Book
ix, 406 pages ; 22 cm
  • Prologue: Forgotten conjunctures
  • Clearing a space : history's winners and their illusions
  • Loving oneself through others : progress and its contradictions
  • Losing my religion : Islam, secularism and revolution
  • Regaining my religion : I. Nationalism unbound; I I. Messianic visions
  • Finding true freedom and equality : the heritage of nihilism
  • Epilogue: Finding reality.
"One of our most important public intellectuals reveals the hidden history of our current global crisis. How can we explain the origins of the great wave of paranoid hatreds that seem inescapable in our close-knit world--from American shooters and ISIS to Donald Trump, from a rise in vengeful nationalism across the world to racism and misogyny on social media? In Age of Anger, Pankaj Mishra answers our bewilderment by casting his gaze back to the eighteenth century before leading us to the present. He shows that as the world became modern, those who were unable to enjoy its promises--of freedom, stability and prosperity--were increasingly susceptible to demagogues. The many who came late to this new world--or were left, or pushed, behind--reacted in horrifyingly similar ways: intense hatred of invented enemies, attempts to re-create an imaginary golden age, and self-empowerment through spectacular violence. It was from among the ranks of the disaffected that the militants of the 19th century arose--angry young men who became cultural nationalists in Germany, messianic revolutionaries in Russia, bellicose chauvinists in Italy, and anarchist terrorists internationally. Today, just as then, the wide embrace of mass politics and technology and the pursuit of wealth and individualism have cast many more billions adrift in a literally demoralized world, uprooted from tradition but still far from modernity--with the same terrible results. Making startling connections and comparisons, Age of Anger is a book of immense urgency and profound argument. It is a history of our present predicament unlike any other"-- Provided by publisher.
Law Library (Crown)
Book
viii, 486 pages, 8 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations (chiefly color), maps, portraits ; 24 cm
  • Introduction: Is democracy in retreat?
  • The American experience
  • Russia and the weight of history
  • Martial law and the origins of Polish democracy
  • Ukraine : "a made up country"?
  • Kenya : "Save our beloved country"
  • Colombia : the era of democratic security
  • The Middle East : can democracy exist in a cauldron? Iraq : when tyrants fall ; Egypt and Tunisia : when old men fail ; Arab monarchies: will they reform?
  • Are authoritarians so bad?
  • What democracy must deliver
  • "Democracy is the worst... except for all the others"
  • Epilogue: They will look to America
  • 2016.
"From the former secretary of state and bestselling author -- a sweeping look at the global struggle for democracy and why America must continue to support the cause of human freedom. From the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union to the ongoing struggle for human rights in the Middle East, Condoleezza Rice has served on the front lines of history. As a child, she was an eyewitness to a third awakening of freedom, when her hometown of Birmingham, Alabama, became the epicenter of the civil rights movement for black Americans. In this book, Rice explains what these epochal events teach us about democracy. At a time when people around the world are wondering whether democracy is in decline, Rice shares insights from her experiences as a policymaker, scholar, and citizen, in order to put democracy's challenges into perspective."-- Provided by publisher.
Law Library (Crown)
Book
x, 383 pages, 16 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations ; 24 cm
  • Introduction: The progressive-conservative clash
  • The sixties : boomers and blacklash
  • Nader : present at the creation of the consumer movement
  • The advocate : consumer cop and democracy czar
  • What it's like : New York politics
  • What it's like : national politics : Gary, Bill, Hillary...and Fidel
  • What it takes : 12 skills
  • Media politics : from Buckley to Fox News to Air America
  • Economy and democracy : the fringe fourth vs the new progressive majority.
"Blending the historical, biographical and political, the wide-ranging Bright, Infinite Future describes how the values of the '60s are creating a new progressive majority in '16. The multi-faceted Mark Green--bestselling author, public interest lawyer and elected official--is our guide through contemporary American politics as Nader launches the modern consumer movement; Clinton wins the 1992 New York primary and therefore the nomination; and Green loses the closest NYC mayoral election in a century to Bloomberg after 9/11 in a perfect storm of money, terrorism, and race. As Public Advocate, Green is Mayor Giuiliani's bête noir, exposing NYPD's racial profiling, killing off Joe Camel, and then running against a "Murderer's Row" of Cuomo, de Blasio, Schumer, and Bloomberg. Starting with the consequential movements of the '60s, Green shows how a rising tide of minority and millennial voters, GOP's lurch from mainstream to extreme, and the contrast between the presidencies of Bush and Clinton Obama are leading to a new era of "Progressive Patriotism" built on four cornerstones: an Economy-for-All, Democracy-for-All, Compact on Race & Justice, and Sustainable Climate. Full of behind-the-scenes stories about bold-faced names, this will be the 2016 book for liberals looking to a "bright, infinite future" (Leonard Bernstein), conservatives wanting to know what they're up against, and readers who want to know "what-it-takes" in the arena."-- Provided by publisher.
