tanks have played an indelible role in the rise of American conservatism. Positioning themselves against the alleged liberal bias of the media, academia, and the federal bureaucracy, conservative think tanks gained the attention of politicians and the public alike and were instrumental in promulgating conservative ideas. Yet, in spite of the formative influence these insitutions have had on the media and public opinion, little has been written about their history. Here, Jason Stahl offers the first sustained investigation of the rise and historical development of the conservative think tank as a source of political and cultural power in the United States. What we now know as conservative think tanks-research and public-relations institutions populated by conservative intellectuals-emerged in the postwar period as places for theorizing and ""selling"" public policies and ideologies to both lawmakers and the public at large. Stahl traces the progression of think tanks from their outsider status against a backdrop of New Deal and Great Society liberalism to their current prominence as a counterweight to progressive political institutions and thought. By examining the rise of the conservative think tank, Stahl makes invaluable contributions to our historical understanding of conservatism, public-policy formation, and capitalism.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The think tank in an era of "liberal consensus"
• Think tanks in a "marketplace of ideas"
• Think tanks in the age of Reagan
• Think tanks, new democrats, and committed conservatives
• Think tanks, foreign policy, and the marketplace of ideas in the 2000s
• Conclusion: policy as identity politics.

From the middle of the twentieth century, think tanks have played an indelible role in the rise of American conservatism. Positioning themselves against the alleged liberal bias of the media, academia, and the federal bureaucracy, conservative think tanks gained the attention of politicians and the public alike and were instrumental in promulgating conservative ideas. Yet, in spite of the formative influence these insitutions have had on the media and public opinion, little has been written about their history. Here, Jason Stahl offers the first sustained investigation of the rise and historical development of the conservative think tank as a source of political and cultural power in the United States. What we now know as conservative think tanks-research and public-relations institutions populated by conservative intellectuals-emerged in the postwar period as places for theorizing and ""selling"" public policies and ideologies to both lawmakers and the public at large. Stahl traces the progression of think tanks from their outsider status against a backdrop of New Deal and Great Society liberalism to their current prominence as a counterweight to progressive political institutions and thought. By examining the rise of the conservative think tank, Stahl makes invaluable contributions to our historical understanding of conservatism, public-policy formation, and capitalism.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface Acknowledgments Introduction
• 1. Eqbal's Life
• 2. Reflections on Eqbal's Life
• 3. Polemics
• 4. Islam and Islamic History
• 5. Imperialism, Nationalism, Revolutionary Warfare, Insurgency, and the Need for Democracy
• 6. The Middle East and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict
• 7. India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh: The Problem of Nuclear Proliferation and Views on Partitioning States
• 8. Critique of U.S. Foreign Policy, the Cold War, and Terrorism Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Eqbal Ahmad (1930?-1999) was a bold and original activist, journalist, and theorist who brought uncommon perspective to the rise of militant Islam, the conflict in Kashmir, the involvement of the United States in Vietnam, and the geopolitics of the Cold War. A long-time friend and intellectual collaborator of Ahmad, Stuart Schaar presents in this book previously unseen materials by and about his colleague, having traveled through the United States, India, Pakistan, western Europe, and North Africa to connect Ahmad's experiences to the major currents of modern history. Ahmad was the first to recognize that former ally Osama bin Laden would turn against the United States. He anticipated the rapidly shifting loyalties of terrorists and understood that overthrowing Saddam Hussein would provoke violence and sectarian strife in Iraq. Ahmad had great compassion for the victims of the proxy wars waged by the leading Cold War powers, and he frequently championed unpopular causes, such as the need to extend the rights of Palestinians and protect Bosnians and Kosovars in a disintegrating Yugoslavia. Toward the end of his life, Ahmad worked tirelessly to broker a peace between India and Pakistan and to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons throughout the subcontinent. As novel and necessary as ever, Ahmad's remarkable vision is here preserved and extended to reveal the extent to which he was involved in the political and historical conflicts of his time.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book is about the role of geography and civilization in past, present, and future world politics, developed in the mid-1980s Geographically the world had been badly served by a division into three parts: "free" meaning capitalist, socialist, and the poor "Third World"; East, West, and South. Left out was a Fourth World in the Southeast, with China, Japan, and other countries taking the world by surprise, first the Japanese miracle, then China. There is more to come. Civilizationally the Northwest is Catholic-Protestant-secular; the Northeast Orthodox-secular, Muslim, and Hindu; the Southeast Daoist and Buddhist. Civilizations leave strong imprints on the worlds and their relations. One of them, Western civilization (but also Islam) sees itself with the right and duty to impost itself on others, even eliminating them. Based on this analysis and diagnosis, the book offers a view into the future, a prognosis, and proposals for strategy away from war, toward peace. This book is intended for students and specialists in international relations as an overview seen from the world, not one particular region.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

