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Book
xvi, 126 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • Ideological proximity : concept and measurement
  • Ideological proximity and political participation
  • Ideological proximity and support for democracy
  • Ideological proximity and individual happiness.
Elections are a fundamental element of democracy, since elected governments reflect voter preferences. At the same time, it is inevitable that policies pursued by any government closely resemble the preferences of some citizens, while alienating others who hold different views. Previous works have examined how institutional settings facilitate or hinder policy proximity between citizens and governments. Building on their findings, the book explores a series of "so what" questions: how and to what extent does the distance between individual and government positions affect citizens' propensity to vote, protest, believe in democracy, and even feel satisfied with their lives? Using cross-national public opinion data, this book is an original scholarly research which develops theoretically grounded hypotheses to test the effect of citizen-government proximity on three dependent variables. After introducing the data (both public opinion surveys and country-level statistics) and the methodology to be used in subsequent chapters, one chapter each is devoted to how proximity or the absence thereof affects political participation, satisfaction with democracy, and happiness. Differences in political attitudes and behavior between electoral winners and losers, and ideological moderates and radicals, are also discussed in depth.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Ideological proximity : concept and measurement
  • Ideological proximity and political participation
  • Ideological proximity and support for democracy
  • Ideological proximity and individual happiness.
Elections are a fundamental element of democracy, since elected governments reflect voter preferences. At the same time, it is inevitable that policies pursued by any government closely resemble the preferences of some citizens, while alienating others who hold different views. Previous works have examined how institutional settings facilitate or hinder policy proximity between citizens and governments. Building on their findings, the book explores a series of "so what" questions: how and to what extent does the distance between individual and government positions affect citizens' propensity to vote, protest, believe in democracy, and even feel satisfied with their lives? Using cross-national public opinion data, this book is an original scholarly research which develops theoretically grounded hypotheses to test the effect of citizen-government proximity on three dependent variables. After introducing the data (both public opinion surveys and country-level statistics) and the methodology to be used in subsequent chapters, one chapter each is devoted to how proximity or the absence thereof affects political participation, satisfaction with democracy, and happiness. Differences in political attitudes and behavior between electoral winners and losers, and ideological moderates and radicals, are also discussed in depth.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Law Library (Crown)
Status of items at Law Library (Crown)
Law Library (Crown) Status
Basement
JF799 .C87 2016 Unknown
Book
xiv, 297 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm.
  • Activating democracy in Brazil
  • Establishing the participatory citizenship regime
  • Rebuilding the local state
  • Innovation and renewal of participatory budgeting
  • Councils and conferences : health care, housing, and social services
  • Transforming the engagement of civil society organizations : adopting new strategies in the participatory citizenship regime
  • Transforming favelas
  • Activating democracy : Belo Horizonte and beyond.
In 1988, BrazilAEs Constitution marked the formal establishment of a new democratic regime. In the ensuing two and a half decades, Brazilian citizens, civil society organizations, and public officials have undertaken the slow, arduous task of building new institutions to ensure that Brazilian citizens have access to rights that improve their quality of life, expand their voice and vote, change the distribution of public goods, and deepen the quality of democracy. Civil society activists and ordinary citizens now participate in a multitude of state-sanctioned institutions, including public policy management councils, public policy conferences, participatory budgeting programs, and legislative hearings. Activating Democracy in Brazil examines how the proliferation of democratic institutions in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, has transformed the way in which citizens, CSOs, and political parties work together to change the existing state. According to Wampler, the 1988 Constitution marks the formal start of the participatory citizenship regime, but there has been tremendous variation in how citizens and public officials have carried it out. This book demonstrates that the variation results from the interplay of five factors: state formation, the development of civil society, government support for citizensAE use of their voice and vote, the degree of public resources available for spending on services and public goods, and the rules that regulate forms of participation, representation, and deliberation within participatory venues. By focusing on multiple democratic institutions over a twenty-year period, this book illustrates how the participatory citizenship regime generates political and social change.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Activating democracy in Brazil
  • Establishing the participatory citizenship regime
  • Rebuilding the local state
  • Innovation and renewal of participatory budgeting
  • Councils and conferences : health care, housing, and social services
  • Transforming the engagement of civil society organizations : adopting new strategies in the participatory citizenship regime
  • Transforming favelas
  • Activating democracy : Belo Horizonte and beyond.