Law Library (Crown)
Book
399 pages ; 22 cm
  • The Constitutional Court of Romania evolution and institutional consolidation
  • The dialogue of the constitutional judges at the international level
  • The dialogue between constitutional judges and authorities at the internal level.
This book, both internally and internationally, determines the constitutionalization and uniformity of law, respectively the overall strengthening of the protection of values of the rule of law. The authors present the mechanisms of institutional cooperation between the Constitutional Court and the Court of Justice of the European Union, the European Court of Human Rights, the other constitutional courts, the Venice Commission, the Parliament, the President of Romania, the Government, the Advocate of the People, the courts of law and the media.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9783631678909 20170117
Law Library (Crown)
Book
xiv, 255 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm.
  • The choreography of American politics
  • Polarized politicians
  • Income polarization and the electorate
  • Immigration, income, and the voters' incentive to redistribute
  • Campaign finance and polarization / with Adam Bonica
  • Polarization and public policy
  • Where have you gone, Mr. Sam?
The idea of America as politically polarized -- that there is an unbridgeable divide between right and left, red and blue states -- has become a cliche. What commentators miss, however, is that increasing polarization has been closely accompanied by fundamental social and economic changes -- most notably, a parallel rise in income inequality. In this second edition of Polarized America, Nolan McCarty, Keith Poole, and Howard Rosenthal use the latest data to examine the relationships of polarization, wealth disparity, immigration, and other forces. They find that inequality feeds directly into political polarization, and polarization in turn creates policies that further increase inequality. Paul Krugman called the first edition of Polarized America "Important...Essential reading for anyone who wants to understand what's happening to America." The second edition has been thoroughly brought up to date. All statistical analyses, tables, and figures have been updated with data that run through 2012 or 2014, and the text has been revised to reflect the latest evidence. The chapter on campaign finance has been completely rewritten (with Adam Bonica as coauthor); the analysis shows that with so much "soft" money coming from very wealthy ideological extremists, there is even greater campaign contribution inequality than income inequality.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780262528627 20160619
Law Library (Crown)
Book
ix, 272 pages ; 22 cm
  • Imperium. Prodromes
  • Crystallization
  • Security
  • Keystones
  • Perimeters
  • Recalibration
  • Liberalism militant
  • The incumbent
  • Consilium. Native traditions
  • Crusaders
  • Realist ideals
  • Economy first
  • Outside the castle.
Since the birth of the nation, the idea of empire has been at the heart of United States's image of itself. Through a close reading of both the acknowledged grand strategists as well as the more non-conformist foreign policy analysts Anderson charts the entwined historical development of America's imperial reach with its role as the general-guarantor of capital. The tensions between these are traced from the closing stages of the Second World War through the Cold War to the War on Terror. Despite the defeat of the USSR, Anderson shows that the planetary structures for warfare and surveillance have not been retracted but extended. The future of the Empire remains to be settled.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781781686676 20160619
Law Library (Crown)
Book
viii, 289 pages ; 24 cm
  • Elections, parties, and politics
  • Quest for the nomination : appealing to the base
  • Campaigns : opportunities and challenges for incumbents
  • Campaigns : opportunities and obstacles for challengers
  • Presidential transitions
  • Launching a presidential term.
