The rise of a populist conservative nationalism in the United States has triggered unease at home and abroad. Riding the populist wave, Donald Trump achieved the presidency advocating a hardline nationalist approach. Yet critics frequently misunderstand the Trump administration's foreign policy, along with American nationalism. In Age of Iron, leading authority on Republican foreign policy Colin Dueck demonstrates that conservative nationalism is the oldest democratic tradition in US foreign relations. Designed to preserve self-government, conservative nationalism can be compatible with engagement overseas. But 21st century diplomatic, economic, and military frustrations led to the resurgence of a version that emphasizes US material interests. No longer should the US allow its allies to free-ride, and nor should it surrender its sovereignty to global governance institutions. Because this return is based upon forces larger than Trump, it is unlikely to disappear when he leaves office. Age of Iron describes the shifting coalitions over the past century among foreign policy factions within the Republican Party, and shows how Trump upended them starting in 2015-16. Dueck offers a balanced summary and assessment of President Trump's foreign policy approach, analyzing its strengths and weaknesses. He also describes the current interaction of conservative public opinion and presidential foreign policy leadership in the broader context of political populism. Finally, he makes the case for a forward-leaning realism, based upon the understanding that the US is entering a protracted period of geopolitical competition with other major powers. The result is a book that captures the past, present, and, possibly, future of conservative foreign policy nationalism in the US.
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• 1. Democratic innovations for representative governments-- Part I. Origins:
• 2. Breaking through: the rebirth of direct democracy in the age of the national-state--
• 3. Catching on: waves of adoption of citizen-initiated mechanisms of direct democracy since World War I-- Part II. Nature:
• 4. Status quo bias? Political change through direct democracy--
• 5. Left or right? Investigating potential ideological biases in contemporary direct democracy-- Part III. Reform:
• 6. Why adopt direct democracy? Much more than a simple vote--
• 7. How can direct democracy be improved? Citizens' commissions and citizens' counterproposals--
• 8. Conclusions: a new democratic equilibrium-- Appendices-- References-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Standing out from all other books on direct democracy, Citizenship and Contemporary Direct Democracy connects the study of direct democracy to the broader field of comparative democratization and to an important strand in normative democratic theory. Analyzing the relationship between direct democracy and representative government, this book is organized around three main sections: the origins of contemporary direct democracy, its functioning, and the ways to improve the use of direct democracy and its abuse. David Altman argues that citizen-initiated mechanisms of direct democracy constitute an important and viable way to re-invigorate current representative regimes by strengthening democracies' normative foundations - freedom and equity among citizens - which are particularly fragile in the context of unequal societies. Citizenship and Contemporary Direct Democracy demonstrates how citizen-initiated mechanisms of direct democracy empowers citizens, channels social demands, defuses violence, re-enchants citizens with politics, and breaks through some of the institutionalized barriers to accountability that arise in representative systems.
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• Part I. Introduction:
• 1. Understanding populism--
• 2. The cultural backlash theory--
• 3. Varieties of populism-- Part II. Authoritarian-Populist Values:
• 4. The backlash against the silent revolution--
• 5. Economic grievances--
• 6. Immigration-- Part III. From Values to Votes:
• 7. Classifying parties--
• 8. Who votes for authoritarian-populists?--
• 9. Party fortunes and electoral rules--
• 10. Trump's America--
• 11. Brexit-- Part IV. Conclusions:
• 12. Eroding the civic culture?--
• 13. The populist challenge-- Endnotes-- Appendices-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Authoritarian populist parties have advanced in many countries, and entered government in states as diverse as Austria, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Switzerland. Even small parties can still shift the policy agenda, as demonstrated by UKIP's role in catalyzing Brexit. Drawing on new evidence, this book advances a general theory why the silent revolution in values triggered a backlash fuelling support for authoritarian-populist parties and leaders in the US and Europe. The conclusion highlights the dangers of this development and what could be done to mitigate the risks to liberal democracy.