The volume shows that neoliberalism concerns a tradition carried by a network of people, who understood themselves as liberals (and at times as neoliberals) and who sought to create societies based on individual freedom and a free market economy. It also shows that neoliberalism emerged as a transnational and multilingual phenomenon and that it cannot be reduced to one doctrine or practice. The book will enrich the reader's knowledge of the political-ideological landscapes and developments in various European regions and countries, in addition to transforming the overall picture of European (neo)liberalisms in the twentieth century.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Renowned Eastern European author Adam Michnik was jailed for more than six years by the communist regime in Poland for his dissident activities. He was an outspoken voice for democracy in the world divided by the Iron Curtain and has remained so to the present day. In this thoughtful and provocative work, the man the Financial Times named "one of the 20 most influential journalists in the world" strips fundamentalism of its religious component and examines it purely as a secular political phenomenon. Comparing modern-day Poland with postrevolutionary France, Michnik offers a stinging critique of the ideological "virus of fundamentalism" often shared by emerging democracies: the belief that, by using techniques of intimidating public opinion, a state governed by "sinless individuals" armed with a doctrine of the only correct means of organizing human relations can build a world without sin. Michnik employs deep historical analysis and keen political observation in his insightful five-point philosophical meditation on morality in public life, ingeniously expounding on history, religion, moral thought, and the present political climate in his native country and throughout Europe.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Contents: The concept of the parapolitical, Eric Wilson-- State-corporate globalization and the rise and demise of the new deal world order, Tom Reifer-- Capitalism, covert action and state terrorism: toward a political economy of the dual state, Nafeez Mossadeq Ahmed-- 'America is addicted to oil': US secret warfare and dwindling oil reserves in the context of peak oil and 9/11, Daniele Ganser-- Researching parapolitics: replication, qualitative research, and social science methodology, David N. Gibbs-- The unusual suspects: Africa, parapolitics, and the national security state complex, Enrico Carisch-- State hierarchy and governance: of shadows or equivalence in regulating global crisis, Mark Findlay-- Dual state: the case of Sweden, Ola Tunander-- Canadian stalking horse: 'a parallel power', David MacGregor-- A study in gray: the Affaire Moro and notes for a re-interpretation of the Cold War and the nature of terrorism, Guido Giacomo Preparata-- Schmitt, Ergenekon and the neocons, Len Bracken-- The spectacle and the partisan, Jeff Kinkle-- Targeting journalists and media in the new world order, Stig A. Nohrstedt and Rune Ottosen-- Afterword: dual Schmitt, deep Schmitt, William A. Rasch-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This volume presents a practical demonstration of the relevance of Carl Schmitt's thought to parapolitical studies, arguing that his constitutional theory is the one best suited to investing the 'deep state' with intellectual and doctrinal coherence. Critiquing Schmitt's work from a variety of intellectual perspectives, the chapters discuss current parapolitical reality within the domain of criminology, the parapolitical nature of both the dual state and the national security state corporate complex. Using the USA as a prime example of the world's current dual or 'deep political state', the criminogenic dimensions of the parapolitical systems of post 9/11 America are discussed. Using case studies, the dual state is examined as the causal factor of inexplicable parapolitical events within both the developed and developing world, including Sweden, Canada, Italy, Turkey, and Africa.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Machine generated contents note:
• Introduction
• Chapter 1. Russian Anti-Communist Revolution (1985-1999) and the French Revolution (1789-1799)
• Chapter 2. What does it mean to say "no"? Theories of negativity
• Chapter 3. Theories of revolution Conclusion Index.