Drawing on twenty-four years of experience in government, Michael H. Armacost explores how the contours of the U.S. presidential election system influence the content and conduct of American foreign policy. He examines how the nomination battle impels candidates to express deference to the foreign policy DNA of their party and may force an incumbent to make wholesale policy adjustments to fend off an intra-party challenge for the nomination. He describes the way reelection campaigns can prod a chief executive to fix long-neglected problems, kick intractable policy dilemmas down the road, settle for modest course corrections, or scapegoat others for policies gone awry. Armacost begins his book with the quest for the presidential nomination and then moves through the general election campaign, the ten-week transition period between Election Day and Inauguration Day, and the early months of a new administration. He notes that campaigns rarely illuminate the tough foreign policy choices that the leader of the nation must make, and he offers rare insight into the challenge of aligning the roles of an outgoing incumbent (who performs official duties despite ebbing power) and the incoming successor (who has no official role but possesses a fresh political mandate). He pays particular attention to the pressure for new presidents to act boldly abroad in the early months of his tenure, even before a national security team is in place, decision-making procedures are set, or policy priorities are firmly established. He concludes with an appraisal of the virtues and liabilities of the system, including suggestions for modestly adjusting some of its features while preserving its distinct character.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780231169929 20160618
Law Library (Crown)
Book
xiv, 474 pages ; 24 cm
  • The evolution of U.S. policy toward Israel
  • The Eisenhower Administration and the pursuit of Arab allies
  • The Kennedy Administration : breaking taboos and pursuing a new balance
  • Lyndon Baines Johnson : emotional ties but constrained by Vietnam
  • Nixon and Ford : dysfunction, war, and interim agreements
  • The Carter presidency : the pursuit of peace and constant tension with Israel
  • The Reagan administration and the policy of duality
  • George H.W. Bush and Israel : discord and responsiveness
  • The Clinton administration and Israel : strategic partners for peace
  • Bush 43 : terror, partnership, and bureaucratic divisions
  • Obama and Israel : support for security, little chemistry, and constant challenges
  • Lessons from the past and implications for the future.
When it comes to Israel, U.S. policy has always emphasized the unbreakable bond between the two countries and our ironclad commitment to Israel's security. Today our ties to Israel are close so close that when there are differences, they tend to make the news. But it was not always this way. Dennis Ross has been a direct participant in shaping U.S. policy toward the Middle East, and Israel specifically, for nearly thirty years. He served in senior roles, including as Bill Clinton's envoy for Arab-Israeli peace, and was an active player in the debates over how Israel fit into the region and what should guide our policies. In Doomed to Succeed, he takes us through every administration from Truman to Obama, throwing into dramatic relief each president's attitudes toward Israel and the region, the often tumultuous debates between key advisers, and the events that drove the policies and at times led to a shift in approach. Ross points out how rarely lessons were learned and how distancing the United States from Israel In the Eisenhower, Nixon, Bush, and Obama administrations never yielded any benefits and why that lesson has never been learned. Doomed to Succeed offers compelling advice for how to understand the priorities of Arab leaders and how future administrations might best shape U.S. policy in that light.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780374141462 20160619
Law Library (Crown)
Book
387 pages, 16 pages of unnumbered plates : illustrations ; 24 cm
  • From Bayonne to Boston
  • City Hall
  • Beacon Hill
  • The Congressman
  • Coming out
  • The true story of Don't Ask Don't Tell
  • Welcome to an earmark
  • Defending Clinton
  • The unnecessary crisis
  • Reforming Wall Street
  • Triumphs, setbacks, and love
  • Appendix 1. Who did what on subprime lending and regulating Fannie Mac and Freddie Mac
  • Appendix 2. Conservative support for subprime loans to minority and very low-income people before the economic crisis.
"The candid political memoir of Barney Frank, former House Representative from Massachusetts ... and a pioneering, openly gay politician"-- Provided by publisher.
