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ʻĀnī, Ṭāhir Tawfīq; Iraq; officials and employees; biography.

Iraq; politics and government; Islam and state; 21st century.

• Frontmatter
• The Ayatollahs and Democracy in Iraq
• International Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World (ISIM)

Annotation Iraqi Shiism is undergoing profound changes, leading to new elaborations of the relationship between clerics and democratic principles in an Islamic state. The Najaf tradition of thinking about Shiite Islam and the modern state in Iraq, which first developed during the Iranian constitutional revolution of 1905-1911, rejects the principle that supreme power in an Islamic state must be in clerical hands. Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani of Iraq stands in this tradition, and he has striven to uphold and develop it since the fall of Saddam Hussein. At key points he came into conflict with the Bush administration, which was not eager for direct democracy. Parliamentary politics have also drawn in clerics of the Dawa Party, the Sadr movement, and the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, all of which had earlier been authoritarian in outlook. Is Iraqi Shiism experiencing its enlightenment moment? This title can be previewed in Google Books - http://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN9789053568897.

• List of Illustrations Preface
• 1. Introduction
• 2. The Formation of the Iraqi Intelligentsia and Modern Historical Memory
• 3. Nationalism, Memory, and the Decline of the Monarchical State
• 4. Memory, the Intelligentsia, and the Antinomies of Civil Society, 1945-1958
• 5. The Crucible: The July 1958 Revolution and the Struggle over Historical Memory
• 6. Memories of State Ascendant, 1968-1979
• 7. Memories of State in Decline, 1979-1990
• 8. Memories of State and the Arts of Resistance
• 9. Memories of State or Memories of the People? Iraq Following the Gulf War
• 10. Conclusion Appendix: Charter 91 Notes Glossary Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Despite being securely entrenched in power and having suppressed all political opposition, the Ba'thist regime that ruled Iraq from 1968 to 2003 still felt the need to engage in a massive rewriting of the nation's history and cultural heritage - in both its high and popular forms. As this book makes clear, the regime's effort to restructure understandings of the past was an attempt to expunge a powerful tendency in the Iraqi nationalist movement that advocated cultural pluralism, political participation, and social justice. Based on interviews with Iraqi intellectuals under the regime of Saddam Husayn, and with Iraqi expatriates and on publications from Iraq both before and during Ba'thist rule, Memories of State is an eye-opening look at one of the most important and misunderstood countries in the Middle East. This timely study also asks what the possibilities are for promoting civil society and a transition to democratic rule in post-Ba'thist Iraq.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• March 7, 2010 national election
• How to raise oil production levels
• inadequate Iraqi spending
• Crude oil production and export earnings
• Oil exports : a closer look
• Oil service contracts and oil company negotiations
• Above ground risks
• Pipelines
• Electricity.

