• Chapter 1. The Power of Sex: Culture, Gender, and Political Legitimacy
• Chapter 2. Putin the Sex back in Politics: Gender Norms, Sexualization, and Political Legitimation in Russia
• Chapter 3. Who's Macho, Who's Gay?: Pro- and Anti-Kremlin Activists Gendering Russia's Political Leadership
• Chapter 4. Fight Club: Gendered Activism on Patriotism, Conscription, and Pro-Natalism
• Chapter 5. Everywhere and Nowhere: Sexism and Homophobia in Russian Politics
• Chapter 6. When Pussy Riots: Feminist Activism in Russia
• Conclusion. "The First Time, Do it for Love": Sexism, Power, and Politics under Putin
• Appendix: Methodology
• Bibliography
• Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Sex, Politics, and Putin investigates how gender stereotypes and sexualization have been used as tools of political legitimation in contemporary Russia. Despite their enmity, regime allies and detractors alike have wielded traditional concepts of masculinity, femininity, and homophobia as a means of symbolic endorsement or disparagement of political leaders and policies. By repeatedly using machismo as a means of legitimation, Putin's regime (unlike that of Gorbachev or Yeltsin) opened the door to the concerted use of gendered rhetoric and imagery as a means to challenge regime authority. Sex, Politics, and Putin analyzes the political uses of gender norms and sexualization in Russia through three case studies: pro- and anti-regime groups' activism aimed at supporting or undermining the political leaders on their respective sides; activism regarding military conscription and patriotism; and feminist activism. Arguing that gender norms are most easily invoked as tools of authority-building when there exists widespread popular acceptance of misogyny and homophobia, Sperling also examines the ways in which sexism and homophobia are reflected in Russia's public sphere.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• PART ONE: Prelude - people and their politics
• 1. Charlotte Despard and John Burns, the Colossus of Battersea
• 2. Muriel Matters goes vanning it with Asquith: campaigning cross country
• 3. Propaganda culture: Clemence and Laurence Housman
• 4. Parallel politics: Lloyd George plus Midlands suffragettes PART TWO: Narrative - October 1909 to April 1911
• 5. Plotting across central London: census and tax resistance
• 6. The battle for John Burns' Battersea revisited
• 7. The Census Bill and suffragette boycott plan
• 8. Lloyd George goes a-wooing vs Burns' 'Vixens in Velvet'
• 9. The King's Speech: Jessie Stephenson parachutes into Manchester
• 10. Battleground for democracy: census versus women's citizenship
• PART THREE: Census night - places and spaces
• 11. Emily Wilding Davison's Westminster - and beyond
• 12. The Nevinsons' Hampstead - and central London entertainments
• 13. Laurence Housman's Kensingon, with Clemence in Dorset
• 14. Annie Kenney's Bristol and Mary Blathwayt's Bath
• 15. Jessie Stephenson's Manchester, Hannah Mitchell's Oldham Road
• 16. English journey: sweeping back down from Teesside to Thames PART FOUR: The Census and beyond
• 17. After census night: Clemence's resistance, Asquith's betrayal
• 18. Telling the story: suffrage and census historiographies
• 19. Sources and their analysis: Vanishing for the Vote?
• GAZETTEER OF CAMPAIGNERS jointly compiled with Elizabeth Crawford.
• Select bibliography
• References: endnotes
• Index
• .
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Vanishing for the vote recounts what happened on one night, Sunday 2 April, 1911, when the Liberal government demanded every household comply with its census requirements. Suffragette organisations urged women, all still voteless, to boycott this census. Many did. Some wrote 'Votes for Women' boldly across their schedules. Others hid in darkened houses or, in the case of Emily Wilding Davison, in a cupboard within the Houses of Parliament. Yet many did not. Even some suffragettes who might be expected to boycott decided to comply - and completed a perfectly accurate schedule. Why? Vanishing for the vote explores the 'battle for the census' arguments that raged across Edwardian England in spring 1911. It investigates why some committed campaigners decided against civil disobedience tactics, instead opting to provide the government with accurate data for its health and welfare reforms. This book plunges the reader into the turbulent world of Edwardian politics, so vividly recorded on census night 1911. Based on a wealth of brand-new documentary evidence, it offers compelling reading for history scholars and general readers alike. Sumptuously produced, with 50 illustrations and an invaluable Gazetteer of suffrage campaigners. -- .