Law Library (Crown)
Book
x, 552 pages ; 24 cm
  • Introduction / Péter Molnár
  • 1989, 2011, and strategic narratives / Monroe Price
  • Four dangers for freedom of expression and the internet : an interview with Frank La Rue / by Péter Molnár
  • Freedom of speech in the OSCE countries : an interview with Dunja Mijatović / by Péter Molnár
  • Revisiting the three Europes : diverging landscapes of media freedom / Miklós Haraszti
  • Freedom of expression, media and journalism under the European human rights system : characteristics, developments, and challenges / Dirk Voorhoof
  • Jurisprudential advances and persistent challenges for freedom of expression in the Americas / Catalina Botero Marino
  • The right to information in Latin America / Toby Mendel
  • Freedom of speech and access to information in Africa : an interview with Pansy Tlakula / by Péter Molnár
  • A right emerges : the history of the right of access to information and its link with freedom of expression / Helen Darbishire
  • The right to information and the expanding scope of bodies covered by national laws since 1989 / Sandra Coliver
  • The Rabat plan of action : a critical turning point in international law on hate speech / Sejal Parmar
  • Free to hate? : anti-Gypsyism in 21st-Century Europe / Bernard Rorke
  • The role of the mass media in the Spanish transition to democracy and its subsequent consolidation / Josep Maria Carbonell and Joan Barata Mir
  • Russia's Supreme Court as media freedom protector / Andrei Richter
  • Access to information in Kenya : the law and practice since 1991 / Ezra Chiloba
  • Freedom of expression in ferment : a cursory look at the Ethiopian media regime / Yared Legesse Mengistu
  • Philippines : expanding the contours of free speech in an environment of impunity against journalists / Gilbert T. Andres
  • The fragile complexity of protecting freedom of speech in Australia / Rhonda Breit
  • The impact of new media on freedom of expression in China and the regulatory responses / Mei Ning Yan
  • Eavesdropping on the freedom of expression in India / Sunil Abraham
  • The "Turkish model" of freedom of speech / Zeynep Alemdar
  • Forging ahead : a contemporary review of Egyptian press and media laws / Brenda F. Abdelall
  • Media, freedom of expression and democratization in Morocco / Abderrahim Chalfaouat
  • The Danish cartoons controversy : hate speech laws and unintended consequences / Richard N. Winfield and Janine Tien
  • The UN defamation of religions resolution and domestic blasphemy laws in Pakistan : creating a culture of impunity / Asma T. Uddin
  • A right to be free from religious hatred? : the Wilders case in the Netherlands and beyond / Jeroen Temperman.
Offering an unparalleled geographic scope on a topic that has global relevance, this book is a wide-ranging mix of formal academic analysis, interviews and speeches from an impressive array of people (who are directly and variously involved in monitoring and promoting media free speech, or are engaged in the academic and legal study of media free speech and its violations). The volume includes many different view points from many different angles and more importantly it covers all the modern media platforms and dissemination systems and their corresponding impact upon free speech. The years 1989 and 2011 are highlighted as two recent turning points in historic perspective when freedom of speech and freedom of the press emerged, or powerful efforts were made to support its emergence. The range of the topics makes this book appropriate to assign in classes in law schools and courses on gender studies, history, international relations, media, multicultural and nationalism studies, political science, philosophy, public policy, and sociology.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9789633860564 20160618
Law Library (Crown)
Book
xxi, 241 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction: A typical day at the Justus Lipsius 1. Theorizing Council negotiations 2. A Caucus race model of negotiations 3. Research design 4. The double bluff: Member state positions and Balkan priorities 5. Procedural anchors and verbal commitments (June 2000 - June 2003) 6. Croatia sets the stage or raises the bar? (June 2003 - December 2005)7. Searching for standard operating procedures (January 2006 - June 2008) 8. Splendid Isolation? (June 2008 - October 2010) 9. Conclusion 10. Appendices and bibliography.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9781785521379 20160619
Insiders and outsiders agree; there is something particular about negotiating in Brussels. This book analyses ten years of continuous negotiations about EU enlargement to the Western Balkans, answering questions such as When and how are decisions typically reached in the European Union? What is this 'culture of consensus' that pervades negotiations in the Council of Ministers? And why are some member states more successful than others in making their voices heard? Using the metaphor of the Caucus race from Alice in Wonderland, Smeets' book provides a fresh perspective on the decision-making realities in Brussels' European Quarter. By providing unique empirical insight into behind-closed-doors debates, it explains the faltering accession process of the countries of former Yugoslavia. But most of all, it reveals the mechanism by which national interests are accommodated, so that deals can be reached between the member states.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781785521379 20160619
Law Library (Crown)
Book
xiv, 348 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • The exploding spy
  • The cult of intelligence (1909-1989)
  • New spies (1989-2008)
  • The flock of birds (2008-2013)
  • Where next?.
The old world of spying that emphasized the human factor--dead letter boxes, microfilm cameras, and an enemy reporting to the Moscow Center--is history. Or is it? In recent times, the spymaster's technique has changed with the enemy. He or she now frequently comes from a culture far removed from Western understanding and is part of a less well-organized group. The new enemy is constantly evolving and prepared to kill the innocent. In the face of this new threat, the spymasters of the world replaced human intelligence with an obsession that focuses on the technical methods of spying, ranging from the use of high-definition satellite photography to the global interception of communications. However, this obsession with technology has failed, most spectacularly, with the devastation of the 9/11 attacks. In this modern history of espionage, Stephen Grey takes us from the CIA's Cold War legends, to the agents who betrayed the IRA, through to the spooks inside Al-Qaeda and ISIS. Techniques and technologies have evolved, but the old motivations for betrayal--patriotism, greed, revenge, compromise--endure. Based on years of research and interviews with hundreds of secret sources, this is an up-to-date exposé that shows how spycraft's human factor is once again being used to combat the world's deadliest enemies. -- Adapted from book jacket.