• List of Abbreviations Chronology Preface Acknowledgments Part I. Introduction Chapter One. The Inculcation of Loyalty Chapter Two. The Origins of Husseini Ba'thist Totalitarianism
• Part II. Ideology Chapter Three. Husseini Ba'thism Chapter Four. Culturalization
• Part III. Organization Chapter Five. The Leader and the Party Chapter Six. The Party State Chapter Seven. The Ba'thification of Society
• Part IV. Terror and Enticement Chapter Eight. Terror Chapter Nine. Enticement
• Conclusion. A Total Strategy Postscript. The Legacy of Ba'thification Appendix 1. A Work Plan for Coordination between the Party and Mass Organizations in the Field of the Ba'thification of Society Appendix 2. Special Regulations for How to Deal with the Relatives of Criminals Convicted for Political Crimes Notes Glossary of Arabic Terms Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Saddam Hussein ruled Iraq as a dictator for nearly a quarter century before the fall of his regime in 2003. Using the Ba th party as his organ of meta-control, he built a broad base of support throughout Iraqi state and society. Why did millions participate in his government, parrot his propaganda, and otherwise support his regime when doing so often required betraying their families, communities, and beliefs? Why did the Husseini Ba thist system prove so durable through uprisings, two wars, and United Nations sanctions?Drawing from a wealth of documents discovered at the Ba th party s central headquarters in Baghdad following the US-led invasion in 2003, "The Ba thification of Iraq" analyzes how Hussein and the party inculcated loyalty in the population. Through a grand strategy of Ba thification, Faust argues that Hussein mixed classic totalitarian means with distinctly Iraqi methods to transform state, social, and cultural institutions into Ba thist entities, and the public and private choices Iraqis made into tests of their political loyalty. Focusing not only on ways in which Iraqis obeyed, but also how they resisted, and using comparative examples from Hitler s Germany and Stalin s Russia, "The Ba thification of Iraq" explores fundamental questions about the roles that ideology and culture, institutions and administrative practices, and rewards and punishments play in any political system. ".
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Recent outbursts of sectarian and ethnic violence in Iraq have made many observers question the viability of the state itself. It is said that due to the artificiality of the state and a lack of deep-seated political institutions, Iraqi politics is doomed to endlessly revert back to primordialism. Political parties are mere facades for the real intention of pursuing ethno-sectarian interests, the argument goes. But the present situation has largely been caused by Saddam Hussein's infamous rule over the past three decades, combined with the plight of international sanctions. Before Saddam's ascent to power in the late 1970s, however, the Iraqi political spectrum was full of political parties operating from ideological platforms. The largest, and arguably most important of these groups, was the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP). The ICP stands out as the only true cross-sectarian party in Iraqi history, drawing support from all of Iraq's diverse communities. From its inception in 1934, it continuously fought the various regimes in power and endeavoured to spread communist ideology throughout Iraq. At times the party achieved considerable success in this regard, although ultimately never able to seize power. Red Star over Iraq analyses the twists and turns of the ICP from its inception until its ultimate demise as a significant political force at the hands of Saddam in 1979.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• A U.S. legacy
• The politics of victimization
• Dwindling minorities, debased women
• De-baʻthification and politics of exclusion
• Uprooting the Baʻth and sectarianism
• Deficient justice
• Sectarian execution
• Elections and illusive democracy
• Confessionalism and legitimacy
• Externalization of legitimacy
• Federalism and politics of separatism
• Nationalism and territories
• Armaments, oil, and corruption
• Republic of corruption.

This book examines Iraq since 2003 and argues that a new democratic Iraq cannot be grounded on destructive politics of victimization, narrow nationalism, sectarian confessionalism, and a consensual, power-sharing political arrangement.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• [1]. Min al-bidāyah al-murībah ḥattá al-nihāyah al-gharībah
• 2. Fī ẓill qādatihi min al-Kurd al-mustaʻribīn.

• [1]. من البداية المريبة حتى النهاية الغريبة
• 2. في ظل قادته من الكرد المستعربين.

Political parties; Iraq; politics and government; history; 20th century.

• al-Juzʼ 1. 1943-1949
• al-juzʼ 2. al-Quṭr al-Sūrī, 1949-1954
• al-juzʼ 3. al-Quṭr al-Sūrī, 1954-1958
• al-juzʼ 4. al-Qiyādah al-qawmīyah, 1955-1961
• al-juzʼ 5. al-Quṭr al-ʻIrāqī, 1953-1958
• al-juzʼ 6. al-Qiyādah al-qawmīyah, 1961-1963
• al-juzʼ 7. al-Quṭr al-ʻIrāqī, 1957-1963
• al-juzʼ 8. al-Quṭr al-Lubnānī, 1951-1961
• al-juzʼ 9.al-Muʼtamar al-Qawmī al-Thāmin, Nīsān 1965
• al-juzʼ 10. al-Qiyādah al-qawmīyah, 1963-1966
• al-juzʼ 11. al-Quṭr al-Lubnānī 1961-1968.