"This thought-provoking work analyzes concrete political events and reinterprets key concepts in modern political science. Building on the works of Kant, Badiou, Adorno, Hegel, and more, it posits that the dynamics of revolution can be encapsulated in the concept of negation, since a revolution essentially negates "what is" by rejecting the power in place. The work argues that revolution is the true ground of Western democracy and that the proof of a true democracy is the activity of protest movements. It discusses how modern philosophy conceives political truth as revolutionary or eventful, and that one aspect of revolution is negativity, which fluctuates between inertia and melancholia. It examines the problem of revolution in the context of modern philosophy, providing a diagnosis of the historical developments since the fall of the Soviet Union to the Arab Spring, setting forth an original theory of revolution while shedding light on the notion of negativity in contemporary thought. This innovative work will appeal to anyone interested in political theory and political philosophy"-- Provided by publisher.

• The Individual and the World-- The Canadian Context-- Geneva-- Morse-- 1968-- Ambivalence-- Transition-- Thought and Reality-- The 1970s-- The Emergence of China-- Civilizations and World Order-- Synthesis.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The book shows one individual's (the author) experience of the world, through contacts with government officials and scholars in the Middle East and Asia, Europe and Latin America during the post-Second World War years up to the later 1960s; and then that individual's reflections and study during the succeeding decades, up to and including the first decade of the 21st century, concerning the future of the world and the critical choices that confront the world both in inter-state relations and in maintaining the security of the biosphere.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The Individual and the World-- The Canadian Context-- Geneva-- Morse-- 1968-- Ambivalence-- Transition-- Thought and Reality-- The 1970s-- The Emergence of China-- Civilizations and World Order-- Synthesis.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The book shows one individual's (the author) experience of the world, through contacts with government officials and scholars in the Middle East and Asia, Europe and Latin America during the post-Second World War years up to the later 1960s; and then that individual's reflections and study during the succeeding decades, up to and including the first decade of the 21st century, concerning the future of the world and the critical choices that confront the world both in inter-state relations and in maintaining the security of the biosphere.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The Individual and the World-- The Canadian Context-- Geneva-- Morse-- 1968-- Ambivalence-- Transition-- Thought and Reality-- The 1970s-- The Emergence of China-- Civilizations and World Order-- Synthesis.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The book shows one individual's (the author) experience of the world, through contacts with government officials and scholars in the Middle East and Asia, Europe and Latin America during the post-Second World War years up to the later 1960s; and then that individual's reflections and study during the succeeding decades, up to and including the first decade of the 21st century, concerning the future of the world and the critical choices that confront the world both in inter-state relations and in maintaining the security of the biosphere.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• The concept of the parapolitical / Eric Wilson
• State-corporate globalization and the rise and demise of the new deal world order / Tom Reifer
• Capitalism, covert action and state-terrorism: toward a political economy of the dual state / Nafeez Mossadeq Ahmed
• "America is addicted to oil" : U.S. secret warfare and dwindling oil reserves in the context of peak oil and 9/11 / Daniele Ganser
• Researching parapolitics : replication, qualitative research, and social science methodology / David N. Gibbs
• The unusual suspects : Africa, parapolitics, and the national security state complex / Rico Carisch
• State hierarchy and governance : of shadows or equivelance in regulating global crisis / Mark Findlay
• Dual state : the case of Sweden / Ola Tunander
• Canadian stalking horse : "a parallel power" / David MacGregor
• A study in gray: the affaire moro and notes for a reinterpretation of the Cold War and the nature of terrorism / Guido Giacomo Preparata
• Schmitt, ergenekon, and the neocons / Len Bracken
• The spectacle and the partisan / Jeff Kinkle
• Targeting journalists and media in the new world order / Stig A. Nohrstedt and Rune Ottosen
• Afterword: Dual Schmitt, deep Schmitt / William Rasch.