Law Library (Crown)
Book
xiv, 277 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • Preface Learning about Racism at Harvard Law School -- Introduction Racial Politics and the Middle Class -- Chapter One The Southern Strategy and the GOP's Rise as the White Man's Party -- Chapter Two Beyond Hate: Strategic Racism -- Chapter Three The Wrecking Begins: Ronald Reagan -- Chapter Four Colorblindness and Whites as Racial Victims -- Chapter Five Updating the Whistle: Clinton and W. -- Chapter Six How Conservatives Get Away with Racism -- Chapter Seven Makers and Takers -- Chapter Eight What's the Matter with White Voters? -- Chapter Nine Obama's Post-Racial Strategy -- Conclusion To End Dog Whistle Politics.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)9780199964277 20160612
The decades-long increase in income inequality has become perhaps 'the' issue in American politics, and scholars have offered many reasons for why the gap between the rich and the rest has widened so much since the mid-1970s. Most of the explanations have been social and political in the broadest sense, and many have keyed on the propensity of middle- and working class Americans to vote against their own interest. Yet given that the greatest income divide is racial in nature, why have so few looked toward racially motivated behavior as a cause? Dog Whistle Politics: How Coded Racial Appeals Have Wrecked the Middle Class is a sweeping account of how 'dog-whistle' racial politics contributed to increasing inequality in America since the 1960s. Now a pervasive term in American political coverage, 'dog whistle' refers to coded signals sent to certain constituencies that only those constituencies will understand. Just as only dogs can hear a dog whistle, only a constituency fluent in a subterranean argot can understand that argot when it is used. For instance, attacks on Obama's use of a teleprompter is a dog whistle for racist voters who question blacks' (and by extension, the President's) intelligence. Haney's book looks at racial dog whistles in America from the 1960s to the present, showing that their appeal has helped generate working class and middle class populist enthusiasm for policies that were actually injurious to their own interests. The dog whistle tactic has been with us from at least the era of George Wallace, but every candidate who has benefited from race-based resentments has used it: Nixon, Reagan (welfare queens), George Bush I (Willie Horton), Bill Clinton (Sister Souljah), and-most recently-Newt Gingrich. A sweeping reinterpretation of the recent political and legal history of the U.S., Dog Whistle Politics is sure to generate a productive and lively debate about the role of race as a fundamental driver of inequality.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780199964277 20160612
Law Library (Crown)
Book
vi, 432 pages ; 25 cm
  • Introduction / Henry F. Carey and Trice Kabundi
  • The EU and human rights in Turkey : political freedom without social welfare / Zehra F. Kabasakal Arat And Thomas W. Smith
  • The European Union and Turkey : is political conditionality promoting democratization? / Paul Kubijeck
  • Progress or deterioration : the effect of human rights and democratization policies and actions by the European Union and the Council of Europe in Ukraine / Julio C. Perez-Bravo
  • From borderland to heart of Europe : Ukraine's engagement with the EU's democratic standards / Anna Fournier
  • The European Union and democratization in Moldova / Robert Weiner
  • Has EU conditionality made a difference to democratic reforms and human rights development on Montenegro / Kathleen Barrett
  • Broken lance : the European Union's unsuccessful thrust toward Europe's south-east : the case of Romania / Tom Gallagher
  • What difference did it make? Accession and democratization in postcommunist Bulgaria, 1989-2007 / Venelin I. Ganev
  • Iceland's democratic challenges and human rights : implications / Baldur Thorhallsson and Björg Thoraensen
  • Croatia's difficult path to European Union membership / Teresa Cierco
  • Bosnia and Herzegovina's compliance with European Union human rights conditionality / Vanja Petričević
  • The European Union, the ICTY, and the challenge of Europeanization in Serbia / Jelena Subotic and Henry F. Carey
  • Contemporary politics in Kosovo : independence, democracy & European integration / Daniel Silander
  • The ontology of human rights socialization : the case of Albania / Ridvan Peshkopia
  • Conditionality vs. socialization : the EU's impacts on human rights in Macedonia / Maria Koinova
  • Conclusion: What difference does the EU make for human rights and democratization in the new candidate countries of southeast Europe? / Henry F. Carey and Kathleen Barrett.