• Les éléments structurels de l'organisation administrative en Irak : éclairage sur les divisions administratives de la région du Kurdistan
• Les collectivités locales et leurs propriétés
• La nature des entités locales décentralisées
• Le découpage administratif du territoire irakien en "départements décentralisés".
• Cas pratique : les modalités de la genèse et de la disparition d'une entité décentralisée
• A propos de la répartition des compétences entre les différents niveaux administratifs
• Les attributions déterminées par le législateur pour chaque niveau administratif
• Les "départements décentralisés", vers la fin de la tutelle du pouvoir fédéral et régional.
• Un rapport de subordination entre les "départements décentralisés".
• L'administration territoriale, les aspects liés à la référence juridique, au personnel et, au budget
• Au sujet de la personnalité juridique propre.
• La fonction publique des entités décentralisées
• Les finances des entités décentralisées
• Examen des objectifs politiques de la décentralisation
• Une réalisation chancelante : la démocratie de proximité
• Le droit à l'information du citoyen : un droit plus ou moins ignoré
• Un processus électoral vicié
• Une "démocratie directe" invisible
• Sur l'efficacité du système administratif décentralisé : une pertinence quasi introuvable
• Une géographie administrative en débat
• La question de l'efficience du modèle administratif décentralisé
• Un usager qui reste à inventer
• Retour sur l'imaginaire et les conditions de la décentralisation
• Une notion d'intérêt local confondue à l'intérêt national
• La nécessité d'un état fort pour une décentralisation solide
• Le temps d'une éducation à la décentralisation.

"Le "pays des deux fleuves" évolue aujourd'hui sous la menace d'un éclatement généralisé. La région du Kurdistan affiche des velléités sécessionnistes tandis que l'État islamique avance. Beaucoup y voient les conséquences délétères de l'opération "Freedom Iraq". En lien avec cela, d'aucuns y décèlent également les manifestations de la résurgence des antagonismes confessionnels et ethniques, longtemps en sommeil sous le régime dictatorial de Saddam Hussein. Toutefois, ces explications sont loin d'épuiser la question de la décomposition de l'État irakien. Au contraire, elles n'ont pour fonction que de voiler ce qui, en surplomb, favorise cet état des choses : la Constitution du 15 octobre 2005, et notamment la révolution institutionnelle impossible incarnée par un cocktail de décentralisation et de fédéralisme..."--Page 4 of cover.

• Contents: A diamond is forever. Or is it?
• Agenda setting - 'A rebel is a girl's best friend': creating global concern for blood diamonds
• Decision making: the creation of an independent tripartite forum, the Kimberley Process
• The Kimberley Process certification scheme: a voluntary agreement, not a treaty
• Implementation: translating words into action
• Revitalization: resetting agendas and reinvigorating the campaign
• Conclusions: beyond blood diamonds
• Bibliography
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the 'West' has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy. Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book is useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Contents: A diamond is forever. Or is it?
• Agenda setting - 'A rebel is a girl's best friend': creating global concern for blood diamonds
• Decision making: the creation of an independent tripartite forum, the Kimberley Process
• The Kimberley Process certification scheme: a voluntary agreement, not a treaty
• Implementation: translating words into action
• Revitalization: resetting agendas and reinvigorating the campaign
• Conclusions: beyond blood diamonds
• Bibliography
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the 'West' has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy. Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book is useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• Discourses of democracy
• Democracy in ancient Iraq
• Islam and democracy in Iraq
• Discourses of democracy in colonial Iraq
• Oppression and resistance in post-colonial Iraq
• Occupation and democracy in re-colonial Iraq
• Conclusion: Salvaging democracy from discourse.

