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253 pages ; 24 cm
  • Ordinary human interests
  • White and white and read all over
  • Fiery cross-words
  • The good, the bad, and the best sellers
  • Good fiction qualities
  • Just entertainment
  • That ghastly saxophone
  • PBS : the Protestant Broadcasting System
  • Invisible umpires
  • Epilogue: The most picturesque element.
In popular understanding, the Ku Klux Klan is a hateful white supremacist organization. In Ku Klux Kulture, Felix Harcourt argues that in the 1920s the self-proclaimed Invisible Empire had an even wider significance as a cultural movement.Ku Klux Kulture reveals the extent to which the KKK participated in and penetrated popular American culture, reaching far beyond its paying membership to become part of modern American society. The Klan owned radio stations, newspapers, and sports teams, and its members created popular films, pulp novels, music, and more. Harcourt shows how the Klan's racist and nativist ideology became subsumed in sunnier popular portrayals of heroic vigilantism. In the process he challenges prevailing depictions of the 1920s, which may be best understood not as the Jazz Age or the Age of Prohibition, but as the Age of the Klan. Ku Klux Kulture gives us an unsettling glimpse into the past, arguing that the Klan did not die so much as melt into America's prevailing culture.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780226376158 20171227
Law Library (Crown)
xiv, 272 pages, 8 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • Introduction: "100% Americanism"
  • Rebirth
  • Ancestors
  • Structures of feeling
  • Recruitment, ritual, and profit
  • Spectacles and Evangelicals
  • Vigilantism and manliness
  • KKK feminism
  • Oregon and the attack on parochial schools
  • Political and economic warfare
  • Constituents
  • Legacy : down but not out.
A new Ku Klux Klan arose in the early 1920s, a less violent but equally virulent descendant of the relatively small, terrorist Klan of the 1870s. Unknown to most Americans today, this "second Klan" largely flourished above the Mason-Dixon Line-its army of four-to-six-million members spanning the continent from New Jersey to Oregon, its ideology of intolerance shaping the course of mainstream national politics throughout the twentieth century. As prize-winning historian Linda Gordon demonstrates, the second Klan's enemies included Catholics and Jews as well as African Americans. Its bigotry differed in intensity but not in kind from that of millions of other WASP Americans. Its membership, limited to white Protestant native-born citizens, was entirely respectable, drawn from small businesspeople, farmers, craftsmen, and professionals, and including about 1.5 million women. For many Klanspeople, membership simultaneously reflected a protest against an increasingly urban society and provided an entree into the new middle class. Never secret, this Klan recruited openly, through newspaper ads, in churches, and through extravagant mass "Americanism" pageants, often held on Independence Day. These "Klonvocations" drew tens of thousands and featured fireworks, airplane stunts, children's games, and women's bake-offs-and, of course, cross-burnings. The Klan even controlled about one hundred and fifty newspapers, as well as the Cavalier Motion Picture Company, dedicated to countering Hollywood's "immoral"-and Jewish-influence. The Klan became a major political force, electing thousands to state offices and over one hundred to national offices, while successfully lobbying for the anti-immigration Reed-Johnson Act of 1924. As Gordon shows, the themes of 1920s Klan ideology were not aberrant, but an indelible part of American history: its "100% Americanism" and fake news, broadcast by charismatic speakers, preachers, and columnists, became part of the national fabric. Its spokespeople vilified big-city liberals, "money-grubbing Jews, " "Pope-worshipping Irish, " and intellectuals for promoting jazz, drinking, and cars (because they provided the young with sexual privacy). The Klan's collapse in 1926 was no less flamboyant, done in by its leaders' financial and sexual corruption, culminating in the conviction of Grand Dragon David Stephenson for raping and murdering his secretary, and chewing up parts of her body. Yet the Klan's brilliant melding of Christian values with racial bigotry lasted long after the organization's decline, intensifying a fear of diversity that has long been a dominant undercurrent of American history. Documenting what became the largest social movement of the first half of the twentieth century, The Second Coming of the Ku Klux Klan exposes the ancestry and helps explain the dangerous appeal of today's welter of intolerance.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781631493690 20171121
Law Library (Crown)
viii, 311 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • The concept of membership in America, 1783-1815
  • Friendship, formalities, and membership in post-revolutionary America
  • Politics, citizenship, and association
  • A common law of membership
  • Practices and limits, 1800-1840
  • Everyday constitutionalism in a nation of joiners
  • When shareholders were members: the business corporation as voluntary association
  • Determining the rights of members
  • Consequences: civil society in antebellum America
  • Labor unions and an American law of membership
  • Conclusion: the concept of membership in the age of reform.