In 1988, BrazilAEs Constitution marked the formal establishment of a new democratic regime. In the ensuing two and a half decades, Brazilian citizens, civil society organizations, and public officials have undertaken the slow, arduous task of building new institutions to ensure that Brazilian citizens have access to rights that improve their quality of life, expand their voice and vote, change the distribution of public goods, and deepen the quality of democracy. Civil society activists and ordinary citizens now participate in a multitude of state-sanctioned institutions, including public policy management councils, public policy conferences, participatory budgeting programs, and legislative hearings. Activating Democracy in Brazil examines how the proliferation of democratic institutions in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, has transformed the way in which citizens, CSOs, and political parties work together to change the existing state. According to Wampler, the 1988 Constitution marks the formal start of the participatory citizenship regime, but there has been tremendous variation in how citizens and public officials have carried it out. This book demonstrates that the variation results from the interplay of five factors: state formation, the development of civil society, government support for citizensAE use of their voice and vote, the degree of public resources available for spending on services and public goods, and the rules that regulate forms of participation, representation, and deliberation within participatory venues. By focusing on multiple democratic institutions over a twenty-year period, this book illustrates how the participatory citizenship regime generates political and social change.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Law Library (Crown)
Status of items at Law Library (Crown)
Law Library (Crown) Status
Basement
JL2481 .W36 2015 Unknown
Book
xiv, 297 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
In 1988, BrazilAEs Constitution marked the formal establishment of a new democratic regime. In the ensuing two and a half decades, Brazilian citizens, civil society organizations, and public officials have undertaken the slow, arduous task of building new institutions to ensure that Brazilian citizens have access to rights that improve their quality of life, expand their voice and vote, change the distribution of public goods, and deepen the quality of democracy. Civil society activists and ordinary citizens now participate in a multitude of state-sanctioned institutions, including public policy management councils, public policy conferences, participatory budgeting programs, and legislative hearings. Activating Democracy in Brazil examines how the proliferation of democratic institutions in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, has transformed the way in which citizens, CSOs, and political parties work together to change the existing state. According to Wampler, the 1988 Constitution marks the formal start of the participatory citizenship regime, but there has been tremendous variation in how citizens and public officials have carried it out. This book demonstrates that the variation results from the interplay of five factors: state formation, the development of civil society, government support for citizensAE use of their voice and vote, the degree of public resources available for spending on services and public goods, and the rules that regulate forms of participation, representation, and deliberation within participatory venues. By focusing on multiple democratic institutions over a twenty-year period, this book illustrates how the participatory citizenship regime generates political and social change.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
In 1988, BrazilAEs Constitution marked the formal establishment of a new democratic regime. In the ensuing two and a half decades, Brazilian citizens, civil society organizations, and public officials have undertaken the slow, arduous task of building new institutions to ensure that Brazilian citizens have access to rights that improve their quality of life, expand their voice and vote, change the distribution of public goods, and deepen the quality of democracy. Civil society activists and ordinary citizens now participate in a multitude of state-sanctioned institutions, including public policy management councils, public policy conferences, participatory budgeting programs, and legislative hearings. Activating Democracy in Brazil examines how the proliferation of democratic institutions in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, has transformed the way in which citizens, CSOs, and political parties work together to change the existing state. According to Wampler, the 1988 Constitution marks the formal start of the participatory citizenship regime, but there has been tremendous variation in how citizens and public officials have carried it out. This book demonstrates that the variation results from the interplay of five factors: state formation, the development of civil society, government support for citizensAE use of their voice and vote, the degree of public resources available for spending on services and public goods, and the rules that regulate forms of participation, representation, and deliberation within participatory venues. By focusing on multiple democratic institutions over a twenty-year period, this book illustrates how the participatory citizenship regime generates political and social change.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JL2481 .W36 2015 Unknown
Book
ix, 147 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm
  • Preface Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Research Methodology Chapter 3: Place and Space Chapter 4: Chicana Feminist Approaches to Social Change Chapter 5: Languaging Chapter 6: Story-Centered Organizing Chapter 7: Esperanza v. City of San Antonio Chapter 8: Uncompromising Confrontation of Injustice Chapter 9: Alliances and Coalitions Chapter 10: Conclusion Appendixes.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The longevity of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center in San Antonio, Texas, suggests that it is possible for a social change organization to simultaneously address racism, classism, sexism, homophobia, imperialism, environmental justice, and peace-and to succeed. Activism, Alliance Building, and the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center uses ethnographic research to provide an instructive case study of the importance and challenges of confronting injustice in all of its manifestations. Through building and maintaining alliances, deploying language strategically, and using artistic expression as a central organizing mechanism, The Esperanza Peace and Justice Center demonstrates the power of multi-issue organizing and intersectional/coalitional consciousness. Interweaving artistic programming with its social justice agenda, in particular, offers Esperanza a unique forum for creative and political expression, institutional collaborations, and interpersonal relationships, which promote consciousness raising, mobilization, and social change. This study will appeal to scholars of communication, Chicana feminism, and ethnography.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Preface Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Research Methodology Chapter 3: Place and Space Chapter 4: Chicana Feminist Approaches to Social Change Chapter 5: Languaging Chapter 6: Story-Centered Organizing Chapter 7: Esperanza v. City of San Antonio Chapter 8: Uncompromising Confrontation of Injustice Chapter 9: Alliances and Coalitions Chapter 10: Conclusion Appendixes.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The longevity of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center in San Antonio, Texas, suggests that it is possible for a social change organization to simultaneously address racism, classism, sexism, homophobia, imperialism, environmental justice, and peace-and to succeed. Activism, Alliance Building, and the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center uses ethnographic research to provide an instructive case study of the importance and challenges of confronting injustice in all of its manifestations. Through building and maintaining alliances, deploying language strategically, and using artistic expression as a central organizing mechanism, The Esperanza Peace and Justice Center demonstrates the power of multi-issue organizing and intersectional/coalitional consciousness. Interweaving artistic programming with its social justice agenda, in particular, offers Esperanza a unique forum for creative and political expression, institutional collaborations, and interpersonal relationships, which promote consciousness raising, mobilization, and social change. This study will appeal to scholars of communication, Chicana feminism, and ethnography.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HN90 .M84 D48 2015 Unknown
Book
xxi, 241 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, the essays in this volume use close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, and memoirs of policymakers and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? Other contributions explore African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. The volume concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, the essays in this volume use close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, and memoirs of policymakers and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? Other contributions explore African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. The volume concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
E744 .A295 2015 Unknown
Book
195 pages : illustrations 23 cm
  • Introduction
  • 1. Why Participate in Politics? : Beyond Self-Interest
  • 2. Why Vote?: The Evidence
  • 3. Why Become Politically Informed?
  • 4. The Post-Election Phase : Public Interest Groups
  • 5. A Gene for Altruism?
  • 6. Altruism and Redistributive Government Policies
  • 7. Altruistic Conservatives : Varieties of Conservatism
  • 8. An Epistemic Defense of Democracy : Democracies Do it Better?
  • 9. Representative Democracy: Electoral and Post-Electoral.