This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the 'West' has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy. Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book is useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. The Communist Party of Iraq: origins and foundations
• 2. Ascent of the ICP in Iraqi politics
• 3. Party rift: the emergence of the central leadership
• 4. Alliance with the Ba'th
• 5. The rebirth of central leadership in the 1970s
• 6. Crisis: disintegration or renewal
• 7. Conclusion: the legacy.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This comprehensive work examines the complex transformation of the Iraqi Communist Party from vanguard actor under Iraq's conservative monarchy to rearguard lackey under US occupation. Born in the interlude between two world wars, the Communist Party of Iraq was fostered by Iraq's embryonic intelligentsia as an approach to national liberation during the period of British domination. Driven underground or into exile by successive waves of Baathist repression beginning in 1963, the party's leadership became progressively dependent on and subservient to the Soviet Union. Dissatisfied with the party's irrelevance to Iraq's sociopolitical dynamics, reform efforts were thwarted by the old-guard leadership, and in the mid-1970s the party fragmented. With the fall of the Hussein regime and the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the remnants of the party's old guard connected with the US-installed government and became part of the US project in Iraq.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. The Communist Party of Iraq: origins and foundations
• 2. Ascent of the ICP in Iraqi politics
• 3. Party rift: the emergence of the central leadership
• 4. Alliance with the Ba'th
• 5. The rebirth of central leadership in the 1970s
• 6. Crisis: disintegration or renewal
• 7. Conclusion: the legacy.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This comprehensive work examines the complex transformation of the Iraqi Communist Party from vanguard actor under Iraq's conservative monarchy to rearguard lackey under US occupation. Born in the interlude between two world wars, the Communist Party of Iraq was fostered by Iraq's embryonic intelligentsia as an approach to national liberation during the period of British domination. Driven underground or into exile by successive waves of Baathist repression beginning in 1963, the party's leadership became progressively dependent on and subservient to the Soviet Union. Dissatisfied with the party's irrelevance to Iraq's sociopolitical dynamics, reform efforts were thwarted by the old-guard leadership, and in the mid-1970s the party fragmented. With the fall of the Hussein regime and the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the remnants of the party's old guard connected with the US-installed government and became part of the US project in Iraq.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Public administration; misconduct in office; Iraq.