This volume presents a practical demonstration of the relevance of Carl Schmitt's thought to parapolitical studies, arguing that his constitutional theory is the one best suited to investing the `deep state' with intellectual and doctrinal coherence. Critiquing Schmitt's work from a variety of intellectual perspectives, the chapters discuss current parapolitical reality within the domain of criminology, the parapolitical nature of both the dual state and the national security state corporate complex. Using the USA as a prime example of the world's current dual or `deep political state', the criminogenic dimensions of the parapolitical systems of post 9/11 America are discussed. Using case studies, the dual state is examined as the causal factor of inexplicable parapolitical events within both the developed and developing world, including Sweden, Canada, Italy, Turkey, and Africa.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• A new conservatism
• Leo Strauss, liberalism and the "crisis of our times"
• Capitalism, culture wars, and the neoconservative state
• The democratic mirage of neoconservative
• Internationalism
• The neoconservative critique of global liberal governance
• A liberalism betrayed?.

In this book, Jean-Francois Drolet contributes to a critical engagement with American neoconservatism at the level of its intellectual foundations. Situated at the interface of the disciplines of International Relations, political theory and the history of ideas, the book moves beyond recent debates over the intricacies of the Bush administration's foreign policy to offer a deeper look at the philosophical premises of this 'new' conservatism in light of the historical events and changing social compacts that have created a demand for it over the past decades. It surveys neoconservative discourses on a wide range of issue areas such as democracy, the liberal state, capitalism, national security, international law and global liberal governance, and draws attention to the systematic links between the domestic and international dimensions of neoconservative political sociology. Taking issue with its self-image, Drolet argues and demonstrates that American neoconservatism is not the centrist 'liberal' conservatism that it pretends to be - and that many analysts have diagnosed in recent years. To the extent neoconservatism is committed to the Enlightenment discourse of liberalism, these commitments are firmly subordinated to an authoritarian form of cultural and philosophical conservatism, which is in fact ferociously predatory on liberal values and practices. Neoconservatism is not a conservative variant of liberalism but a deeply atavistic reaction to liberal modernity. It owes a lot more to the authoritarian intellectual milieu of interwar Europe than to the liberal tradition that its protagonists allegedly want to reform and protect against its enemies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Thinking about empire
• The omnipresent arsenal
• Why rulers seek global dominion
• Deliberate design
• How moneyed interests create poor nations
• Globalization for the few
• Free market servitude
• Target Cuba
• Satellites or enemies
• Rogue imperium.

The relationship between US economic and military power is not often considered within mainstream commentary. Similarly the connection between US military interventions overseas and US domestic problems is rarely considered in any detail. In this brilliant new book, Michael Parenti reveals the true face of US imperialism. He documents how it promotes unjust policies across the globe including expropriation of natural resources, privatisation, debt burdens and suppression of democratic movements. He then demonstrates how this feeds into deteriorating living standards in the US itself, leading to increased poverty, decaying infrastructure and impending ecological disaster. The Face of Imperialism redefines empire and imperialism and connects the crisis in the US with its military escapades across the world.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: The Argument
• 1. The Debate on World Order
• 2. Tensions in Liberalism: Universal Values for All or a Pluralist World?
• 3. Values and Liberal World Order
• 4. A Different Security Dilemma: Liberals Facing Weak and Failed States
• 5. Free Markets for All: The Difficulties of Maintaining a Stable Liberal World Economy
• 6. Institutions and Liberal World Order
• Conclusion: Prospects for Liberal World Order
• List of Abbreviations References Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The collapse of the bipolar international system near the end of the twentieth century changed political liberalism from a regional system with aspirations of universality to global ideological dominance as the basic vision of how international life should be organized. Yet in the last two decades liberal democracies have not been able to create an effective and legitimate liberal world order. In A Liberal World Order in Crisis, Georg Sorensen suggests that this is connected to major tensions between two strains of liberalism: a "liberalism of imposition" affirms the universal validity of liberal values and is ready to use any means to secure the worldwide expansion of liberal principles. A "liberalism of restraint" emphasizes nonintervention, moderation, and respect for others. This book is the first comprehensive discussion of how tensions in liberalism create problems for the establishment of a liberal world order. The book is also the first skeptical liberal statement to appear since the era of liberal optimism-based in anticipation of the end of history-in the 1990s. Sorensen identifies major competing analyses of world order and explains why their focus on balance-of-power competition, civilizational conflict, international terrorism, and fragile states is insufficient.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: The argument
• The debate on world order
• Tensions in liberalism : universal values for all or a pluralist world?
• Values and liberal world order
• A different security dilemma : liberals facing weak and failed states
• Free markets for all : the difficulties of maintaining a stable liberal world economy
• Institutions and liberal world order
• Conclusion: Prospects for liberal world order.