Alexis de Tocqueville was among the first to draw attention to Americans' propensity to form voluntary associations-and to join them with a fervor and frequency unmatched anywhere in the world. For nearly two centuries, we have sought to understand how and why early nineteenth-century Americans were, in Tocqueville's words, "forever forming associations." In The Making of Tocqueville's America, Kevin Butterfield argues that to understand this, we need to first ask: what did membership really mean to the growing number of affiliated Americans? Butterfield explains that the first generations of American citizens found in the concept of membership-in churches, fraternities, reform societies, labor unions, and private business corporations-a mechanism to balance the tension between collective action and personal autonomy, something they accomplished by emphasizing law and procedural fairness. As this post-Revolutionary procedural culture developed, so too did the legal substructure of American civil society. Tocqueville, then, was wrong to see associations as the training ground for democracy, where people learned to honor one another's voices and perspectives. Rather, they were the training ground for something no less valuable to the success of the American democratic experiment: increasingly formal and legalistic relations among people.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780226297088 20160619
Law Library (Crown)
xiv, 382 p. : ill. ; 22 cm.
  • Civil War and the problems of loyalties
  • A Savannah childhood
  • Schooling in the south and beyond
  • Emotional upheaval
  • Broken hearts
  • Omens and weddings
  • The whirl of married life
  • Wars, colonial and domestic
  • A parting of the ways
  • Journeys
  • General Sir Robert Baden-Powell
  • The Savannah Girl Guides
  • The excitement of girl scouting
  • Good deeds
  • Girl scouting in the Roaring Twenties
  • Making new friend internationally
  • Epilogue: "Long live the Girl Scouts!"
In celebration of the Girl Scouts' centennial, a lively salute to its maverick founder. Born at the start of the Civil War, Juliette Gordon Low grew up in Georgia, where she struggled to reconcile being a good Southern belle with her desire to run barefoot through the fields. Deafened by an accident, Daisy married a dashing British aristocrat and moved to England. But she was ultimately betrayed by her husband and dissatisfied by the aimlessness of privileged life. Her search for a greater purpose ended when she met Robert Baden-Powell, war hero, adventurer, and founder of the Boy Scouts. Captivated with his program, Daisy aimed to instill the same useful skills and moral values in young girls-with an emphasis on fun. She imported the Boy Scouts' sister organization, the Girl Guides, to Savannah in 1912. Rechristened the Girl Scouts, it grew rapidly because of Juliette Low's unquenchable determination and energetic, charismatic leadership.In Juliette Gordon Low, Cordery paints a dynamic portrait of an intriguing woman and a true pioneer whose work touched the lives of millions of girls and women around the world.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780143122890 20160615
Law Library (Crown)
ix, 211 pages ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction
  • Presence of transnational civil society in China
  • Transnational intrusion and Beijing's mixed reactions
  • Transnational activism and Chinese civil society : democratizing impacts
  • Transnational civil society and China : broader and comparative perspectives
  • Conclusion.
A salient trend in studies of China and transnational civil society, two newly influential global forces, is the converging of their paths. Thousands of international NGOs and foundations have come to operate in China in the 'low politics' of environment, development and epidemics, while democracy activists campaign on China from outside. This path-breaking book investigates transnational groups' evolving relations with China and its NGO sector, and compares China with transnational stories of party states in Eastern Europe and Taiwan. This book discusses the penetration, growth and operation of transnational civil society (TCS) in China. It explores TCS' impacts on the incremental development of China's political pluralism, mainly through exploring the influences of the leading TCS actors on the country's bottom-up and self-governing activist NGOs that have sprung up spontaneously, in terms of capacities, strategies, leadership and political outlook, as a result of complex interactions between the two sectors. Transnational Civil Society in China opens up a new frontier in discussing the society, politics and international relations of China that will appeal to scholars and researchers studying China and transnational/global civil society.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9781848448940 20160610
Law Library (Crown)
166 p. : ill., ports ; 21 cm.
  • Presidents, Supreme Court justices, and cabinet members
  • Charts showing dates of service and Century Association membership
  • Winning World War II
  • Why so many Centurions entered high federal service before 1982
  • Why Centurion participation stopped and how it might be restarted.