• Preface
• Summary
• Policy in the 1990s Emphasised Containment
• Post-September 11, 2001: Regime Change and War
• Post-Saddam Transition and Governance
• Security Challenges, Responses, and Options
• Reaction to "Troop Surge", Iraq Study Group Report, Legislative Proposals, and Other Options
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Operation Iraqi Freedom overthrew Saddam Hussein's regime, but much of Iraq remains violent because of Sunni Arab resentment and a related insurgency, compounded by Sunni-Shiite sectarian violence that, in the judgment of many, constitutes a "civil war." Mounting U.S. casualties and financial costs -- without dramatic improvements in levels of violence or clear movement toward national political reconciliation among Iraq's major communities -- have intensified a debate within the United States over whether to reduce U.S. involvement without completely accomplishing initial U.S. goals. President Bush announced a new strategy on January 10, 2007 ("New Way Forward") consisting of deployment of an additional 28,500 U.S. forces ("troop surge") to help stabilise Baghdad and restive Anbar Province. The strategy is intended to provide security conditions conducive to Iraqi government action on a series of key reconciliation initiatives that are viewed as "benchmarks" of political progress. The FY2007 supplemental appropriation, P.L. 110-28, linked some U.S. reconstruction aid to progress on the eighteen named benchmarks, but allows for a presidential waiver to continue the aid even if little or no progress is observed in Administration reports due July 15, 2007 and September 15, 2007. The latter will include a major assessment of the effects of the "troop surge" to date. According to the required July 15, 2007 Administration report, released on July 12, the Baghdad security plan has made progress on several military indicators and some political indicators, but progress is unsatisfactory on the most important political reconciliation indicators. The Administration report asserts that the "overall trajectory... has begun to stabilise, " a finding on the security situation that is corroborated, to some extent, by an August 2007 National Intelligence Estimate A required report by the GAO released September 4, 2007, assesses less progress on security benchmarks than does the Administration and is pessimistic, as is the NIE, on the prospects for political reconciliation. Some in Congress -- as well as the Iraq Study Group -- believe that the United States should begin winding down U.S. combat involvement in Iraq. Both chambers adopted a FY2007 supplemental appropriation to fund U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan (H.R. 1591) that would have set an outside deadline of March 31, 2008, for U.S. combat withdrawal if the President did not certify Iraqi progress on the "benchmarks." President Bush vetoed it on May 1, 2007, and subsequent bills mandating forms of withdrawal or combat reduction have not moved forward. Some observers say such legislation might see further action after the Administration's September 15 progress report, while others say some positive assessments of the "troop surge" might forestall immediate congressional action. Iraq has not previously had experience with a democratic form of government, although parliamentary elections were held during the period of British rule under a League of Nations mandate (from 1920 until Iraq's independence in 1932), and the monarchy of the Sunni Muslim Hashemite dynasty (1921-1958). The territory that is now Iraq was formed from three provinces of the Ottoman empire after British forces defeated the Ottomans in World War I and took control of the territory in 1918. Britain had tried to take Iraq from the Ottomans earlier in World War I but were defeated at Al Kut in 1916. Britain's presence in Iraq, which relied on Sunni Muslim Iraqis (as did the Ottoman administration), ran into repeated resistance, facing a major Shiite-led revolt in 1920 and a major anti-British uprising in 1941, during World War II. Iraq's first Hashemite king was Faysal bin Hussein, son of Sharif Hussein of Mecca who, advised by British officer T.E Lawrence ("Lawrence of Arabia"), led the Arab revolt against the Ottoman Empire during World War I. Faysal ruled Iraq as King Faysal I and was succeeded by his son, Ghazi, who was killed in a car accident in 1939. Ghazi was succeeded by his son, Faysal II, who was only four years old. A major figure under the British mandate and the monarchy was Nuri As-Said, a pro-British, pro-Hashemite Sunni Muslim who served as prime minister 14 times during 1930-1958. Faysal II, with the help of his pro-British Prime Minister Nuri al-Sa'id who had also served under his predecessors, ruled until the military coup of Abd al-Karim al-Qasim on July 14, 1958. Qasim was ousted in February 1963 by a Baath Party-military alliance. Since that same year, the Baath Party has ruled in Syria, although there was rivalry between the Syrian and Iraqi Baath regimes during Saddam's rule. The Baath Party was founded in the 1940s by Lebanese Christian philosopher Michel Aflaq as a socialist, pan-Arab movement, the aim of which was to reduce religious and sectarian schisms among Arabs. One of the Baath Party's allies in the February 1963 coup was Abd al-Salam al-Arif. In November 1963, Arif purged the Baath, including Baathist Prime Minister (and military officer) Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr, and instituted direct military rule. Arif was killed in a helicopter crash in 1966 and was replaced by his elder brother, Abd al-Rahim al-Arif, who ruled until the Baath Party coup of July 1968. Following the Baath seizure, Bakr returned to government as President of Iraq and Saddam Hussein, a civilian, became the second most powerful leader as Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council. In that position, Saddam developed overlapping security services to monitor loyalty among the population and within Iraq's institutions, including the military. On July 17, 1979, the aging al-Bakr resigned at Saddam's urging, and Saddam became President of Iraq. Under Saddam Hussein, secular Shiites held high party positions, but Sunnis, mostly from Saddam's home town of Tikrit, dominated the highest party and security positions. Saddam's regime repressed Iraq's Shiites after the February 1979 Islamic revolution in neighboring Iran partly because Iraq feared that Iraqi Shiite Islamist movements, emboldened by Iran, would try to establish an Iranian-style Islamic republic of Iraq.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Preface
• Summary
• Policy in the 1990s Emphasised Containment
• Post-September 11, 2001: Regime Change and War