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Acknowledgements Notes on Contributors Introduction: Transition to Modernity, the Conquest of Female Suffrage, and Women's Citizenship, Blanca Rodriguez-Ruiz and Ruth Rubio-Marin A Long Tradition of Equality: Women's Suffrage in Finland, Aura Korppi-Tommola Democratisation of Denmark: The Inclusion of Women in Political Citizenship, Christina Fiig and Birte Siim The Development of Women's Rights in Lithuania: Striving for Political Equality, T. Birmontiene and V. Jureniene Winning Women's Vote: Experience from Latvia, Aija Branta Suffrage and the Nation: Women's Vote in Estonia, Helen Biin and Anneli Albi Winning Women's Vote in Germany, Ute Sacksofsky Polish Women's Fight for Suffrage, Malgorzata Fuszara Female Suffrage in Luxembourg, Sonja Kmec The Women's Vote in The Netherlands: From the `Houseman's Vote' to Full Citizenship, Inge Bleijenbergh and Jet Bussemaker Gaining the Vote in a World in Transition: Female Suffrage in Austria, Birgitta Bader-Zaar Mothers of the Nation: Women's Vote in the Czech Republic, Dana Musilova The Contexts of National and Gender Belonging: The History of Female Suffrage in Slovakia, Lubica Kobova How Women Gained Suffrage in Sweden: A Weave of Alliances, Lena Wangnerud Divisions and Debates: The Irish Suffrage Experience, Myrtle Hill Great Britain, Krista Cowman Constructing Women's Citizenship: The Conquest of Suffrage and Women's Political Rights in Spain, Amparo Rubiales and Ana Aguado The Difficult Struggle for Women's Political Rights in France, Sylvie Chaperon Women's Suffrage in Bulgaria, Krassimira Daskalova Female Suffrage in Slovenia, Irena Selisnik The Achievement of Female Suffrage in Romania, Roxana Cheschebec From the Struggle for Suffrage to the Construction of a Fragile Gender Citizenship: Italy 1861-2009, Susanna Mancini Female Suffrage in Malta, Ruth Farrugia Caught Between Strategic Positions and Principles of Equality: Female Suffrage in Belgium, Petra Meier Development Defined by Paradoxes: Hungarian History and Female Suffrage, Csilla Kollonay-Lehoczky So Difficult to be Considered as Citizens: The History of Women's Suffrage in Greece, 1864-2001, Demetra Samiou Women's Suffrage in Cyprus, Kalliope Agapiou-Josephides Winning Women's Vote: Female Suffrage in Portugal, Maria Lucia Amaral and Teresa Anjinho Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Whilst scholarship on women's suffrage usually focuses on a few emblematic countries, The Struggle for Female Suffrage in Europe casts a comparative look at the articulation of women's suffrage rights in the countries that now make up the political-unity-in-the-making we call the European Union. The book uncovers the dynamics that were at play in the recognition of male and female suffrage rights and in the definition of male and female citizenship in modern Europe. It allows readers to identify differences and commonalities in the histories of women's disenfranchisement and sheds light on the role suffrage has played in the construction of female citizenship in European countries. It provides the background against which a new European paradigm of parity democracy is gradually asserting itself.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• ""Book Title""; ""Table of Contents""; ""Acknowledgments""; ""1-Introduction""; ""Notes""; ""2-Changing Perceptions of Civil Society and Gender""; ""Civil Society: Contextualizing the Rediscovery""; ""The Meanings of Gender""; ""Notes""; ""3-Civil Society and Democratization Assistance""; ""Making Democracy Happen: How and Why to Assist""; ""Making Democracy Work: Civil Society and NGO-ization""; ""Notes""; ""4-The History of Womenâ€?s NGO Activism in Ukraine""; ""Womenâ€?s Activism in Ukraine""; ""The Rise and Development of NGOs in Ukraine""

