• Introduction: Unknown well-known documents
• The gathering storm (1787-1860)
• Secession (1859-1861)
• Civil War (1861-1865)
• Reconstruction and fusion (1866-1890)
• The nadir of race relations (1890-1940)
• The civil rights era, 1940-
• Concluding words.

Most Americans hold basic misconceptions about the Confederacy, the Civil War, and the actions of subsequent neo-Confederates. For example, two thirds of Americans--including most history teachers--think the Confederate States seceded for ""states' rights."" This error persists because most have never read the key documents about the Confederacy.These documents have always been there. When South Carolina seceded, it published ""Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union."" The document actually opposes states' rights. Its authors argue that Northern states were ignoring the rights of slave owners as identified by Congress and in the Constitution. Similarly, Mississippi's ""Declaration of the Immediate Causes ..."" says, ""Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery--the greatest material interest of the world.""Later documents in this collection show how neo-Confederates obfuscated this truth, starting around 1890. The evidence also points to the centrality of race in neo-Confederate thought even today and to the continuing importance of neo-Confederate ideas in American political life. The 150th anniversary of secession and civil war provides a moment for all Americans to read these documents, properly set in context by award-winning sociologist and historian James W. Loewen and co-editor, Edward H. Sebesta, to put in perspective the mythology of the Old South.
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• From Texas to Oregon
• The advocate : it is your mouthpiece
• The best talent
• Building a community
• We must cultivate one another
• Spreading the word
• The birth of a nation
• Oregon was a Klan state
• Standing firm
• In the interest of the race
• Conclusion : public citizen.

A Force for Change is the first full-length study of the life and work of one of Oregon's most dynamic civil rights activists, journalist Beatrice Morrow Cannady. Between 1912 and 1936, Cannady tirelessly promoted interracial goodwill and fought segregation and discrimination. She gave hundreds of lectures to high school and college students and shared her message with radio listeners across the Pacific Northwest. She was assistant editor, and later publisher, of The Advocate, Oregon's largest black newspaper. Cannady was the first black woman to graduate from law school in Oregon, and the first to run for state representative. She held interracial teas in her home in Northeast Portland and protested repeated showings of the racist film The Birth of a Nation. And when the Ku Klux Klan swept into Oregon, she urged the governor to act quickly to protect black Oregonians' right to live and work without fear. Despite these accomplishments--and many more during her twenty-five-year career--Beatrice Cannady fell into obscurity when she left Oregon in about 1938. A Force for Change illuminates Cannady's important role in advocating for better race relations in Oregon in the early decades of the twentieth century. It describes her encounters with the period's leading black artists, editors, politicians, and intellectuals, including W. E. B. Du Bois, Langston Hughes, A. Philip Randolph, Oscar De Priest, Roland Hayes, and James Weldon Johnson. It dispels the myth that blacks played a negligible role in Oregon's history and it enriches our understanding of the black experience in Oregon. A Force for Change is an invaluable resource for students and scholars of women's history, gender studies, African American history, journalism history, and Pacific Northwest history. This timely volume is a vital resource for any reader interested in a richer understanding of Oregon history.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Contents List of Illustrations Introduction: "Genteel Apartheid"
• 1. "We Have No Master Race": Racial Liberalism and Political Whiteness
• 2. "Racial and Religious Tolerance Are Highly Desirable Objectives": Fair Employment and the Vicissitudes of Tolerance, 1945--1960
• 3. "Get Back Your Rights!" Fair Housing and the Right to Discriminate, 1960--1972
• 4. "We Love All Kids": School Desegregation, Busing, and the Triumph of Racial Innocence, 1972--1982
• 5. "How Can You Help Unite California?" English Only and the Politics of Exclusion, 1982--1990
• 6. "They Keep Coming!" The Tangled Roots of Proposition 187
• 7. "Special Interests Hijacked the Civil Rights Movement": Affirmative Action and Bilingual Education on the Ballot, 1996--2
• 8. "Dare We Forget the Lessons of History?" Ward Connerly's Racial Privacy Initiative, 2001--2003 Conclusion: Blue State Racism Acknowledgments Notes Select Bibliography Index.
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This book looks beyond the headlines to uncover the controversial history of California's ballot measures over the past fifty years. As the rest of the U.S. watched, California voters banned public services for undocumented immigrants, repealed public affirmative action programs, and outlawed bilingual education, among other measures. Why did a state with a liberal political culture, an increasingly diverse populace, and a well-organized civil rights leadership roll back civil rights and anti-discrimination gains? Daniel Martinez HoSang finds that, contrary to popular perception, this phenomenon does not represent a new wave of 'color-blind' policies, nor is a triumph of racial conservatism. Instead, in a book that goes beyond the conservative-liberal divide, HoSang uncovers surprising connections between the right and left that reveal how racial inequality has endured. Arguing that each of these measures was a proposition about the meaning of race and racism, his deft, convincing analysis ultimately recasts our understanding of the production of racial identity, inequality, and power in the postwar era.
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• Gracias (Thanks) Introduction: Why I Am Here 1 Race, Culture, Colonialism, Citizenships, and Latina/o Critical Race Theory 2 The Legal Relationship between Puerto Rico and the Estados Unidos de Norteamerica (United States of America) 3 Puerto Rican Political Culture 4 Puerto Rican Cultural Nationhood 5 Theorizing a New Reality of Citizenship and Nation 6 A Framework for Legal Reform 7 Conclusion Notes Index About the Author.
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The precise legal nature of the relationship between the United States and the people of Puerto Rico was not explicitly determined in 1898 when the Treaty of Paris transferred sovereignty over Puerto Rico from Spain to the United States. Since then, many court cases, beginning in 1901, have been instrumental in defining this delicate relationship. While the legislation has clearly established the nonexistence of Puerto Rican nationhood and lack of independent Puerto Rican citizenship, the debate over Puerto Rico's status continues to this day. Malavet offers a critique of Puerto Rico's current status as well as of its treatment by the U.S. legal and political systems. Puerto Rico is a colony of the United States, and Puerto Ricans living on this geographically separate island are subject to the United States's legal and political authority. They are the largest group of U.S. citizens currently living under territorial status. Malavet argues that the Puerto Rican cultural nation experiences U.S. imperialism, which compromises both the island's sovereignty and Puerto Ricans' citizenship rights. He analyzes the three alternatives to Puerto Rico's continued territorial status, examining the challenges manifest in each possibility, as well as illuminating what he believes to be the best course of action.
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• Introduction
• African Americans in prewar Los Angeles
• The great migration and the changing face of Los Angeles
• The window of opportunity: black work in industrial Los Angeles, 1941-1964
• Race and housing in postwar Los Angeles
• Building the civil rights movement in Los Angeles
• Black community transformation in the 1960s and 1970s
• Epilogue
• Maps: The historical geography of African American Los Angeles.