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• Introduction Part I: The Spoils of the Seven Years War
• 1: William Burke and Guadeloupe: the Lost Colony
• 2: Richard Burke and Grenada: the Revenues of the Crown
• 3: Richard Burke and St Vincent: Carib Land and Carib War Part II: Managing an Interest
• 4: The Making of the Free Ports Act
• 5: The West Indies and the American Crisis
• 6: The Working of the Slave Trade: Bristol and the Company of Merchants
• 7: The Negro Code
• 8: Abolition, Revolution, and Renewed War Conclusion.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Edmund Burke was both a political thinker of the utmost importance and an active participant in the day-to-day business of politics. It is the latter role that is the concern of this book, showing Burke engaging with issues concerning the West Indies, which featured so largely in British concerns in the later eighteenth century. Initially, Burke saw the islands as a means by which his close connections might make their fortunes, later he was concerned with them as a great asset to be managed in the national interest, and, finally, he became a participant in debates about the slave trade. This volume adds a new dimension to assessments of Burke's views on empire, hitherto largely confined to Ireland, India, and America, and explores the complexities of his response to slavery. The system outraged his abundantly attested concern for the suffering caused by abuses of British power overseas, but one which he also recognised to be fundamental for sustaining the wealth generated by the West Indies, which he deemed essential to Britain's national power. He therefore sought compromises in the gradual reform of the system rather than immediate abolition of the trade or emancipation of the slaves.
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• Introduction Part I: Property Part II: Markets Part III: History Part IV: Theory and Practice Appendices Appendix A: Utilitarianism as Self-deception Appendix B: Victim-blaming and Moral Modus Tollens Works Cited.
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"That government is best which governs least." - Henry David Thoreau In this major new defense of libertarianism, Dan Moller argues that critics and supporters alike have neglected the strongest arguments for the theory. It is often assumed that libertarianism depends on thinking that property rights are absolute, or on fetishizing individual liberty. Moller argues that, on the contrary, the foundations of libertarianism lie in widely shared, everyday moral beliefs - particularly in restrictions on shifting our burdens onto others. The core of libertarianism, on this "New England" interpretation, is not an exaggerated sense of our rights against other people, but modesty about what we can demand from them. Moller then connects these philosophical arguments with related work in economics, history, and politics. The result is a wide-ranging discussion in the classical liberal tradition that defies narrow academic specialization. Among the questions Moller addresses are how to think about private property in a service economy, whether libertarians should support reparations for slavery, what the history of capitalism tells us about free markets, and what role political correctness plays in shaping policy debates.
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• 1. Making sense of nationhood--
• 2. Grounded nationalisms and the sociology of the long run--
• 3. Empires and nation-states--
• 4. Nationalisms and imperialisms--
• 5. What makes a small nation?--
• 6. Nationalisms and statehood in Ireland--
• 7. Nationalisms and wars in the Balkans--
• 8. Balkan piedmont?--
• 9. From sacrifice to prestige--
• 10. Globalisation and nationalist subjectivities--
• 11. Grounded nationalisms and the privatisation of security-- Conclusion: the omnipotence of nationalisms-- References-- Index.
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Globalisation is not the enemy of nationalism; instead, as this book shows, the two forces have developed together through modern history. Malesevic challenges dominant views which see nationalism as a declining social force. He explains why the recent escalations of populist nationalism throughout the world do not represent a social anomaly but are, in fact, a historical norm. By focusing on ever-increasing organisational capacity, greater ideological penetration and networks of micro-solidarity, Malesevic shows how and why nationalism has become deeply grounded in the everyday life of modern human beings. The author explores the social dynamics of these grounded nationalisms via an analysis of varied contexts, from Ireland to the Balkans. His findings show that increased ideological diffusion and the rising coercive capacities of states and other organisations have enabled nationalism to expand and establish itself as the dominant operative ideology of modernity.