• Post-Saddam Transition and Governance
• Security Challenges, Responses, and Options
• Reaction to "Troop Surge", Iraq Study Group Report, Legislative Proposals, and Other Options
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Operation Iraqi Freedom overthrew Saddam Hussein's regime, but much of Iraq remains violent because of Sunni Arab resentment and a related insurgency, compounded by Sunni-Shiite sectarian violence that, in the judgment of many, constitutes a "civil war." Mounting U.S. casualties and financial costs -- without dramatic improvements in levels of violence or clear movement toward national political reconciliation among Iraq's major communities -- have intensified a debate within the United States over whether to reduce U.S. involvement without completely accomplishing initial U.S. goals. President Bush announced a new strategy on January 10, 2007 ("New Way Forward") consisting of deployment of an additional 28,500 U.S. forces ("troop surge") to help stabilise Baghdad and restive Anbar Province. The strategy is intended to provide security conditions conducive to Iraqi government action on a series of key reconciliation initiatives that are viewed as "benchmarks" of political progress. The FY2007 supplemental appropriation, P.L. 110-28, linked some U.S. reconstruction aid to progress on the eighteen named benchmarks, but allows for a presidential waiver to continue the aid even if little or no progress is observed in Administration reports due July 15, 2007 and September 15, 2007. The latter will include a major assessment of the effects of the "troop surge" to date. According to the required July 15, 2007 Administration report, released on July 12, the Baghdad security plan has made progress on several military indicators and some political indicators, but progress is unsatisfactory on the most important political reconciliation indicators. The Administration report asserts that the "overall trajectory... has begun to stabilise, " a finding on the security situation that is corroborated, to some extent, by an August 2007 National Intelligence Estimate A required report by the GAO released September 4, 2007, assesses less progress on security benchmarks than does the Administration and is pessimistic, as is the NIE, on the prospects for political reconciliation. Some in Congress -- as well as the Iraq Study Group -- believe that the United States should begin winding down U.S. combat involvement in Iraq. Both chambers adopted a FY2007 supplemental appropriation to fund U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan (H.R. 1591) that would have set an outside deadline of March 31, 2008, for U.S. combat withdrawal if the President did not certify Iraqi progress on the "benchmarks." President Bush vetoed it on May 1, 2007, and subsequent bills mandating forms of withdrawal or combat reduction have not moved forward. Some observers say such legislation might see further action after the Administration's September 15 progress report, while others say some positive assessments of the "troop surge" might forestall immediate congressional action. Iraq has not previously had experience with a democratic form of government, although parliamentary elections were held during the period of British rule under a League of Nations mandate (from 1920 until Iraq's independence in 1932), and the monarchy of the Sunni Muslim Hashemite dynasty (1921-1958). The territory that is now Iraq was formed from three provinces of the Ottoman empire after British forces defeated the Ottomans in World War I and took control of the territory in 1918. Britain had tried to take Iraq from the Ottomans earlier in World War I but were defeated at Al Kut in 1916. Britain's presence in Iraq, which relied on Sunni Muslim Iraqis (as did the Ottoman administration), ran into repeated resistance, facing a major Shiite-led revolt in 1920 and a major anti-British uprising in 1941, during World War II. Iraq's first Hashemite king was Faysal bin Hussein, son of Sharif Hussein of Mecca who, advised by British officer T.E Lawrence ("Lawrence of Arabia"), led the Arab revolt against the Ottoman Empire during World War I. Faysal ruled Iraq as King Faysal I and was succeeded by his son, Ghazi, who was killed in a car accident in 1939. Ghazi was succeeded by his son, Faysal II, who was only four years old. A major figure under the British mandate and the monarchy was Nuri As-Said, a pro-British, pro-Hashemite Sunni Muslim who served as prime minister 14 times during 1930-1958. Faysal II, with the help of his pro-British Prime Minister Nuri al-Sa'id who had also served under his predecessors, ruled until the military coup of Abd al-Karim al-Qasim on July 14, 1958. Qasim was ousted in February 1963 by a Baath Party-military alliance. Since that same year, the Baath Party has ruled in Syria, although there was rivalry between the Syrian and Iraqi Baath regimes during Saddam's rule. The Baath Party was founded in the 1940s by Lebanese Christian philosopher Michel Aflaq as a socialist, pan-Arab movement, the aim of which was to reduce religious and sectarian schisms among Arabs. One of the Baath Party's allies in the February 1963 coup was Abd al-Salam al-Arif. In November 1963, Arif purged the Baath, including Baathist Prime Minister (and military officer) Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr, and instituted direct military rule. Arif was killed in a helicopter crash in 1966 and was replaced by his elder brother, Abd al-Rahim al-Arif, who ruled until the Baath Party coup of July 1968. Following the Baath seizure, Bakr returned to government as President of Iraq and Saddam Hussein, a civilian, became the second most powerful leader as Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council. In that position, Saddam developed overlapping security services to monitor loyalty among the population and within Iraq's institutions, including the military. On July 17, 1979, the aging al-Bakr resigned at Saddam's urging, and Saddam became President of Iraq. Under Saddam Hussein, secular Shiites held high party positions, but Sunnis, mostly from Saddam's home town of Tikrit, dominated the highest party and security positions. Saddam's regime repressed Iraq's Shiites after the February 1979 Islamic revolution in neighboring Iran partly because Iraq feared that Iraqi Shiite Islamist movements, emboldened by Iran, would try to establish an Iranian-style Islamic republic of Iraq.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Iraq and the new Arab public
• 2. The structural transformation of the Arab public sphere
• 3. The Iraqi challenge and the old Iraqi public
• 4. The al-Jazeera era
• 5. Baghdad falls
• 6. New Iraq, new Arab public.