"Individuals have little incentive to vote, acquire political information or contribute campaign funds, because their vote has very little chance of affecting the outcome of an election. Jankowski offers an explanation and evidence for political participation based on the fact that most individuals are weakly altruistic. Other proposed explanations of political participation (civic duty and expressive behavior) are not supported by the evidence, or fail to explain the many different forms of political participation, such as the acquisition of political information. Evidence is presented that liberals and conservatives are equally altruistic. Therefore, an explanation of why liberals and conservatives differ in their support of various government programs to help the needy is presented. Jankowski's analysis examines both the electoral and post-electoral phases of representative democracy. In the post-election phase, interest groups and elected representatives dominate the policy process. It is shown that altruistic individuals exert their influence primarily through public interest groups"-- Provided by publisher.
"Individuals have little incentive to vote, acquire political information or contribute campaign funds, because their vote has very little chance of affecting the outcome of an election. Jankowski offers an explanation and evidence for political participation based on the fact that most individuals are weakly altruistic"-- Provided by publisher.
  • Introduction
  • 1. Why Participate in Politics? : Beyond Self-Interest
  • 2. Why Vote?: The Evidence
  • 3. Why Become Politically Informed?
  • 4. The Post-Election Phase : Public Interest Groups
  • 5. A Gene for Altruism?
  • 6. Altruism and Redistributive Government Policies
  • 7. Altruistic Conservatives : Varieties of Conservatism
  • 8. An Epistemic Defense of Democracy : Democracies Do it Better?
  • 9. Representative Democracy: Electoral and Post-Electoral.
"Individuals have little incentive to vote, acquire political information or contribute campaign funds, because their vote has very little chance of affecting the outcome of an election. Jankowski offers an explanation and evidence for political participation based on the fact that most individuals are weakly altruistic. Other proposed explanations of political participation (civic duty and expressive behavior) are not supported by the evidence, or fail to explain the many different forms of political participation, such as the acquisition of political information. Evidence is presented that liberals and conservatives are equally altruistic. Therefore, an explanation of why liberals and conservatives differ in their support of various government programs to help the needy is presented. Jankowski's analysis examines both the electoral and post-electoral phases of representative democracy. In the post-election phase, interest groups and elected representatives dominate the policy process. It is shown that altruistic individuals exert their influence primarily through public interest groups"-- Provided by publisher.
"Individuals have little incentive to vote, acquire political information or contribute campaign funds, because their vote has very little chance of affecting the outcome of an election. Jankowski offers an explanation and evidence for political participation based on the fact that most individuals are weakly altruistic"-- Provided by publisher.
SAL3 (off-campus storage)
Status of items at SAL3 (off-campus storage)
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In process Request
JF799 .J36 2015 Available On order
Book
1 online resource (317 pages)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Business Library
Status of items at Business Library
Business Library Status
Online resource
(no call number) Unknown
Book
xi, 302 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HC106.83 .L49 2015 Unknown
Book
281 pages ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction. Toward an associational synthesis
  • Chapter 1. The enduring legacy of nineteenth-century governance in the United States: the emergence of the associational order
  • Chapter 2. Scientific forestry and the roots of the modern American state: Gifford Pinchot's path to progressive reform
  • Chapter 3. "Mirrors of desire": interest groups, elections, and the targeted style in twentieth-century America
  • Chapter 4. Reorganizing the organizational synthesis: federal-professional relations in modern America
  • Chapter 5. Meeting the state halfway: governing America, 1930-1950
  • Chapter 6. Making pluralism "great": beyond a recycled history of the great society
  • Conclusion. How we got here.
  • Introduction. Toward an associational synthesis
  • Chapter 1. The enduring legacy of nineteenth-century governance in the United States: the emergence of the associational order
  • Chapter 2. Scientific forestry and the roots of the modern American state: Gifford Pinchot's path to progressive reform
  • Chapter 3. "Mirrors of desire": interest groups, elections, and the targeted style in twentieth-century America
  • Chapter 4. Reorganizing the organizational synthesis: federal-professional relations in modern America
  • Chapter 5. Meeting the state halfway: governing America, 1930-1950
  • Chapter 6. Making pluralism "great": beyond a recycled history of the great society
  • Conclusion. How we got here.
Stanford University Libraries
Status of items at Stanford University Libraries
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On order
(no call number) Unavailable On order Request
Book
281 pages ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction. Toward an Associational Synthesis Chapter 1. The Enduring Legacy of Nineteenth-Century Governance in the United States: The Emergence of the Associational Order Chapter 2. Scientific Forestry and the Roots of the Modern American State: Gifford Pinchot's Path to Progressive Reform Chapter 3. "Mirrors of Desires": Interest Groups, Elections, and the Targeted Style in Twentieth-Century America Chapter 4. Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis: Federal-Professional Relations in Modern America Chapter 5. Meeting the State Halfway: Governing America, 1930-1950 Chapter 6. Making Pluralism "Great": Beyond a Recycled History of the Great Society Conclusion. How We Got Here Notes Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
In the wake of the New Deal, U.S. politics has been popularly imagined as an ongoing conflict between small-government conservatives and big-government liberals. In practice, narratives of left versus right or government versus the people do not begin to capture the dynamic ways Americans pursue civic goals while protecting individual freedoms. Brian Balogh proposes a new view of U.S. politics that illuminates how public and private actors collaborate to achieve collective goals. This "associational synthesis" treats the relationship between state and civil society as fluid and challenges interpretations that map the trajectory of American politics solely along ideological lines. Rather, both liberals and conservatives have extended the authority of the state but have done so most successfully when state action is mediated through nongovernmental institutions, such as universities, corporations, interest groups, and other voluntary organizations. The Associational State provides a fresh perspective on the crucial role that the private sector, trade associations, and professional organizations have played in implementing public policies from the late nineteenth through the twenty-first century. Balogh examines key historical periods through the lens of political development, paying particular attention to the ways government, social movements, and intermediary institutions have organized support and resources to achieve public ends. Exposing the gap between the ideological rhetoric that both parties deploy today and their far less ideologically driven behavior over the past century and a half, The Associational State offers one solution to the partisan gridlock that currently grips the nation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction. Toward an Associational Synthesis Chapter 1. The Enduring Legacy of Nineteenth-Century Governance in the United States: The Emergence of the Associational Order Chapter 2. Scientific Forestry and the Roots of the Modern American State: Gifford Pinchot's Path to Progressive Reform Chapter 3. "Mirrors of Desires": Interest Groups, Elections, and the Targeted Style in Twentieth-Century America Chapter 4. Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis: Federal-Professional Relations in Modern America Chapter 5. Meeting the State Halfway: Governing America, 1930-1950 Chapter 6. Making Pluralism "Great": Beyond a Recycled History of the Great Society Conclusion. How We Got Here Notes Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