• ""Table 4.1: Quantitative Dynamics of NGO Development in Ukraine""""Notes""; ""5-The Origins of Assistance in Washington, DC""; ""The Discourse and Practice of the Post-Cold War Assistance""; ""Democracy Through Civil Society Promotion""; ""Gender and Womenâ€?s Issues: How Are They Defined?""; ""Conclusion""; ""Notes""; ""6-Assistance Implementation in Kiev""; ""Assistance: “East Joins West for Change?â€?""; ""Civil Society: Insiders or Outsiders?""; ""Gender and Womenâ€?s Issues: How Are They Mediated?""; ""Conclusion""; ""Notes""; ""7-Local Womenâ€?s NGOs as Aid Recipients""

• ""Assistance: “The West Is the Best?â€?""""Civil Society: “Professionals Without a Professionâ€?""; ""Gender and Womenâ€?s Issues: What Do They Mean Locally?""; ""Conclusion""; ""Notes""; ""8-Civil Society Assistance Discourse and Its Impact""; ""The Findings: Unpacking the Civil Society Assistance Discourse""; ""Social and Political Effects of the Civil Society Assistance Discourse""; ""Table 8.1: Core Notions of Civil Society Assistance Discourse at ThreeLevels of Abstraction""; ""Notes""; ""
• Appendix 1: List of Interviews""; ""Note""; ""
• Appendix 2: Cited Documents""; ""Bibliography""

Considerable material and human resources are devoted to building democratic institutions around the world. Why, then, do assistance programs fail to meet their proclaimed goals? And why aren't these programmes changed or abandoned when they fail? Using US assistance to women's NGOs in postcommunist Ukraine as a case study, Kateryna Pishchikova shows why democracy promotion programmes have a limited or even negative impact on democracy in recipient countries. Combining analysis of policy documents with in-depth interviews and observations, she explains the persistence of aid despite the disillusionment of its beneficiaries.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction: a democratic paradox?--
• 1. The puzzle of CDU policy making on women's issues--
• 2. The corporatist catch-all party model--
• 3. The postwar CDU: origins of a corporatist catch-all party--
• 4. The emergence of the Women's Union, 1969-1982--
• 5. The Women's Union in the dominant coalition, 1982-1989--
• 6. Looking eastward: the Women's Union and cobbled coalitions, 1989-1998--
• 7. The rise of Angela Merkel: policy and personnel decisions of the CDU in unified Germany--
• 8. Christian democracy with and without corporatism: policy making on women's issues in Austria, Italy and the Netherlands-- Conclusion-- Appendix A: list of cited interviews.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book develops the concept of the corporatist catch-all party to explain how the German Christian Democratic Union (CDU) has responded to changing demands from women over the past forty years. Otto Kirchheimer's classic study argues that when catch-all parties reach out to new constituencies, they are forced to decrease the involvement of membership to facilitate doctrinal flexibility. In a corporatist catch-all party, however, societal interests are represented within the party organization and policy making is the result of internal party negotiation. Through an investigation of CDU policy making in the issue areas of abortion policy, work-family policy, and participation policy, this book demonstrates that sometimes the CDU mobilizes rather than disempowers membership. An important lesson of this study is that a political party need not sacrifice internal democracy and ignore its members in order to succeed at the polls.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. An Introduction to Women's Anti-Suffragism-- THE LEADING WOMEN ANTI-SUFFRAGISTS--
• 2. Maternal Reformers and Education--
• 3. Maternal Reformers and Social Duty--
• 4. Women Writers--
• 5. Imperial Ladies-- WOMEN'S ANTI-SUFFRAGISM IN ACTION--
• 6. The Women's Appeal and After--
• 7. The Women's National Anti-Suffrage League--
• 8. Working With Men--
• 9. Suffrage, Sexuality and Citizenship--
• 10. Anti-Suffragists at War--
• 11. A Retrospective View of Failure.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