In 1964 an Urban League survey ranked Los Angeles as the most desirable city for African Americans to live in. In 1965 the city burst into flames during one of the worst race riots in the nation's history. How the city came to such a pass - embodying both the best and worst of what urban America offered black migrants from the South - is the story told for the first time in this history of modern black Los Angeles. A clear-eyed and compelling look at black struggles for equality in L.A.'s neighbourhoods, schools, and workplaces from the Great Depression to our day, "L.A. City Limits" critically refocuses the ongoing debate about the origins of America's racial and urban crisis. Challenging previous analysts' near-exclusive focus on northern "rust-belt" cities devastated by de-industrialization, Josh Sides asserts that the cities to which black southerners migrated profoundly affected how they fared. He shows how L.A.'s diverse racial composition, dispersive geography, and dynamic postwar economy often created opportunities - and limits - quite different from those encountered by blacks in the urban North.
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• Latinos in California : population growth and diversity / Belinda I. Reyes
• Rising tides and sinking boats : the economic challenge for California's Latinos / Manuel Pastor, Jr.
• K-12 public education : bedrock or barrier? / Eugene E. Garcia
• Putting the cart before the horse : Latinos and higher education / Patricia Gándara and Lisa Chávez
• Tipping the balance : a flexible, integrated system of adult education / Edward Kissam
• Illness and wellness : the Latino paradox / David E. Hayes-Bautista
• Access to illness care and health insurance / R. Burciaga Valdez
• Latino mental health in California : implications for policy / Kurt Organista and Lonnie Snowden
• Crime and justice : developments in the last twenty years and priorities for the next twenty / José A. Canela-Cacho
• Housing : crisis or opportunity? / Dowell Myers
• Latino political incorporation in California, 1990-2000 / Luis Ricardo Fraga and Ricardo Ramirez
• Conclusion : Latinos and public policy in California : an agenda for opportunity / David López.