In the wake of the New Deal, U.S. politics has been popularly imagined as an ongoing conflict between small-government conservatives and big-government liberals. In practice, narratives of left versus right or government versus the people do not begin to capture the dynamic ways Americans pursue civic goals while protecting individual freedoms. Brian Balogh proposes a new view of U.S. politics that illuminates how public and private actors collaborate to achieve collective goals. This "associational synthesis" treats the relationship between state and civil society as fluid and challenges interpretations that map the trajectory of American politics solely along ideological lines. Rather, both liberals and conservatives have extended the authority of the state but have done so most successfully when state action is mediated through nongovernmental institutions, such as universities, corporations, interest groups, and other voluntary organizations. The Associational State provides a fresh perspective on the crucial role that the private sector, trade associations, and professional organizations have played in implementing public policies from the late nineteenth through the twenty-first century. Balogh examines key historical periods through the lens of political development, paying particular attention to the ways government, social movements, and intermediary institutions have organized support and resources to achieve public ends. Exposing the gap between the ideological rhetoric that both parties deploy today and their far less ideologically driven behavior over the past century and a half, The Associational State offers one solution to the partisan gridlock that currently grips the nation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JK271 .B285 2015 Unknown
Book
xx, 321 pages : illustrations, maps ; 24 cm
  • Introduction : a history of place and nation
  • Landscapes of opportunity
  • Paths to democracy
  • Streets of protest
  • Conclusion : revolutionary projects.
"In the mid-1950s, in an effort to modernize Venezuela, the military government razed dozens of slums in the heart of the capital Caracas, replacing them with massive buildings to house the city's working poor. The project remained unfinished when the dictatorship fell on January 23, 1958, and in a matter of days city residents illegally occupied thousands of apartments, squatted on green spaces, and renamed the neighborhood to honor the emerging democracy: the 23 de Enero (January 23). Over the next thirty years, through eviction efforts, guerrilla conflict, state violence, internal strife, and official neglect, inhabitants of the barrio learned to use their strategic location and symbolic tie to the promise of democracy in order to demand a better life. Granting legitimacy to the state through the vote but protesting its failings with violent street actions when necessary, they laid the foundation for an expansive understanding of democracy--both radical and electoral--whose features still resonate today"--Provided by publisher.
  • Introduction : a history of place and nation
  • Landscapes of opportunity
  • Paths to democracy
  • Streets of protest
  • Conclusion : revolutionary projects.
"In the mid-1950s, in an effort to modernize Venezuela, the military government razed dozens of slums in the heart of the capital Caracas, replacing them with massive buildings to house the city's working poor. The project remained unfinished when the dictatorship fell on January 23, 1958, and in a matter of days city residents illegally occupied thousands of apartments, squatted on green spaces, and renamed the neighborhood to honor the emerging democracy: the 23 de Enero (January 23). Over the next thirty years, through eviction efforts, guerrilla conflict, state violence, internal strife, and official neglect, inhabitants of the barrio learned to use their strategic location and symbolic tie to the promise of democracy in order to demand a better life. Granting legitimacy to the state through the vote but protesting its failings with violent street actions when necessary, they laid the foundation for an expansive understanding of democracy--both radical and electoral--whose features still resonate today"--Provided by publisher.
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
F2341 .C257 V45 2015 Unavailable In process Request
Book
1 online resource : illustrations (black and white).
  • 1. Introduction: The Puzzles of Party Membership -- PART I -- Party Membership: The Uneven Development -- 2. Motives and Modes of Party Membership -- 3. The Myths and Realities of Mass Membership Parties -- 4. Explaining Enrollment Change: Looking Beneath the Numbers -- PART II -- Party Membership: The Uncertain Future -- 5. What Do Party Members Contribute? -- 6. Multi-speed Membership Parties -- 7. Making Membership Rewarding: Social and Material Benefits -- 8. Making Membership Meaningful: Political Benefits -- 9. The Consequences of Organizational Change.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Beyond Party Members investigates two questions connected with these changes. First, when and why did party memberships start falling, and what does this reveal about who benefits in party-membership relationships? Second, why have numerical declines in overall party membership coincided with expanding political rights for individual party members? To shed light on both puzzles, the author examines the origins of membership-based organization in nineteen countries, and considers contemporary parties' efforts to adapt this model to new circumstances. Her study shows why both supply-side and demand-side forces are leading parties to offer party members more, and more meaningful, opportunities to participate in party decisions. They also lead parties to offer new and lower-cost modes of affiliation. These changes are producing Multi-speed Membership Parties, ones that offer supporters multiple ways to connect with a party. Beyond Party Members examines the consequences of these ongoing transformations for political parties, and for the democracies in which they compete. Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The Comparative Politics series is edited by Kenneth Carty, Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia; Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Universite libre de Bruxelles; and Ferdinand Muller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1. Introduction: The Puzzles of Party Membership -- PART I -- Party Membership: The Uneven Development -- 2. Motives and Modes of Party Membership -- 3. The Myths and Realities of Mass Membership Parties -- 4. Explaining Enrollment Change: Looking Beneath the Numbers -- PART II -- Party Membership: The Uncertain Future -- 5. What Do Party Members Contribute? -- 6. Multi-speed Membership Parties -- 7. Making Membership Rewarding: Social and Material Benefits -- 8. Making Membership Meaningful: Political Benefits -- 9. The Consequences of Organizational Change.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Beyond Party Members investigates two questions connected with these changes. First, when and why did party memberships start falling, and what does this reveal about who benefits in party-membership relationships? Second, why have numerical declines in overall party membership coincided with expanding political rights for individual party members? To shed light on both puzzles, the author examines the origins of membership-based organization in nineteen countries, and considers contemporary parties' efforts to adapt this model to new circumstances. Her study shows why both supply-side and demand-side forces are leading parties to offer party members more, and more meaningful, opportunities to participate in party decisions. They also lead parties to offer new and lower-cost modes of affiliation. These changes are producing Multi-speed Membership Parties, ones that offer supporters multiple ways to connect with a party. Beyond Party Members examines the consequences of these ongoing transformations for political parties, and for the democracies in which they compete. Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The Comparative Politics series is edited by Kenneth Carty, Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia; Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Universite libre de Bruxelles; and Ferdinand Muller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Book
x, 168 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • What are my choices? : the growing diversity in high-profile statewide Black candidates
  • Black candidates and voter turnout : does racialization matter?