The European Union (E.U.), along with the Council of Europe, NATO, and the Office of Security and Cooperation in Europe are regional organizations which, despite their different missions, all are designed to support democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. The E.U. has required that all of its candidate countries for potential and actual membership adhere to these three criteria, along with free market practices, since its 1993 Copenhagen, inter-governmental summit. In this book, experts have contributed chapters on the European record of induced improvements in a variety of countries. Current scholarship has debated whether the rational incentives of accession to membership (conditionality theory); the normative power of European identity (socialization theory); or international legal processes (institutional theory) have explained what some claim are significant improvements. Other scholars demur, arguing that the improvements have been superficial or ephemeral, or conversely, that real improvement would have occurred anyway. Still others argue that real improvements are reversible, especially after E.U. membership is attained and regimes revert to former or new ways that erode democratization. The E.U. and its peer institutions, they suggest, are not heavy anchors to democracy in periods of economic distress, rising nationalism and extremism. Yet others argue that out of these challenges, the E.U. has saved the Euro, built even stronger institutions, and remains a beacon of desired ideals and membership among countries that conceivably could graduate from its partner organizations and eventually join the E.U. as well. Each chapter assesses what difference the E.U. and other regional organizations have made in the record of a particular country. These country chapters include those: that were candidate countries and became member states (Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 and Croatia in 2013); those that are now officially candidate countries (Iceland, Macedonia, and since 2014, Serbia); those have all signed stabilization agreements, which are usually precursors of E.U. candidature (Montenegro, Bosnia, Albania, and since 2014, despite being regarded as too large, the Ukraine, and too poor, Moldova); and finally, a new country (Kosovo), despite its non-recognition by five E.U. member states, which nonetheless appears to be on the road to eventual E.U. candidacy. This study is a highly nuanced picture of a varying European record fraught with conflicting interests, but portraying a picture of outer Europe struggling to improve because it seeks membership in a still powerful supranational organization.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780739166888 20160617
Law Library (Crown)
Book
xvi, 275 pages ; 25 cm
Western struggles--and failures--to create functioning states in countries such as Iraq or Afghanistan have inspired questions about whether statebuilding projects are at all viable, or whether they make the lives of their intended beneficiaries better or worse. In this groundbreaking book, Oliver Richmond asks why statebuilding has been so hard to achieve, and argues that a large part of the problem has been Westerners' failure to understand or engage with what local peoples actually want and need. He interrogates the liberal peacebuilding industry, asking what it assumes, what it is getting wrong, and how it could be more effective.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780300175318 20160617
Law Library (Crown)
Book
305 pages, 8 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • Part one. The three and a half revolutions
  • Thomas Hobbes and the rise of the nation-state
  • John Stuart Mill and the liberal state
  • Beatrice Webb and the welfare state
  • Milton Friedman's Paradise lost
  • Part two. From the west to the east. The seven deadly Sins--and one great virtue--of California government
  • The Asian alternative
  • Part three. The winds of change. The place where the future happened first
  • Fixing Leviathan
  • What is the State for?
  • Conclusion: The democratic deficit.
"From the bestselling authors of The Right Nation, a visionary argument that our current crisis in government is nothing less than the fourth radical transition in the history of the nation-state. Dysfunctional government: It's become a cliche. And most of us are resigned to the fact that nothing is ever going to change. As John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge show us, that is a seriously limited view of things. In fact, there have been three great revolutions in government in the history of the modern world. The West has led these revolutions, but now we are in the midst of a fourth revolution, and it is Western government that is in danger of being left behind. Now, things really are different. The West's debt load is unsustainable. The developing world has harvested the low-hanging fruits. Industrialization has transformed all the peasant economies it had left to transform, and the toxic side effects of rapid developing world growth are adding to the bill. From Washington to Detroit, from Brasilia to New Delhi, there is a dual crisis of political legitimacy and political effectiveness. The Fourth Revolution crystallizes the scope of the crisis and points forward to our future.The authors enjoy extraordinary access to influential figures and forces the world over, and the book is a global tour of the innovators in how power is to be wielded. The age of big government is over; the age of smart government has begun. Many of the ideas the authors discuss seem outlandish now, but the center of gravity is moving quickly. This tour drives home a powerful argument: that countries' success depends overwhelmingly on their ability to reinvent the state. And that much of the West--and particularly the United States--is failing badly in its task. China is making rapid progress with government reform at the same time as America is falling badly behind. Washington is gridlocked, and America is in danger of squandering its huge advantages from its powerful economy because of failing government. And flailing democracies like India look enviously at China's state-of-the-art airports and expanding universities. The race to get government right is not just a race of efficiency. It is a race to see which political values will triumph in the twenty-first century--the liberal values of democracy and liberty or the authoritarian values of command and control. The stakes could not be higher"-- Provided by publisher.