The collapse of the bipolar international system near the end of the twentieth century changed political liberalism from a regional system with aspirations of universality to global ideological dominance as the basic vision of how international life should be organized. Yet in the last two decades liberal democracies have not been able to create an effective and legitimate liberal world order. In A Liberal World Order in Crisis, Georg Sorensen suggests that this is connected to major tensions between two strains of liberalism: a "liberalism of imposition" affirms the universal validity of liberal values and is ready to use any means to secure the worldwide expansion of liberal principles. A "liberalism of restraint" emphasizes nonintervention, moderation, and respect for others. This book is the first comprehensive discussion of how tensions in liberalism create problems for the establishment of a liberal world order. The book is also the first skeptical liberal statement to appear since the era of liberal optimism-based in anticipation of the end of history-in the 1990s. Sorensen identifies major competing analyses of world order and explains why their focus on balance-of-power competition, civilizational conflict, international terrorism, and fragile states is insufficient.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: The Argument
• 1. The Debate on World Order
• 2. Tensions in Liberalism: Universal Values for All or a Pluralist World?
• 3. Values and Liberal World Order
• 4. A Different Security Dilemma: Liberals Facing Weak and Failed States
• 5. Free Markets for All: The Difficulties of Maintaining a Stable Liberal World Economy
• 6. Institutions and Liberal World Order
• Conclusion: Prospects for Liberal World Order
• List of Abbreviations References Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The collapse of the bipolar international system near the end of the twentieth century changed political liberalism from a regional system with aspirations of universality to global ideological dominance as the basic vision of how international life should be organized. Yet in the last two decades liberal democracies have not been able to create an effective and legitimate liberal world order. In A Liberal World Order in Crisis, Georg Sorensen suggests that this is connected to major tensions between two strains of liberalism: a "liberalism of imposition" affirms the universal validity of liberal values and is ready to use any means to secure the worldwide expansion of liberal principles. A "liberalism of restraint" emphasizes nonintervention, moderation, and respect for others. This book is the first comprehensive discussion of how tensions in liberalism create problems for the establishment of a liberal world order. The book is also the first skeptical liberal statement to appear since the era of liberal optimism-based in anticipation of the end of history-in the 1990s. Sorensen identifies major competing analyses of world order and explains why their focus on balance-of-power competition, civilizational conflict, international terrorism, and fragile states is insufficient.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Renowned American sociologist Charles Derber imagines a surprise encounter with Karl Marx's ghost in London's Highgate cemetery, leading to a night-long conversation about the problems plaguing the world. The economic crisis, climate change, war, the future of capitalism and the 'Arab Spring' are all discussed. The ghost reconsiders his theories as he speaks eloquently about American labour, environmental, gender and anti-racist struggles. The engrossing, funny and provocative conversation, with appearances from other ghosts such as John Maynard Keynes, offers new insights into the relevance and flaws of Marx's thought, indicating how we can get to a better world.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This is a collection of scholarly essays on democratic peace theory. Historical patterns suggest that democratic governments, which often fight wars against authoritarian regimes, maintain peaceful relationships with other governments that uphold political freedoms and empower their civil societies - a concept known as 'democratic peace'. ""Democratic Peace in Theory and Practice"" is a timely collection of essays by leading scholars that examines how democracies maintain relationships and how democracies are spread throughout the world. Along with two articles by Michael W. Doyle that brought widespread attention to the concept of democratic peace in the 1980s, the essays in this volume explore the application of democratic peace theory in the Middle East, the importance of peace and prosperity in developing democracy, the contradiction between democracy and capitalism present today in the process of globalization, and democratization in Africa. The contributors also consider the contradictions of promoting democracy by force, the necessity of educating and mobilizing citizens in democratic countries, economic sanctions as policy tools, and the relationship between democracy promotion and terrorism, among other topics. The latest volume in The Kent State University Press' ""Symposia on Democracy Series"", ""Democratic Peace in Theory and Practice"" will be welcomed by political scientists and valued by students of democracy, diplomacy, and peace studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Washington's world before the rise of human rights
• The Carter years : American foreign policy finds a soul
• The Reagan administration : democratization and proxy wars
• Human rights and China
• Post-Reagan : humanitarianism amid the ruins
• Terrorism and the pathology of American power.