  • Racializing and winning elections : how voters respond to negative and positive racial appeals
  • The first Black president : a comparison of political behavior in the 1988 and 2008 Democratic presidential primaries
  • Positive and negative racial appeals in action : exploring the influence of racial appeals and political behavior over time
  • Who cares? : exploring the mechanisms behind positive racial appeals and political behavior
  • Conclusion: A necessary compromise?
  • Appendix.
Bringing Race Back In empirically investigates whether post-racial campaign strategies, which are becoming increasingly common, improve black candidates' ability to mobilize and attract voters of all races and ethnicities. In contrast to existing studies, this analysis demonstrates that black candidates who make positive racial appeals (for example, racial appeals that indicate that the candidate will either advance black policy interests or highlight the candidate's connection to the black community without attacking outside political players) not only perform better among blacks; they also improve their standing among Latino voters. Moreover, these appeals do not diminish white voter support. This finding counters conventional wisdom, which suggests that black candidates can succeed in majority white settings only if they distance themselves from the black electorate. Following President Barack Obama's 2008 success, both scholars and the popular media began examining how black candidates address race and racial issues in their campaigns, and scholars and journalists are now exploring whether black voters rally around black candidates who fail to discuss racial issues or distance themselves from the black community. Bringing Race Back In addresses both of these issues by using a wide variety of data sources and a number of sophisticated statistical techniques. The study utilizes content analysis of over two thousand newspaper articles on over thirty presidential, U.S. Senate, and gubernatorial elections with African American candidates in combination with the quantitative analysis of state exit polls and U.S. Census voter surveys. In addition to its significant contribution to the scholarship on American politics, African American studies, campaigns and elections, and public opinion, the book also provides valuable insight for political practitioners who want to better understand how deracialized campaigns influence the electability of black candidates in the Age of Obama.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • What are my choices? : the growing diversity in high-profile statewide Black candidates
  • Black candidates and voter turnout : does racialization matter?
  • Racializing and winning elections : how voters respond to negative and positive racial appeals
  • The first Black president : a comparison of political behavior in the 1988 and 2008 Democratic presidential primaries
  • Positive and negative racial appeals in action : exploring the influence of racial appeals and political behavior over time
  • Who cares? : exploring the mechanisms behind positive racial appeals and political behavior
  • Conclusion: A necessary compromise?
  • Appendix.
Bringing Race Back In empirically investigates whether post-racial campaign strategies, which are becoming increasingly common, improve black candidates' ability to mobilize and attract voters of all races and ethnicities. In contrast to existing studies, this analysis demonstrates that black candidates who make positive racial appeals (for example, racial appeals that indicate that the candidate will either advance black policy interests or highlight the candidate's connection to the black community without attacking outside political players) not only perform better among blacks; they also improve their standing among Latino voters. Moreover, these appeals do not diminish white voter support. This finding counters conventional wisdom, which suggests that black candidates can succeed in majority white settings only if they distance themselves from the black electorate. Following President Barack Obama's 2008 success, both scholars and the popular media began examining how black candidates address race and racial issues in their campaigns, and scholars and journalists are now exploring whether black voters rally around black candidates who fail to discuss racial issues or distance themselves from the black community. Bringing Race Back In addresses both of these issues by using a wide variety of data sources and a number of sophisticated statistical techniques. The study utilizes content analysis of over two thousand newspaper articles on over thirty presidential, U.S. Senate, and gubernatorial elections with African American candidates in combination with the quantitative analysis of state exit polls and U.S. Census voter surveys. In addition to its significant contribution to the scholarship on American politics, African American studies, campaigns and elections, and public opinion, the book also provides valuable insight for political practitioners who want to better understand how deracialized campaigns influence the electability of black candidates in the Age of Obama.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
HAS New Books (Lane Room) Find it
E185.615 .S758 2015 Unknown
Book
xxii, 244 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction: of King Solomon, Goethe, and civic networks-- 1. Modes of coordination of collective action-- 2. The importance of local comparisons: civic organizations in British cities-- 3. Building civic networks: strategies of tie formation-- 4. The structural bases of civil society-- 5. Network positions and their incumbents-- 6. The duality of organizations and events-- 7. Network centrality and leadership-- 8. Civic networks and urban governance-- 9. 'Networking' contentious politics-- Postfaction: bringing time and space(s) into the picture.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Civil society is frequently conceived as a field of multiple organizations, committed to highly diverse causes and interests. When studied empirically, however, its properties are often reduced to the sum of the traits and attitudes of the individuals or groups that are populating it. This book shows how to move from an 'aggregative' to a relational view of civil society. Drawing upon field work on citizens' organizations in two British cities, this book combines network analysis and social movement theories to show how to represent civil society as a system of relations between multiple actors. 'Modes of coordination' enables us to identify different logics of collective action within the same local settings. The book exposes the weakness of rigid dichotomies, separating the voluntary sector from social movements, 'civic' activism oriented to service delivery from 'un-civic' protest, grassroots activism external to institutions from formal, professionalized organizations integrated within the 'system'.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction: of King Solomon, Goethe, and civic networks-- 1. Modes of coordination of collective action-- 2. The importance of local comparisons: civic organizations in British cities-- 3. Building civic networks: strategies of tie formation-- 4. The structural bases of civil society-- 5. Network positions and their incumbents-- 6. The duality of organizations and events-- 7. Network centrality and leadership-- 8. Civic networks and urban governance-- 9. 