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Is it defensible to use the concept of a right? Can we justify rights' central place in modern moral and legal thinking, or does the concept unjustifiably side-line those who do not qualify as right-holders? Rowan Cruft develops a new account of rights. Moving beyond the traditional 'interest theory' and 'will theory', he defends a distinctive 'addressive' approach that brings together duty-bearer and right-holder in the first person. This view has important implications for the idea of 'natural' moral rights-that is, rights that exist independently of anyone's recognizing that they do. Cruft argues that only moral duties grounded in the good of a particular party (person, animal, group) are naturally owed to that party as their rights. He argues that human rights in law and morality should be founded on such recognition-independent rights. In relation to property, however, matters are complicated because much property is justifiable only by collective goods beyond the rightholder's own good. For such property, Cruft argues that a new non-rights property system-that resembles markets but is not conceived in terms of rights-would be possible. The result of this study is a partial vindication of the rights concept that is more supportive of human rights than many of their critics (from left or right) might expect, and is surprisingly doubtful about property as an individual right.
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• Introduction
• Until victory: Che Guevara and the revolutionary ideal
• Rebel music: Bob Marley and the cultural politics of liberation
• Me against the world: Tupac Shakur and post-Cold War alienation
• Superpower symbolic: Osama bin Laden and millennial discontent
• One love: Bob Marley, the mystic, and the market
• Brand rebel: Che Guevara between politics and consumerism
• Conclusion.

• Introduction / Debra Satz
• Saving democracy from ourselves : democracy as a tragedy of the commons / Archon Fung
• Collective reason or individual liberty : deliberative democracy and the protection of individual rights / Assaf Sharon
• Rousseau and the meaning of popular sovereignty / Stuart White
• Without the loving strains of commitment / Christopher Lebron
• Deliberation and university governance : the case of Brown University's diversity and inclusion plan / Richard Locke
• Accountability in an era of celebrity / Martha Nussbaum
• Exploitation in international trade / Helena De Bres
• Sovereignty and complex interdependence : some surprising implications of their compatibility / Charles Sabel
• Toward a political philosophy of human rights / Annabelle Lever
• Afterword / Joshua Cohen
• Publications of Joshua Cohen.

The essays in this volume take off from themes in the work of eminent philosopher and political scientist Joshua Cohen. Cohen is a deeply influential thinker who has written on deliberative democracy, freedom of expression, Rawlsian theory, global justice, and human rights. The essays gathered here both engage with Cohen's work and expand upon it, embodying his commitment to the idea that analytical work by philosophers and social scientists matters to our shared public life and to democracy itself. The contributors offer novel perspectives on pressing issues of public policy from accountability for sexual violence to exploitation in international trade. The volume is organized around three central ideas. The first concerns democracy, specifically how we can improve collective decision-making both by elucidating our normative principles and enacting institutional changes. The second idea centers on how we confront injustice, investigating the role of emotions, social norms, and culture in democratic politics and public discussion. The final section explores how we develop political principles and values in an interdependent world, one in which theories of justice and forms of cooperation are increasingly extending beyond the state. The principle uniting this collection is that ideas matter-they can guide us in understanding how to confront difficult global problems such as the fragility of democratic institutions, the place of sovereignty in a globalizing world, and the persistence of racial injustice.