British women who resisted their own enfranchisement were ridiculed by the suffragists and have since been neglected by historians. Yet these women, together with the millions whose indifference reinforced the opposition case, claimed to form a majority of the female public on the eve of the First World War. By 1914 the organised 'antis' rivalled the suffragists in numbers, though not in terms of publicity-seeking activism. The National League for Opposing Woman Suffrage was dominated by the self-consciously masculine leadership of Lord Cromer and Lord Curzon, but also heavily dependent upon an impressive cadre of women leaders and a mostly female membership. Women Against the Vote looks at three overlapping groups of women: maternal reformers, women writers and imperialist ladies. These women are then followed into action as campaigners in their own right, as well as supporters of anti-suffrage men. Collaboration between the sexes was not always straightforward, even within a movement dedicated to separate and complementary gender roles. As the anti-suffrage women pursued their own varied social and political agendas, they demonstrated their affinity with the mainstream social conservatism of the British women's movement. The rediscovered history of female anti-suffragism provides new perspectives on the campaigns both for and against the vote. It also makes an important contribution to the wider history of women's social and political activism in late nineteenth century and early twentieth century Britain.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

The image of upper-class women chaining themselves to the rails of 10 Downing Street, smashing windows of public buildings, and going on hunger strikes in the cause of "votes for women" have become visually synonomous with the British suffragette movement over the past century. Their story has become lore among feminists, in effect separating women's fight for voting rights from contemporary issues in British political history and disconnecting their militancy from other forms of political militancy in Britain in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Mayhall examines the strategies that suffragettes employed to challenge the definitions of citizenship in Britain. She examines the resistance origins within liberal political tradition, its emergence during Britain's involvement in the South African War, and its enactment as spectacle. Enlarging the study of the militant campaign for suffrage, Mayhall analyzes not only its implications for the social history of gender but also, and more importantly, its connections to British political and intellectual history. This book is already being touted as a critical revisionist work in the history of suffrage in Britain.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Rethinking suffrage
• Gender, citizenship, and the liberal state, 1860-1899
• The South African War and after, 1899-1906
• Staging exclusion, 1906-1909
• Resistance on trial, 1906-1912
• Embodying citizenship, 1908-1914
• The ethics of resistance, 1910-1914
• At war with and for the state, 1914-1918
• Fetishizing militancy, 1918-1930.

The image of upper-class women chaining themselves to the rails of 10 Downing Street, smashing windows of public buildings, and going on hunger strikes in the cause of "votes for women" have become visually synonomous with the British suffragette movement over the past century. Their story has become lore among feminists, in effect separating women's fight for voting rights from contemporary issues in British political history and disconnecting their militancy from other forms of political militancy in Britain in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Mayhall examines the strategies that suffragettes employed to challenge the definitions of citizenship in Britain. She examines the resistance origins within liberal political tradition, its emergence during Britain's involvement in the South African War, and its enactment as spectacle. Enlarging the study of the militant campaign for suffrage, Mayhall analyzes not only its implications for the social history of gender but also, and more importantly, its connections to British political and intellectual history. This book is already being touted as a critical revisionist work in the history of suffrage in Britain.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

The image of upper-class women chaining themselves to the rails of 10 Downing Street, smashing windows of public buildings, and going on hunger strikes in the cause of "votes for women" have become visually synonomous with the British suffragette movement over the past century. Their story has become lore among feminists, in effect separating women's fight for voting rights from contemporary issues in British political history and disconnecting their militancy from other forms of political militancy in Britain in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Mayhall examines the strategies that suffragettes employed to challenge the definitions of citizenship in Britain. She examines the resistance origins within liberal political tradition, its emergence during Britain's involvement in the South African War, and its enactment as spectacle. Enlarging the study of the militant campaign for suffrage, Mayhall analyzes not only its implications for the social history of gender but also, and more importantly, its connections to British political and intellectual history. This book is already being touted as a critical revisionist work in the history of suffrage in Britain.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Cover
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• Notes on Editors and Contributors
• Abbreviations
• Introduction: Writing Suffrage Histories
• the 'British' Experience
• 1. Reflecting on Suffrage History
• 2. 'Crossing the Great Divide': Inter-organizational Suffrage Relationships on Merseyside, 1895-1914
• 3. 'Suffragettes Are Splendid for Any Work': The Blathwayt Diaries as a Source for Suffrage History
• 4. Teetotal Feminists: Temperance Leadership and the Campaign for Women's Suffrage
• 5. 'Doing Justice to the Real Girl': The Women Writers' Suffrage