'Networking' contentious politics-- Postfaction: bringing time and space(s) into the picture.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Civil society is frequently conceived as a field of multiple organizations, committed to highly diverse causes and interests. When studied empirically, however, its properties are often reduced to the sum of the traits and attitudes of the individuals or groups that are populating it. This book shows how to move from an 'aggregative' to a relational view of civil society. Drawing upon field work on citizens' organizations in two British cities, this book combines network analysis and social movement theories to show how to represent civil society as a system of relations between multiple actors. 'Modes of coordination' enables us to identify different logics of collective action within the same local settings. The book exposes the weakness of rigid dichotomies, separating the voluntary sector from social movements, 'civic' activism oriented to service delivery from 'un-civic' protest, grassroots activism external to institutions from formal, professionalized organizations integrated within the 'system'.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HM881 .D52 2015 Unknown
Book
xii, 255 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
  • Part I. Basics: 1. The analysis of politics-- 2. Becoming a group: the constitution-- 3. Choosing in groups: an intuitive presentation-- 4. The formal analytics of choosing in groups-- Part II. Spatial Theory: 5. Politics as spatial competition-- 6. Two dimensions: elusive equilibrium-- Part III. Extensions: Collective Choice, Uncertainty, and Collective Action: 7. The collective-choice problem: impossibility-- 8. Uncertainty-- 9. Voting as a collective-action problem-- Solutions to selected problems.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
This book is an introduction to the logic and analytics of group choice. To understand how political institutions work, it is important to isolate what citizens - as individuals and as members of society - actually want. This book develops a means of 'representing' the preferences of citizens so that institutions can be studied more carefully. This is the first book to integrate the classical problem of constitutions with modern spatial theory, connecting Aristotle and Montesquieu with Arrow and Buchanan.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Part I. Basics: 1. The analysis of politics-- 2. Becoming a group: the constitution-- 3. Choosing in groups: an intuitive presentation-- 4. The formal analytics of choosing in groups-- Part II. Spatial Theory: 5. Politics as spatial competition-- 6. Two dimensions: elusive equilibrium-- Part III. Extensions: Collective Choice, Uncertainty, and Collective Action: 7. The collective-choice problem: impossibility-- 8. Uncertainty-- 9. Voting as a collective-action problem-- Solutions to selected problems.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
This book is an introduction to the logic and analytics of group choice. To understand how political institutions work, it is important to isolate what citizens - as individuals and as members of society - actually want. This book develops a means of 'representing' the preferences of citizens so that institutions can be studied more carefully. This is the first book to integrate the classical problem of constitutions with modern spatial theory, connecting Aristotle and Montesquieu with Arrow and Buchanan.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HB846.8 .M855 2015 Unknown
Book
xiv, 307 pages : illustrations, maps ; 24 cm
  • Introduction to Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada: Comparative Cases, Andrew Sancton The Paradox of Participation: An Overview of Public Participation and Local Government in Canada, Katherine A.H. Graham The Development and Chinese Characteristics of Civic Participation in Local Governance: The Perspective of the Transformation of Governmental Functions, Chen Fang Participation of the Urban Poor in Vancouver, Canada, Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly Community-Based Poverty Alleviation: A Case Study of the Zhonghua Subdistrict in Xiamen, Ding Yu Civic Mobilization for Environmental Protection, Yu Zhangbao Citizen Action for Sustainable Development: Case Studies in London, Ontario, Canada, Carol Agocs and Kate Graham Fight or Facilitate? Social Policy, Municipal Government, and Civil Society in an Economically Disadvantaged Canadian Region, Tom Urbaniak Public Participation in Low-Rent Housing Policy: A Case Study of Xiamen, Meng Hua Social Capital and Local Initiative Participation of Chinese Villagers: Analysis of Factors Affecting Villagers' Participation in Village Committee Election, Hu Rong Facilitating the Participation of Immigrant Students in Canada's Schools, Jean Kunz An Analysis of Urban Education Policies Pertaining to Migrant Workers' Children, Li Xue Newcomers to the City: Institutional and Noninstitutional Modes of Civic Participation for Newcomers in Ottawa, Caroline Andrew Conclusion, Chen Zhenming Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
What, if anything, is similar about citizen participation at the local level in Canada and China? The answer, of course, is politically sensitive. There are many in Canada who would claim that the question is absurd. How can there be meaningful citizen participation in a country where there are significant restrictions on political activity, including on the right to form organizations with political purposes? Presenting the work of leading scholars, Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada examines how citizens in each country participate at the local level. The book examines the development of citizen participation in local governance in Canada and China respectively. It then covers the characteristics of political culture and climate on local participation, highlighting factors especially unique to urban poor, class migration, and aboriginal and immigrant populations. The chapters also explore means of protest, demonstration, and articulation of preference by populations and issues where citizen participation has effected change such as land use, housing, urban development, and resource sustainability. The book includes case studies that compare Canadian and Chinese communities and extrapolate interesting policy-level changes at the local level based on citizen behavior and involvement. It underscores the similarities and differences in political participation in both countries and sets the stage for the steps in the citizen participation in both countries.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction to Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada: Comparative Cases, Andrew Sancton The Paradox of Participation: An Overview of Public Participation and Local Government in Canada, Katherine A.H. Graham The Development and Chinese Characteristics of Civic Participation in Local Governance: The Perspective of the Transformation of Governmental Functions, Chen Fang Participation of the Urban Poor in Vancouver, Canada, Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly Community-Based Poverty Alleviation: A Case Study of the Zhonghua Subdistrict in Xiamen, Ding Yu Civic Mobilization for Environmental Protection, Yu Zhangbao Citizen Action for Sustainable Development: Case Studies in London, Ontario, Canada, Carol Agocs and Kate Graham Fight or Facilitate? Social Policy, Municipal Government, and Civil Society in an Economically Disadvantaged Canadian Region, Tom Urbaniak Public Participation in Low-Rent Housing Policy: A Case Study of Xiamen, Meng Hua Social Capital and Local Initiative Participation of Chinese Villagers: Analysis of Factors Affecting Villagers' Participation in Village Committee Election, Hu Rong Facilitating the Participation of Immigrant Students in Canada's Schools, Jean Kunz An Analysis of Urban Education Policies Pertaining to Migrant Workers' Children, Li Xue Newcomers to the City: Institutional and Noninstitutional Modes of Civic Participation for Newcomers in Ottawa, Caroline Andrew Conclusion, Chen Zhenming Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