"Al-Jazeera and other satellite television stations have transformed Arab politics over the last decade. By shattering state control over information and giving a platform to long-stifled voices, these new Arab media have challenged the status quo by encouraging open debate about Iraq, Palestine, Islamism, Arab identity, and other vital political and social issues. These public arguments have redefined what it means to be Arab and reshaped the realm of political possibility. As Marc Lynch shows, the days of monolithic Arab opinion are over. How Arab governments and the United States engage this newly confident and influential public sphere will profoundly shape the future of the Arab world"--Provided by publisher

• 1. Iraq and the New Arab Public
• 2. The Structural Transformation of the Arab Public Sphere
• 3. The Iraqi Challenge and the Old Iraqi Public
• 4. The al-Jazeera Era
• 5. Baghdad Falls
• 6. New Iraq, New Arab Public Notes Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Al-Jazeera and other satellite television stations have transformed Arab politics over the last decade. By shattering state control over information and giving a platform to long-stifled voices, these new Arab media have challenged the status quo by encouraging open debate about Iraq, Palestine, Islamism, Arab identity, and other vital political and social issues. These public arguments have redefined what it means to be Arab and reshaped the realm of political possibility. As Marc Lynch shows, the days of monolithic Arab opinion are over. How Arab governments and the United States engage this newly confident and influential public sphere will profoundly shape the future of the Arab world.Marc Lynch draws on interviews conducted in the Middle East and analyses of Arab satellite television programs, op-ed pages, and public opinion polls to examine the nature, evolution, and influence of the new Arab public sphere. Lynch, who pays close attention to what is actually being said and talked about in the Arab world, takes the contentious issue of Iraq-which has divided Arabs like no other issue-to show how the media revolutionized the formation and expression of public opinion.He presents detailed discussions of Arab arguments about sanctions and the 2003 British and American invasion and occupation of Iraq. While Arabs strongly disagreed about Saddam's regime, they increasingly saw the effects of sanctions as a potent symbol of the suffering of all Arabs. Anger and despair over these sanctions shaped Arab views of America, their governments, and themselves. Lynch also suggests how the United States can develop and improve its engagement with the Arab public sphere. He argues that the United States should move beyond treating the Arab public sphere as either an enemy to be defeated or an object to be manipulated via public relations. Instead of wasting vast sums of money on a satellite television station nobody watches, the United States should enter the public sphere as it really exists.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• al-Qānūn al-asāsī al-ʻIrāqī
• al-Dustūr al-muʼaqqat li-ʻām 1958
• Qānūn al-Majlis al-Waṭanī li-Qiyādat al-Thawrah raqm 25 li-sanat 1963
• al-Dustūr al-muʼaqqat li-ʻām 1964
• Dustūr 21 Aylūl 1968 al-muʼaqqat
• Dustūr 16 Tammūz 1970 al-muʼaqqat.

• القانون الأساسي العراقي
• الدستور المؤقت لعام 1958
• قانون المجلس الوطني لقيادة الثورة رقم 25 لسنة 1963
• الدستور المؤقت لعام 1964
• دستور 21 أيلول 1968 المؤقت
• دستور 16 تموز 1970 المؤقت.

Legislative bodies; Iraq; elections.