Law Library (Crown)
LAW-1037-01, LAW-1037-01
Book
xviii, 194 pages, 16 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations (some color) ; 25 cm
  • I'm one of Polly's girls
  • From A to B, with detours
  • So what if the cows outnumber your supporters?
  • The best lobbyist I ever met was a twelve-year-old girl
  • Let's clean up the sticky floor
  • Ambition is not a dirty word
  • Now we're yours
  • "You need to be beautiful again" and other unwanted advice
  • Be kind
  • My real inner circle
  • A time such as this
  • Get in the game.
"Fourteen years before Kirsten Gillibrand succeeded Hillary Rodham Clinton as senator from New York, she heard her future mentor say these life-changing words: 'Decisions are being made every day in Washington, and if you are not part of those decisions, you might not like what they decide, and you'll have no one to blame but yourself.' A young corporate lawyer at the time, Gillibrand felt as if she'd been struck by lightning. She instantly knew that her voice--all women's voices--were essential to shaping the future of this country, and that she had a greater purpose in life: to speak up and effect change. Now, in this extraordinary memoir, the senator, wife, and mother of two recounts her personal journey in public service and galvanizes women to reach beyond their busy lives and make a meaningful difference in the world around them. Off the Sidelines is a playbook for women who want to step up, whether in Congress or the boardroom or the local PTA. If women were fully represented in politics, Gillibrand says, national priorities would shift to issues that directly impact them: affordable daycare, paid family medical leave, and equal pay. Pulling back the curtain on Beltway politics, she speaks candidly about her legislative successes (securing federally funded medical care for 9/11 first responders, repealing Don't Ask, Don't Tell) and her crushing disappointments (failing by five votes to pass a bill protecting survivors of sexual assault in the military). Gillibrand also shares stories of growing up the daughter and granddaughter of two trailblazing feminists in a politically active family in Albany, New York, and retraces her nonlinear path to public office. She lays bare the highs and lows of being a young (pregnant!) woman in Congress, the joys and sacrifices every working mother shares, and the support system she turns to in her darkest moments: her husband, their two little boys, and lots of girlfriends. In Off the Sidelines, Gillibrand is the tough-love older sister and cheerleader every woman needs. She explains why 'ambition' is not a dirty word, failure is a gift, listening is the most effective tool, and the debate over women 'having it all' is absurd at best and demeaning at worst. In her sharp, honest, and refreshingly relatable voice, she dares us all to tap into our inner strength, find personal fulfillment, and speak up for what we believe in. Advance praise for Off the Sidelines: 'Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, in offering this compellingly personal account of her journey to the U.S. Senate, fulfills a vital public purpose. Writing in a voice that is honest, funny, blunt, and strong, she urges women to get off the sidelines and start changing the world'-- Provided by publisher.
Law Library (Crown)
Book
325 pages ; 22 cm
  • Why elect a self-defeating war?
  • Bring 'em on : making the world safe for democracy
  • What went wrong : the de-capitationist consensus of Washington elites
  • What were neo-conservatives thinking?
  • Democratic hawks
  • American exceptionalism meets Iraqi history
  • The semi-sovereign Shi'i state .