What, if anything, is similar about citizen participation at the local level in Canada and China? The answer, of course, is politically sensitive. There are many in Canada who would claim that the question is absurd. How can there be meaningful citizen participation in a country where there are significant restrictions on political activity, including on the right to form organizations with political purposes? Presenting the work of leading scholars, Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada examines how citizens in each country participate at the local level. The book examines the development of citizen participation in local governance in Canada and China respectively. It then covers the characteristics of political culture and climate on local participation, highlighting factors especially unique to urban poor, class migration, and aboriginal and immigrant populations. The chapters also explore means of protest, demonstration, and articulation of preference by populations and issues where citizen participation has effected change such as land use, housing, urban development, and resource sustainability. The book includes case studies that compare Canadian and Chinese communities and extrapolate interesting policy-level changes at the local level based on citizen behavior and involvement. It underscores the similarities and differences in political participation in both countries and sets the stage for the steps in the citizen participation in both countries.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JS7353 .A8 C59 2015 Unknown
Book
xvii, 199 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
  • Introduction. Social Media and Civic Engagement-- Julie Uldam and Anne Vestergaard 1. Online Activism and Institutional Change of Corporate Social Responsibility: Towards a Typology-- Frank G.A. de Bakker 2. Why Some Political Opportunities Succeed and Others Fail: Bridging Organizational Levels in the Case of Spanish Occupy-- Itziar Castello and David Barbera 3. Responsible Retailing and the Greek Crisis? Corporate Engagement, CSR Communication and Social Media-- Eleftheria Lekakis 4. Technologies of Self-Mediation: Affordances and Constraints of Social Media for Protest Movements-- Bart Cammaerts 5. When Narratives Travel: The Occupy Movement in Latvia and Sweden-- Anne Kaun 6. Corporate Management of Visibility: Social Media and Surveillance-- Julie Uldam 7. From Creation to Amplification: Occupy Wall Street's Transition into an Online Populist Movement-- Emil Husted 8. Nurturing Dissent? Community Printshops in 1970s London-- Jess Baines.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The recent wave of protests, from the Arab Spring to the Occupy movement and austerity protests, have reinvigorated hopes for the democratic potential of the Internet, and particularly social media. With their popular appeal and multimodal affordances, social media such as YouTube, Twitter and Facebook have generated both media and scholarly interest in their possibilities for granting visibility to and facilitating the organization of activism. However, the role of social media in sustaining civic engagement beyond protest and fatalism remains under-explored. How can social media contribute to sustaining longer-term involvement of civil society? What is the potential of social media for making available alternative social imaginaries? And what role may social media play in facilitating social change through cooperation with business? This volume offers answers to these questions by providing empirical examples of civic engagement and social media in different societal contexts that explicitly address conceptions of civic engagement.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction. Social Media and Civic Engagement-- Julie Uldam and Anne Vestergaard 1. Online Activism and Institutional Change of Corporate Social Responsibility: Towards a Typology-- Frank G.A. de Bakker 2. Why Some Political Opportunities Succeed and Others Fail: Bridging Organizational Levels in the Case of Spanish Occupy-- Itziar Castello and David Barbera 3. Responsible Retailing and the Greek Crisis? Corporate Engagement, CSR Communication and Social Media-- Eleftheria Lekakis 4. Technologies of Self-Mediation: Affordances and Constraints of Social Media for Protest Movements-- Bart Cammaerts 5. When Narratives Travel: The Occupy Movement in Latvia and Sweden-- Anne Kaun 6. Corporate Management of Visibility: Social Media and Surveillance-- Julie Uldam 7. From Creation to Amplification: Occupy Wall Street's Transition into an Online Populist Movement-- Emil Husted 8. Nurturing Dissent? Community Printshops in 1970s London-- Jess Baines.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The recent wave of protests, from the Arab Spring to the Occupy movement and austerity protests, have reinvigorated hopes for the democratic potential of the Internet, and particularly social media. With their popular appeal and multimodal affordances, social media such as YouTube, Twitter and Facebook have generated both media and scholarly interest in their possibilities for granting visibility to and facilitating the organization of activism. However, the role of social media in sustaining civic engagement beyond protest and fatalism remains under-explored. How can social media contribute to sustaining longer-term involvement of civil society? What is the potential of social media for making available alternative social imaginaries? And what role may social media play in facilitating social change through cooperation with business? This volume offers answers to these questions by providing empirical examples of civic engagement and social media in different societal contexts that explicitly address conceptions of civic engagement.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HM742 .C59 2015 Unknown
Book
xi, 250 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • Young Citizens and the Changing Face of Civic Information
  • Two Paradigms of Civic Information
  • Civic Organizations in the New Media Environment
  • Civic Organizations' Communications on the Web
  • Civic Organizations Communications through Face book
  • Conclusion: Communicating Civic Life to Digital Citizens.