• 6. Suffragette Experience Through the Filter of Fascism
• 7. 'It Is Only Justice to Grant Women's Suffrage': Independent Labour Party Men and Women's Suffrage, 1893-1905
• 8. Between the Cause and the Courts: The Curious Case of Cecil Chapman
• 9. Journeying Through Suffrage: The Politics of Dora Montefiore
• 10. Suffrage Autobiography: A Study of Mary Richardson
• Suffragette, Socialist and Fascist
• 11. 'What a Lot There Is Still to Do': Stella Browne (1880-1955)
• Carrying the Struggle Ever Onward
• Index
• A
• B
• C
• D
• E
• F
• G
• H
• I
• J
• K
• L
• M
• N
• O
• P

• Q
• R
• S
• T
• U
• V
• W
• Y
• Z

Cheryl R. Jorgensen-Earp provides a new understanding of the recurrent rhetorical need to employ conservative rhetoric in support of a radical cause. Her study challenges the common view that the suffragettes' use of military metaphors, their vilification of the government, and their violent attacks on property were signs of hysteria and self-destruction. Instead, what emerges is a picture of a deliberate, if controversial, strategy of violence supported by a rhetorical defense of unusual power and consistency.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• From 'surplus woman' to independent person : Elizabeth Wolstenholme and the early women's movement
• 'The revolt of the women' : sexual subjection and sexual solidarity
• A 'strange, erratic genius' : Jessie Craigen, working suffragist
• 'The grandest victory' : married women and the franchise
• Among the 'insurgent women' : Hannah Mitchell, socialist and suffragist
• 'A merry, militant saint' : Mary Gawthorpe and the argument of the stone
• Women's suffrage among the bohemians : Laurence Housman joins the movement
• 'On the horns of a dilemma' : Alice Clark, liberal Quaker and democratic suffragist
• Men, women's suffrage and sexual radicalism, 1912-14
• Women's suffrage and the First World War
• Last words : women's suffragists and women's history after the vote.

This is a history of the suffrage movement in Britain from the beginnings of the first sustained campaign in the 1860s to the winning of the vote for women in 1918. The book focuses on a number of figures whose role in this agitation has been ignored or neglected. These include the free-thinker Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy; the founder of the women's movement in the United States, Elizabeth Cady Stanton; the working class orator, Jessie Craigen; and the socialist suffragists, Hannah Mitchell and Mary Gawthorpe. Through the lives of these figures Holton uncovers the complex origins of the movement and associated issues of gender.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

Although other historians have viewed the suffrage movement as aimed at exclusively political ends, she argues that such a categorization ignores many of the most compelling reasons why thousands of middle and upper-class women risked ostracism, obloquy, and, often, physical harm in the pursuit of the right to vote and why their efforts met with such intense opposition. The alliance of respectable" middle-class women with prostitutes, the attack on marriage, and the suffragists' distrust of the medical profession are among the topics the author addresses. Drawing on hypotheses advanced by Michel Foucault, she asserts that feminists sought no less than the total transformation of the lives of women. Originally published in 1987. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Cover ; Contents; Introduction; I ""The Sex""; II Prostitution; III Marriage ; IV The Doctors; V The Law; VI Sex War; VII Suffrage; Epilogue; Notes; Bibliography; Index.

Although other historians have viewed the suffrage movement as aimed at exclusively political ends, she argues that such a categorization ignores many of the most compelling reasons why thousands of middle and upper-class women risked ostracism, obloquy, and, often, physical harm in the pursuit of the right to vote and why their efforts met with such intense opposition. The alliance of respectable" middle-class women with prostitutes, the attack on marriage, and the suffragists' distrust of the medical profession are among the topics the author addresses. Drawing on hypotheses advanced by Michel Foucault, she asserts that feminists sought no less than the total transformation of the lives of women. Originally published in 1987. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)