Law Library (Crown)
vii, 712 p. : ill., maps ; 24 cm
Offers an inside look at Yale University's Skull & Bones society through previously unpublished documents, photographs, and articles that cover such issues as racism, financial ties to the Nazi party, and illegal corporate dealings.
Law Library (Crown)
xxv, 323 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
A timely contribution to current debates over the psychology of boys and the construction of their social lives, "On My Honour" explores the folk customs of adolescent young men in the Boy Scouts of America during a summer encampment in California's Sierra Nevadas. Based on more than 20 years of research and extensive visits and interviews with members of a single troop, Mechling uncovers the key rituals and play events through which they shape boys into men. He describes the campfire songs, initiation rites, games and activities the troop uses to mould Scouts into responsible adults. The themes of honour and character alternate in this new study as we witness troop leaders offering examples in structure, discipline and guidance, and teaching Scouts the difficult balance between freedom and self-control. What results is a probing look into the inner lives of adolescent boys and their rocky transition into manhood. "On My Honour" provides a provocative, sometimes shocking glimpse into the sexual awakening and moral development of young men coming to grips with their nascent desires, their innate aggressions, their inclination toward peer pressure and violence, and their social acculturation. "On My Honour" ultimately shows how the Boy Scouts of America continues to edify and mentor young men against the backdrop of controversies over freedom of religious expression, homsexuality and the proposed inclusion of female members. While the organization's bureaucracy has taken an unyielding stance against gay men and atheists, Scouts are often more open to plurality whan we might assume. In their embrace of tolerance, acceptance and understanding, then, troop leaders at the local level have the power to shape boys into emotionally mature men.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780226517049 20160528
Law Library (Crown)
v. : ill. ; 28 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
52 p. : ill. ; 27 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
71 p. : ill. ; 27 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
v. : ill. ; 28 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
xiii, 257 p. ; 26 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
xi, 224 p., [14] p. of plates : ill. ; 24 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
viii, 277 p., [16] p. of plates : ill. ; 25 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
viii, 228 p. : ill., map ; 24 cm.
Ignorant. Brutal. Male. One of these stereotypes of the Ku Klux Klan offer a misleading picture. In "Women of the Klan", sociologist Kathleen Blee unveils an accurate portrait of a racist movement that appealed to ordinary people throughout the country. In so doing, she dismantles the popular notion that politically involved women are always inspired by pacifism, equality, and justice. 'All the better people, ' a former Klanswoman assures us, were in the Klan.During the 1920s, perhaps half a million white native-born Protestant women joined the Women's Ku Klux Klan (WKKK). Like their male counterparts, Klanswomen held reactionary views on race, nationality, and religion. But their perspectives on gender roles were often progressive. The Klan publicly asserted that a women's order could safeguard women's suffrage and expand their other legal rights. Privately the WKKK was working to preserve white Protestant supremacy. Blee draws from extensive archival research and interviews with former Klan members and victims to underscore the complexity of extremist right-wing political movements. Issues of women's rights, she argues, do not fit comfortably into the standard dichotomies of 'progressive' and 'reactionary.' These need to be replaced by a more complete understanding of how gender politics are related to the politics of race, religion, and class.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780520078765 20160528
Law Library (Crown)
[ix], 225 p. ; 23 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
166 p., [5] leaves of plates : ill. ; 21 cm.
Law Library (Crown)
x, 283 p. ; 20 cm.
This is a woman's view of the "men only" areas of the British establishment. Freemasons, Rotarians, the military, Eton and Harrow, Oxford and Cambridge, the "City" and the Church are all explored together with the London clubs where women (including Mrs Thatcher and the Queen) are firmly kept out. Barbara Rogers uses male moles where necessary to get through the doors closed to women. Barbara Rogers is author of "Getting Women's Power into Politics".
(source: Nielsen Book Data)9780863580833 20160527
Law Library (Crown)

20. Secret societies [1968]

3-350 p. illus. (some col.), facsims., maps (some col.), ports. (some col.) 25 cm.
  • Introduction, by N. MacKenzie.--Primitive secret societies, by E. M. Mendelson.--Mau Mau, by J. Hammerton.--Thuggee, by D. Annan.--The Mysteries, by N. Smart.--The Assassins and the Knights Templar, by D. Annan.--The Rosicrucians, by M. Jones.--Freemasonry, by M. Jones.--Nationalist secret societies, by D. Annan.--Chinese secret societies, by B. E. Ward.--The Mafia, by D. Annan.--The Klu Klux Klan, by D. Annan.--Conclusion, by N. MacKenzie.
Law Library (Crown)