The United States has long been hailed as a powerful force for global human rights. Now, drawing on thousands of documents from the CIA, the National Security Council, the Pentagon, and development agencies, James Peck shows in blunt detail how Washington has shaped human rights into a potent ideological weapon for purposes having little to do with rights - and everything to do with furthering America's global reach. Using the words of Washington's leaders when they are speaking among themselves, Peck tracks the rise of human rights from its dismissal in the cold war years as 'fuzzy minded' to its calculated adoption, after the Vietnam War, as a rationale for American foreign engagement. He considers such milestones as the fight for Soviet dissidents, Tiananmen Square, and today's war on terror, exposing in the process how the human rights movement has too often failed to challenge Washington's strategies. A gripping and elegant work of analysis, "Ideal Illusions" argues that the movement must break free from Washington if it is to develop a truly uncompromising critique of power in all its forms.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• From Berlin to Baghdad: The Second Generation and the New World Order The Neoconservatives and Clintonism, 1993-95 The Neoconservative-Led Network 'Time for an Insurrection': From the Dole Campaign to the Project for the New American Century Iraq Filling in the 'Unknowns': National Missile Defense and the Rumsfeld Commission Kosovo China: The Limits of 'Unipolarity' Election 2000 Conclusion: The Unipolarists in Power.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Situated at the intersection of political history, intellectual history, and the history of U.S. foreign policy, this book offers an in-depth examination of the development of neoconservative foreign policy from the end of the Cold War to the election of George W. Bush in 2000.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• How to think about the culture war
• Like it was when I was a boy
• Overcome
• Twenty percent of what the nuts want
• Cheerleaders for the rev
• Babe in Christ
• Act right
• Robert Bork's America
• Like battling the devil
• Referendum on the 1960s
• The illusion of conservatism.