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• Introduction by Mark Sedgwick
• Section I: Classic Thinkers
• Chapter 1: Oswald Spengler and the Decline of the West by David Engels
• Chapter 2: Ernst Junger and Storms of Steel by Elliot Y. Neaman
• Chapter 3: Carl Schmitt and the Concept of the Political by Reinhard Mehring
• Chapter 4: Julius Evola and Tradition by H. Tomas Hakl
• Section II: Modern Thinkers
• Chapter 5: Alain de Benoist and the New Right by Jean-Yves Camus
• Chapter 6: Guillaume Faye and Identitarianism by Stephane Francois
• Chapter 7: Paul Gottfried and Paleoconservatism by Seth Bartee
• Chapter 8: Patrick J. Buchanan and the Death of the West by Edward Ashbee
• Chapter 9: Jared Taylor and White Identity by Russell Nieli
• Chapter 10: Alexander Dugin and Eurasianism by Marlene Laruelle
• Chapter 11: Bat Ye'or and Eurabia by Sindre Bangstad
• Section III: Emergent Thinkers
• Chapter 12: Mencius Moldbug and Neoraction by Joshua Tait
• Chapter 13: Greg Johnson and Counter-Currents by Graham Macklin
• Chapter 14: Richard B. Spencer and the Alt Right by Tamir Bar-On
• Chapter 15: Jack Donovan and Male Tribalism by Matthew N. Lyons
• Chapter 16: Daniel Friberg and Metropolitics by Benjamin Teitelbaum Notes Bibliography Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Since the start of the twenty-first century, the political mainstream has been shifting to the right. The liberal orthodoxy that took hold in the West as a reaction to the Second World War is breaking down. In Europe, populist political parties have pulled the mainstream in their direction; in America, a series of challenges to the Republican mainstream culminated in the 2016 election of Donald Trump. In Key Thinkers of the Radical Right, sixteen expert scholars explain sixteen thinkers, providing an introduction to their life and work, a guide to their thought, and an explanation of their work's reception. The chapters focus on thinkers who are widely read across the political right in both Europe and America, such as Julius Evola, Alain de Benoist, and Richard B. Spencer. Featuring classic, modern, and emerging thinkers, this selection provides a good representation of the intellectual right and avoids making political or value judgments. In an increasingly polarized political environment, Key Thinkers of the Radical Right offers a comprehensive and unbiased introduction to the thinkers who form the foundation of the radical right.
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• Cover; Mapping and Measuring Deliberation: Towards a New Deliberative Quality; Copyright; Dedication; Preface and Acknowledgements; Contents; List of Figures;
• 1: Introduction: The Mismeasure of Deliberation; Democracy with a Deliberative Timbre; Inclusivity; Representation; Collective Decision-Making and Decisiveness; Plan of the Book;
• 2: Unpacking Deliberation; Defining Deliberation; A Cultural View of Democratic Communication; Goals of Deliberation; Epistemic Goals; Ethical Goals; Transformative and Clarification Goals; Legitimacy Goals; Emancipatory Goals; Deliberative and Democratic Goals

• ContextsContexts as Shapers of Forms and Goals of Deliberation; Conclusion: Towards a Dynamic View of Deliberation;
• 3: Dissecting the Micro-Deliberative Approach; Introduction; Foundations of the Micro Approach; The Deliberative Citizen in Minipublics; '(Almost) Everybody Can Deliberate' (Under Ideal Institutional Settings); Methodological Challenges; Democratic Challenges; Deliberative Politics in Action? The Ambiguous Qualities of Parliamentary Deliberation; Methodological Challenges; Democratic Challenges; Conclusion;
• 4: New Directions in Micro Research; Refinements and Escape Routes

• Six Avenues for Future ResearchConclusion: Micro Deliberation and Systemic Links;
• 5: Deliberative Systems; Macro Models; What Should Systems Do? Listen, Structure, Decide; Listening, to Memes and More; Structuring and Decision-Making; Conclusion;
• 6: Locating 'Deliberativeness'; Deliberative Quality, Additive and Summative; Empirical Cues: Deliberative Roles and the Sites of Analysis; Agency and Inclusion; Sites of Deliberation; Memes and Storylines; Transmission and Coupling; Transformation . . . and Deliberative Education; Decision and Implementation; Bringing Goals and Contexts Back In

• Conclusion7: Assessing and Measuring Deliberativeness; Assessing Deliberativeness; From Deliberative Index-Building to a Plurality of Approaches; Towards New Research Strategies and Tools;
• 8: Conclusion: Towards a Deliberative Society; References; Index

Deliberative democracy has challenged two widely-accepted nostrums about democratic politics: that people lack the capacities for effective self-government; and that democratic procedures are arbitrary and do not reflect popular will; indeed, that the idea of popular will is itself illusory. On the contrary, deliberative democrats have shown that people are capable of being sophisticated, creative problem solvers, given the right opportunities in the right kinds of democratic institutions. But deliberative empirical research has its own problems. In this book two leading deliberative scholars review decades of that research and reveal three important issues. First, the concept 'deliberation' has been inflated so much as to lose empirical bite; second, deliberation has been equated with entire processes of which it is just one feature; and third, such processes are confused with democracy in a deliberative mode more generally. In other words, studies frequently apply micro-level tools and concepts to make macro- and meso-level judgements, and vice versa. Instead, Bachtiger and Parkinson argue that deliberation must be understood as contingent, performative, and distributed. They argue that deliberation needs to be disentangled from other communicative modes; that appropriate tools need to be deployed at the right level of analysis; and that scholars need to be clear about whether they are making additive judgements or summative ones. They then apply that understanding to set out a new agenda and new empirical tools for deliberative empirical scholarship at the micro, meso, and macro levels.