In the run-up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, a fair number of Americans thought the idea was crazy. Now everyone, except a few die-hards, thinks it was. So what was going through the minds of the talented and experienced men and women who planned and initiated the war? What were their assumptions? Overreach "aims to recover those presuppositions. Michael MacDonald examines the standard hypotheses for the decision to attack, showing them to be either wrong or of secondary importance: the personality of President George W. Bush, including his relationship with his father; Republican electoral considerations; the oil lobby; the Israeli lobby. He also undermines the argument that the war failed because of the Bush administration s incompetence. The more fundamental reasons for the Iraq War and its failure, MacDonald argues, are located in basic axioms of American foreign policy, which equate America s ideals with its interests (distorting both in the process) and project those ideals as universally applicable. Believing that democratic principles would bring order to Iraq naturally and spontaneously, regardless of the region s history and culture or what Iraqis themselves wanted, neoconservative thinkers, with support from many on the left, advocated breaking the back of state power under Saddam Hussein. They maintained that by bringing about radical regime change, the United States was promoting liberalism, capitalism, and democracy in Iraq. But what it did instead was unleash chaos.".
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780674729100 20160617
Law Library (Crown)
Book
xix, 163 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • Environmental policy stalemate
  • Greening the administration
  • Managing the commons
  • Water quality
  • Toxic communities
  • Climate change
  • Conclusion: Managing chronic gridlock.
After sweeping environmental legislation passed in the 1970s and 1980s, the 1990s ushered in an era when new legislation and reforms to existing laws were consistently caught up in a gridlock. In response, environmental groups became more specialized and professional, learning how to effect policy change through the courts, states, and federal agencies rather than through grassroots movements. Without a significantly mobilized public and with a generally uncooperative Congress, presidents since the 1990s have been forced to step into a new role of increasing presidential dominance over environmental policies. Rather than working with Congress, presidents instead have employed unilateral actions and administrative strategies to further their environmental goals. Presidential Administration and the Environment offers a detailed examination of the strategies and tools used by U.S. presidents. Using primary sources from presidential libraries such as speeches and staff communications, David M. Shafie analyzes how presidents such as Bill Clinton and George W. Bush have used alternative executive approaches to pass environmental policies. From there, Shafie presents case studies in land management, water policy, toxics, and climate change. He analyzes the role that executive leadership has played in passing policies within these four areas, explains how this role has changed over time, and concludes by investigating how Obama's policies compare thus far with those of his predecessors. Shafie's combination of qualitative content analysis and topical case studies offers scholars and researchers alike important insights for understanding the interactions between environmental groups and the executive branch and the implications for future policymaking in the United States.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780415626668 20160612
Law Library (Crown)
Book
xiv, 542 pages : illustration ; 24 cm
  • Introduction
  • Excessive secrecy and institutional change
  • Keeping secrets, during settled and unsettled times - Violating FACA from the start : a history of presidential defiance
  • Secret law : the "sinister trend that has gone relatively unnoticed"
  • Presidential secrecy in the courts
  • Secret science : from Bush-Cheney to Bush-Quayle
  • Secret science : the Reagan-Bush administration
  • When all else fails : shredding, burning, deleting, or whatever it takes
  • "The most open and transparent administration in history?"
  • Conclusions.
A series of laws passed in the 1970s promised the nation unprecedented transparency in government, a veritable "sunshine era." Though citizens enjoyed a new arsenal of secrecy-busting tools, officials developed a handy set of workarounds, from over classification to concealment, shredding, and burning. It is this dark side of the sunshine era that Jason Ross Arnold explores in the first comprehensive, comparative history of presidential resistance to the new legal regime, from Reagan-Bush to the first term of Obama-Biden. After examining what makes a necessary and unnecessary secret, Arnold considers the causes of excessive secrecy, and why we observe variation across administrations. While some administrations deserve the scorn of critics for exceptional secrecy, the book shows excessive secrecy was a persistent problem well before 9/11, during Democratic and Republican administrations alike. Regardless of party, administrations have consistently worked to weaken the system's legal foundations. The book reveals episode after episode of evasive maneuvers, rule bending, clever rhetorical gambits, and downright defiance; an army of secrecy workers in a dizzying array of institutions labels all manner of documents "top secret, " while other government workers and agencies manage to suppress information with a "sensitive but unclassified" designation. For example, the health effects of Agent Orange, and antibiotic-resistant bacteria leaking out of Midwestern hog farms are considered too "sensitive" for public consumption. These examples and many more document how vast the secrecy system has grown during the sunshine era. Rife with stories of vital scientific evidence withheld, justice eluded, legalities circumvented, and the public interest flouted, Secrecy in the Sunshine Era reveals how our information society has been kept in the dark in too many ways and for too long.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780700619924 20160616
Law Library (Crown)