At 2:00 A.M. on August 28, 1955, fourteen-year-old Emmett Till, visiting from Chicago, was abducted from his great-uncle's cabin in Money, Mississippi, and never seen alive again. When his battered and bloated corpse floated to the surface of the Tallahatchie River three days later and two local white men were arrested for his murder, young Till's death was primed to become the spark that set off the civil rights movement. With a collection of more than one hundred documents spanning almost half a century, Christopher Metress retells Till's story in a unique and daring way. Juxtaposing news accounts and investigative journalism with memoirs, poetry, and fiction, this documentary narrative not only includes material by such prominent figures as Hodding Carter, Chester Himes, Eleanor Roosevelt, James Baldwin, Gwendolyn Brooks, Eldridge Cleaver, Bob Dylan, John Edgar Wideman, Lewis Nordan, and Michael Eric Dyson, but it also contains several previously unpublished works - among them a newly discovered Langston Hughes poem - and a generous selection of hard-to-find documents never before collected. Exploring the means by which historical events become part of the collective social memory, The Lynching of Emmett Till is both an anthology that tells an important story and a narrative about how we come to terms with key moments in history.
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In 1966, Peter Jan Honigsberg - a young, idealistic law student - arrived in the South to help provide legal representation for civil rights workers. Although based in New Orleans, most of his work was in the city of Bogalusa and in Plaquemines Parish, Louisiana. Bogalusa was the heart of the Louisiana movement and the home of one of the most formidable but little-known black organizations in the country - the Deacons for Defense and Justice, the first modern-day African American organization to carry weapons and to respond with force against the Ku Klux Klan. This riveting memoir, one of only a handful of first-person full-length accounts of the civil rights movement, is both a stirring coming-of-age story and a thrilling chronicle of a remarkable era in United States history. Honigsberg's engaging narrative conveys the emotions and personal dangers activists faced.He describes how the Deacons worked with the Bogalusa Voters League to boycott the white-owned businesses in the downtown area and to integrate the local schools, restaurants, parks, and paper mill. Unlike many law students, Honigsberg not only worked on legal issues; he participated directly in marches and demonstrations. His narrative includes lively firsthand accounts of his attempt - with a group of black and white demonstrators - to integrate a beach on Lake Pontchartrain, his experience marching through hostile Ku Klux Klan territory under the eye of the National Guard, and his witnessing a prominent civil rights leader lift his car's trunk to display a cache of carbines and grenades to a station attendant who refused to fill the tank with gas. This memoir provides a unique glimpse into the civil rights movement and the people who were forever changed by its struggle for human dignity and its vision of racial justice and equality.
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This first-hand account tells the story of turbulent civil rights era Atlanta through the eyes of a white upper-class woman who became an outspoken advocate for integration and racial equality. As a privileged white woman who grew up in segregated Atlanta, Sara Mitchell Parsons was an unlikely candidate to become a civil rights agitator. After all, her only contacts with blacks were with those who helped raise her and those who later helped raise her children. As a young woman, she followed the conventional path expected of her, becoming the dutiful wife of a conservative husband, going to the country club, and playing bridge. But unlike many of her peers, Parsons harbored an increasing uneasiness about racial segregation. In a memoir that includes candid diary excerpts, Parsons chronicles her moral awakening. With little support from her husband, she runs for the Atlanta Board of Education on a quietly integrationist platform and, once elected, becomes increasingly outspoken about inequitable school conditions and the slow pace of integration. Her activities bring her into contact with such civil rights leaders as Martin Luther King, Jr., and his wife, Coretta Scott King. For a time, she leads a dual existence, sometimes traveling the great psychic distance from an NAACP meeting on Auburn Avenue to an all-white party in upscale Buckhead. She eventually drops her ladies' clubs, and her deepening involvement in the civil rights movement costs Parsons many friends as well as her first marriage. Spanning sixty years, this compelling memoir describes one woman's journey to self-discovery against the backdrop of a tumultuous time in our country's history. "Sara Parsons's efforts to integrate and improve schools and her attack on complacent white churches made her a pariah and resulted in the break-up of her marriage. . . . She was one of the South's first white elected officials who openly advocated racial equality.--Atlanta Journal-Constitution "Sara Parsons in the 1960's [was] the lone white member of the Atlanta school board to support integration. . . . Jimmy Carter may not have had the courage [then] to meet with Martin Luther King. But Ms. Parsons did. She met Dr. King on several occasions, even though each time it seemed to cost her another white friend.--New York Times.
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• Preface
• Abbreviations
• Chronology
• Introduction
• Alberta
• Ready
• Bethel
• Agitation
• "Bull"fighting
• Stalemate
• Jailbirds
• Confrontations
• Cataclysm
• "Actionist"
• Epilogue
• Notes
• Bibliography
• Index.

This first biography of Fred Shuttlesworth-winner of both the 2000 Lillian Smith Award and the 2001 James F. Sulzby Jr. Award-details the fascinating life of the controversial preacher who led integration efforts in Birmingham with the courage and fervor of a religious crusader. When Fred Shuttlesworth suffered only a bump on the head in the 1956 bombing of his home, members of his church called it a miracle. Shuttlesworth took it as a sign that God would protect him on the mission that had made him a target that night. Standing in front of his demolished home, Shuttlesworth vigorously renewed his commitment to integrate Birmingham's buses, lunch counters, police force, and parks. The incident transformed him, in the eyes of Birmingham's blacks, from an up-and-coming young minister to a virtual folk hero and, in the view of white Birmingham, from obscurity to rabble-rouser extraordinaire. From his 1956 founding of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights through the historic demonstrations of 1963, driven by a sense of divine mission, Shuttlesworth pressured Jim Crow restrictions in Birmingham with radically confrontational acts of courage. His intensive campaign pitted him against the staunchly segregationist police commissioner Eugene "Bull" Connor and ultimately brought him to the side of Martin Luther King Jr. and to the inner chambers of the Kennedy White House. First published in 1999, Andrew Manis's award-winning biography of "one of the nation's most courageous freedom fighters" demonstrates compellingly that Shuttleworth's brand of fiery, outspoken confrontation derived from his prophetic understanding of the pastoral role. Civil rights activism was tantamount to salvation in his understanding of the role of Christian minister.
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