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• Can democracy be overdone?
• Democracy's expanding reach
• The political saturation of social space
• The problem of polarization
• Civic friendship
• The place of politics.

We live in an age of political polarization. As political beliefs on the left and the right have been pulled closer to the extremes, so have our social environments: we seldom interact with those with whom we don't see eye to eye. Making matters worse, we are being appealed to-by companies, products, and teams, for example-based on our deep-seated, polarized beliefs. Our choice of Starbucks or Dunkin' Donuts, Costco or Sam's Club, soccer or football, New York Times vs. Wall Street Journal is an expression of our beliefs and a reinforcement of our choice to stay within the confines of our self-selected political community, making us even more polarized. Letting it bleed into these choices in every corner of our lives, we take democracy too far and it ends up keeping us apart. We overdo democracy. When we overdo democracy, we allow it to undermine and crowd out many of the most important social goods that democracy is meant to deliver. What's more, in overdoing democracy, we spoil certain social goods that democracy needs in order to flourish. A thriving democracy needs citizens to reserve space in their social lives for collective activities that are not structured by political allegiances. To ensure the health and the future of democracy, we need to forge civic friendships by working together in social contexts in which political affiliations and party loyalties are not merely suppressed, but utterly beside the point. Drawing on his extensive research, Talisse sheds light on just how deeply entrenched our political polarization has become and opens our eyes to how often we allow politics to dictate the way we see almost everything. By limiting our interactions with others and our experience of the world so that we only encounter the politically like-minded, we are actually damaging the thing that democracy is meant to preserve in the first place: the more fundamental good of recognizing and respecting each other's standing as equals.
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• 1: Constitutions, Rights, and Judicial Power
• 2: Proportionality and Constitutional Governance
• 3: Emergence and Diffusion
• 4: All Things in Proportion? The United States
• 5: Constitutional Dialogues
• 6: Global Constitutionalism and Transnational Governance Table of cases.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

In this book, Alec Stone Sweet and Jud Mathews focus on the law and politics of rights protection in democracies, and in human rights regimes in Europe, the Americas, and Africa. After introducing the basic features of modern constitutions, with their emphasis on rights and judicial review, the authors present a theory of proportionality that explains why constitutional judges embraced it. Proportionality analysis is a highly intrusive mode of judicial supervision: it permits state officials to limit rights, but only when necessary to achieve a sufficiently important public interest. Since the 1950s, virtually every powerful domestic and international court has adopted proportionality analysis as the central method for protecting rights. In doing so, judges positioned themselves to review all important legislative and administrative decisions, and to invalidate them as unconstitutional when such policies fail the proportionality test. The result has been a massive - and global - transformation of law and politics. The book explicates the concepts of 'trusteeship', the 'system of constitutional justice', the 'effectiveness' of rights adjudication, and the 'zone of proportionality'. A wide range of case studies analyse: how proportionality has spread, and variation in how it is deployed; the extent to which the U.S. Supreme Court has evolved and resisted similar doctrines; the role of proportionality in building ongoing 'constitutional dialogues' with the other branches of government; and the importance of the principle to the courts of regional human rights regimes. While there is variance in the intensity of proportionality-based dialogues, such interactions are today at the very heart of governance in the modern constitutional state and beyond.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• 1. Introduction--
• 2. First attempts--
• 3. An objection from social choice theory--
• 4. The concept of control--
• 5. Rule by multiple majorities--
• 6. Retrospective voting and control--
• 7. On a normative theory of democracy--
• 8. Conclusion-- Bibliography-- Index.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