Few question the 'right turn' America took after 1966, when liberal political power began to wane. But if they did, "No Right Turn" suggests, they might discover that all was not really 'right' with the conservative golden age. A provocative overview of a half century of American politics, the book takes a hard look at the counterrevolutionary dreams of liberalism's enemies - to overturn people's reliance on expanding government, reverse the moral and sexual revolutions, and win the Culture War - and finds them largely unfulfilled. David Courtwright deftly profiles celebrated and controversial figures, from Clare Booth Luce, Barry Goldwater, and the Kennedy brothers to Jerry Falwell, David Stockman, and Lee Atwater. He shows us Richard Nixon's keen talent for turning popular anxieties about morality and federal meddling to Republican advantage - and his inability to translate this advantage into reactionary policies. Corporate interests, boomer lifestyles, and the media weighed heavily against Nixon and his successors, who placated their base with high-profile attacks on crime, drugs, and welfare dependency. Meanwhile, religious conservatives floundered on abortion and school prayer, obscenity, gay rights, and legalized vices like gambling, and fiscal conservatives watched in dismay as the bills mounted. We see how President Reagan's melange of big government, strong defense, lower taxes, higher deficits, mass imprisonment, and patriotic symbolism proved an illusory form of conservatism. Ultimately, conservatives themselves rebelled against George W. Bush's profligate brand of Reaganism. Courtwright's account is both surprising and compelling, a bracing argument against some of our most cherished cliches about recent American history.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• How to think about the culture war
• Like it was when I was a boy
• Overcome
• Twenty percent of what the nuts want
• Cheerleaders for the rev
• Babe in Christ
• Act right
• Robert Bork's America
• Like battling the devil
• Referendum on the 1960s
• The illusion of conservatism.

Few question the "right turn" America took after 1966, when liberal political power began to wane. But if they did, "No Right Turn" suggests, they might discover that all was not really "right" with the conservative golden age. A provocative overview of a half century of American politics, this book takes a hard look at the counterrevolutionary dreams of liberalism's enemies - to overturn people's reliance on expanding government, reverse the moral and sexual revolutions, and win the Culture War - and finds them largely unfulfilled. David Courtwright deftly profiles celebrated and controversial figures, from Clare Booth Luce, Barry Goldwater, and the Kennedy brothers to Jerry Falwell, David Stockman, and Lee Atwater. He shows us Richard Nixon's keen talent for turning popular anxieties about morality and federal meddling to Republican advantage - and his inability to translate this advantage into reactionary policies. Corporate interests, boomer lifestyles, and the media weighed heavily against Nixon and his successors, who placated their base with high-profile attacks on crime, drugs, and welfare dependency. Meanwhile, religious conservatives floundered on abortion and school prayer, obscenity, gay rights, and legalized vices like gambling, and fiscal conservatives watched in dismay as the bills mounted. We see how President Reagan's melange of big government, strong defense, lower taxes, higher deficits, mass imprisonment, and patriotic symbolism proved an illusory form of conservatism. Ultimately, conservatives themselves rebelled against George W. Bush's profligate brand of Reaganism. Courtwright's account is both surprising and compelling, a bracing argument against some of our most cherished cliches about recent American history.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Building the old regime
• The crisis of the old regime
• Revival and reform
• Reagan and after
• Revolution?
• The politics of moral renewal.

In 1980, Ronald Reagan said, It is time to check and reverse the growth of government, which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed. A little more than 25 years later, Barack Obama declared the Reagan Revolution over. This book surveys the highlights and low points of the nearly 30-year struggle to limit American government, set against the big-government world of the New Deal and the Great Society. The book assesses Reagan's successes and failures, and looks at the 1994 election as a mandate to resume Reagan's efforts. It explores George W. Bush's rejection of limited government in favor of high spending, a mixture of religion and government, and a floundering crusade to bring democracy to the Middle East. Finally, it asks whether the elections of 2006 and 2008 were a rejection of the limited government message or just a repudiation of the failed Bush presidency.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Building the old regime
• The crisis of the old regime
• Revival and reform
• Reagan and after
• Revolution?
• The politics of moral renewal
• Conclusion.

In 1980, Ronald Reagan said, It is time to check and reverse the growth of government, which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed. A little more than 25 years later, Barack Obama declared the Reagan Revolution over. This book surveys the highlights and low points of the nearly 30-year struggle to limit American government, set against the big-government world of the New Deal and the Great Society. The book assesses Reagan's successes and failures, and looks at the 1994 election as a mandate to resume Reagan's efforts. It explores George W. Bush's rejection of limited government in favor of high spending, a mixture of religion and government, and a floundering crusade to bring democracy to the Middle East. Finally, it asks whether the elections of 2006 and 2008 were a rejection of the limited government message or just a repudiation of the failed Bush presidency.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)