What does it mean to say that citizens have control over their leaders? In a democracy, citizens should have some control over how they are governed. If they do not participate directly in making policy, they ought to maintain control over the public officials who design policy on their behalf. Rule by Multiple Majorities develops a novel theory of popular control: an account of what it is, why democracy's promise of popular control is compatible with what we know about actual democracies, and why it matters. While social choice theory suggests there is no such thing as a 'popular will' in societies with at least minimal diversity of opinion, Ingham argues that multiple, overlapping majorities can nonetheless have control, at the same time. After resolving this conceptual puzzle, the author explains why popular control is a realistic and compelling ideal for democracies, notwithstanding voters' low levels of information and other shortcomings.
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• 1: Introduction
• Part 1: Occupancy
• 2: Occupancy Rights
• 3: Challenges to Occupancy
• Part 2: Self-Determination
• 4: Legitimacy and Self-Determination
• 5: Refining the Political Autonomy Account
• Part 3: Exclusion
• 6: Territorial Distribution
• 7: Is There a Right to Exclude?
• Part 4: Looking Forward
• 8: Resource Sovereignty and International Responsibilities
• 9: Conclusion.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

Territorial Sovereignty: A Philosophical Exploration offers a qualified defense of a territorial states-system. It argues that three core values-occupancy, basic justice, and collective self-determination-are served by an international system made up of self-governing, spatially defined political units. The defense is qualified because the book does not actually justify all the sovereignty rights states currently claim, and that are recognized in international law. Instead, the book proposes important changes to states' sovereign prerogatives, particularly with respect to internal autonomy for political minorities, immigration, and natural resources. Part I of the book argues for a right of occupancy, holding that a legitimate function of the international system is to specify and protect people's preinstitutional claims to specific geographical places. Part II turns to the question of how a state might acquire legitimate jurisdiction over a population of occupants. It argues that the state will have a right to rule a population and its territory if it satisfies conditions of basic justice and also facilitates its people's collective self-determination. Finally, Parts III and IV of this book argue that the exclusionary sovereignty rights to control over borders and natural resources that can plausibly be justified on the basis of the three core values are more limited than has traditionally been thought. Oxford Political Theory presents the best new work in contemporary political theory. It is intended to be broad in scope, including original contributions to political philosophy, and also work in applied political theory. The series will contain works of outstanding quality with no restriction as to approach or subject matter. Series Editors: Will Kymlicka and David Miller.
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It is often said that we live under systems of injustice. But if so, who ought to combat them, and why? Many in the world's liberal elite hold that only the perpetrators or the victims have such duties, because of their special connections to the injustice. Others hold that all of the privileged have them, because they have duties to relieve suffering or to redress their complicity in the injustice. This book challenges those answers. It argues that everyone living under such injustices ought to combat them: victim, perpetrator, and bystander alike. Moreover, they all have the same reason for doing so: such injustices suppress everyone's resistance to their workings. But there is a name for such suppression: "authoritarianism." Hence such injustices make everyone unfree, because they subject everyone to authoritarian tactics. The book thus reinterprets and defends a core doctrine of the global left, "No one is free while others are oppressed!" For it shows how oppression subjects everyone-including you-to arbitrary power. The book argues that systematic injustice occurs when one group finds that its political voice is unjustly marginalized, its members exploited and subject to systematic violence, and that society's dominant norms unjustly favor a privileged group. It diagnoses three global injustices of this kind: gender, race, and poverty. It then shows how such injustices always suppress everyone's resistance to them, making everyone unfree. But if so, it argues, then this shared unfreedom should be the ground on which victims, bystanders, and perpetrators unite in solidarity against injustice.
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• Part I. Tyranny and democracy
• Tyranny in Athens : aversion, fascination, and fear
• Plato's tyrant and the crisis of Athenian democracy
• Tyrannical democracy
• Part II. The tyrant's soul
• The tyranny of Eros and the tyrannical man's appetites
• The lion and the wolf : the tyrant's spirit
• Clever villains : the tyrant's reason.

The problem of tyranny preoccupied Plato, and its discussion both begins and ends his famous Republic. Though philosophers have mined the Republic for millennia, Cinzia Arruzza is the first to devote a full book to the study of tyranny and of the tyrant's soul in Plato's Republic. In A Wolf in the City, Arruzza argues that Plato's critique of tyranny intervenes in an ancient debate concerning the sources of the crisis of Athenian democracy and the relation between political leaders and demos in the last decades of the fifth century BCE. Arruzza shows that Plato's critique of tyranny should not be taken as veiled criticism of the Syracusan tyrannical regime, but rather of Athenian democracy. In parsing Plato's discussion of the soul of the tyrant, Arruzza will also offer new and innovative insights into his moral psychology, addressing much-debated problems such as the nature of eros and of the spirited part of the soul, the unity or disunity of the soul, and the relation between the non-rational parts of the soul and reason.
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Constituting Freedom focuses on the question at the heart of Machiavelli's thinking, that is 'in what mode a free state, if there is one, can be maintained in corrupt cities; or, if there is not, in what mode to order it?' The book analyses the different solutions thought up by Machiavelli, starting from the hypothesis of the 'civil principality', the definition of the republican ' civil and free way of life' and the examination of the history of the Florentine institutions, to two short writings during the years 1520-1522, the Discursus florentinarum rerum and the Minuta di provisione per la riforma dello Stato di Firenze, in which Machiavelli explored publicly, for the first time, his projects to bring back the republican freedom in Florence after the fall of the first Republic of the City and the Medici's return. The book's main argument is that Machiavelli was always a committed republican, even when he worked for the Medici, and even though he believed that the city's constitution needed to change after the fall of Soderini. In the Discursus and in the Minuta Machiavelli proposed a constitution in which the 'humours' were forced to mix themselves with one another so as to be obliged to generate a new form of 'equality', which according to Machiavelli is the main characteristic of a free, just, and stable republic. The aim was not to obtain equilibrium among parts of the city leaving them unaltered, but to mix them. Only in this way could Florence return to being free.
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Citizenship is a major feature of contemporary national and international politics, but rather than being a modern phenomenon it is in fact a legacy of ancient Greece. The concept of membership of a community and participation in its social and political life first appeared some three millennia ago, but only towards the end of the fourth century BC did Aristotle offer the first explicit statement about it. Though long accepted, this definition remains deeply rooted in the philosophical and political thought of the classical period, and probably fails to account accurately for either the preceding centuries or the dynamics of emergent cities: as such, historians are now challenging the application of the Aristotelian model to all Greek cities regardless of chronology, and are looking instead for alternative ways of conceiving citizenship and community. Focusing on archaic Greece, this volume brings together an array of renowned international scholars with the aim of exploring new routes to archaic Greek citizenship and constructing a new image of archaic cities, which are no longer to be considered as primitive or incomplete classical poleis. The essays collected here have not been tailored to endorse any specific view, with each contributor bringing his or her own approach and methodology to bear across a range of specific fields of enquiry, from law, cults, and military obligations, to athletics, commensality, and descent. The volume as a whole exemplifies the living diversity of approaches to archaic Greece and to the Greek city, combining both breadth and depth of insight with an opportunity to venture off the beaten track.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)