"The powerful potential of digital media to engage citizens in political actions has now crossed our news screens many times. But scholarly focus has tended to be on "networked, " anti-institutional forms of collective action, to the neglect of advocacy and service organizations. This book investigates the changing fortunes of the citizen-civil society relationship by exploring how social changes and innovations in communication technology are transforming the information expectations and preferences of many citizens, especially young citizens. In doing so, it is the first work to bring together theories of civic identity change with research on civic organizations. Specifically, it argues that a shift in "information styles" may help to explain the disjuncture felt by many young people when it comes to institutional participation and politics. The book theorizes two paradigms of information style: a dutiful style, which was rooted in the society, communication system and citizen norms of the modern era, and an actualizing style, which constitutes the set of information practices and expectations of the young citizens of late modernity for whom interactive digital media are the norm. Hypothesizing that civil society institutions have difficulty adapting to the norms and practices of the actualizing information style, two empirical studies apply the dutiful/actualizing framework to innovative content analyses of organizations' online communications-on their websites, and through Facebook. Results demonstrate that with intriguing exceptions, most major civil society organizations use digital media more in line with dutiful information norms than actualizing ones: they tend to broadcast strategic messages to an audience of receivers, rather than encouraging participation or exchange among an active set of participants. The book concludes with a discussion of the tensions inherent in bureaucratic organizations trying to adapt to an actualizing information style, and recommendations for how they may more successfully do so"-- Provided by publisher.
"The powerful potential of digital media to engage citizens in political actions has now crossed our news screens many times. But scholarly focus has tended to be on "networked, " anti-institutional forms of collective action, to the neglect of advocacy and service organizations. This book investigates the changing fortunes of the citizen-civil society relationship by exploring how social changes and innovations in communication technology are transforming the information expectations and preferences of many citizens, especially young citizens"-- Provided by publisher.
  • Young Citizens and the Changing Face of Civic Information
  • Two Paradigms of Civic Information
  • Civic Organizations in the New Media Environment
  • Civic Organizations' Communications on the Web
  • Civic Organizations Communications through Face book
  • Conclusion: Communicating Civic Life to Digital Citizens.
"The powerful potential of digital media to engage citizens in political actions has now crossed our news screens many times. But scholarly focus has tended to be on "networked, " anti-institutional forms of collective action, to the neglect of advocacy and service organizations. This book investigates the changing fortunes of the citizen-civil society relationship by exploring how social changes and innovations in communication technology are transforming the information expectations and preferences of many citizens, especially young citizens. In doing so, it is the first work to bring together theories of civic identity change with research on civic organizations. Specifically, it argues that a shift in "information styles" may help to explain the disjuncture felt by many young people when it comes to institutional participation and politics. The book theorizes two paradigms of information style: a dutiful style, which was rooted in the society, communication system and citizen norms of the modern era, and an actualizing style, which constitutes the set of information practices and expectations of the young citizens of late modernity for whom interactive digital media are the norm. Hypothesizing that civil society institutions have difficulty adapting to the norms and practices of the actualizing information style, two empirical studies apply the dutiful/actualizing framework to innovative content analyses of organizations' online communications-on their websites, and through Facebook. Results demonstrate that with intriguing exceptions, most major civil society organizations use digital media more in line with dutiful information norms than actualizing ones: they tend to broadcast strategic messages to an audience of receivers, rather than encouraging participation or exchange among an active set of participants. The book concludes with a discussion of the tensions inherent in bureaucratic organizations trying to adapt to an actualizing information style, and recommendations for how they may more successfully do so"-- Provided by publisher.
"The powerful potential of digital media to engage citizens in political actions has now crossed our news screens many times. But scholarly focus has tended to be on "networked, " anti-institutional forms of collective action, to the neglect of advocacy and service organizations. This book investigates the changing fortunes of the citizen-civil society relationship by exploring how social changes and innovations in communication technology are transforming the information expectations and preferences of many citizens, especially young citizens"-- Provided by publisher.
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JF799.5 .W45 2015 Unavailable In process Request
Book
xx, 247 pages : illustrations, map ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction: democratization against the odds
  • Fragments of democracy: participation & control in authoritarian Africa
  • Cultures of resistance: civil society & the limits of power
  • The second liberation: economic decline, the Cold War & democratization
  • Exporting elections: international donors & the era of democratic dependency
  • Subverting democracy: the advantages of incumbency & the politics of violence
  • The democratic dividend: political competition, populism, and public policy
  • Conclusion: designing democracy to manage diversity and distrust
  • Appendix 1. the fate of Africa's democratic experiments 1989-2000.
This book provides the first comprehensive overview of the history of democracy in Africa and explains why the continent's democratic experiments have so often failed, as well as how they could succeed. Nic Cheeseman grapples with some of the most important questions facing Africa and democracy today, including whether international actors should try and promote democracy abroad, how to design political systems that manage ethnic diversity, and why democratic governments often make bad policy decisions. Beginning in the colonial period with the introduction of multi-party elections and ending in 2013 with the collapse of democracy in Mali and South Sudan, the book describes the rise of authoritarian states in the 1970s; the attempts of trade unions and some religious groups to check the abuse of power in the 1980s; the remarkable return of multiparty politics in the 1990s; and finally, the tragic tendency for elections to exacerbate corruption and violence.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction: democratization against the odds
  • Fragments of democracy: participation & control in authoritarian Africa
  • Cultures of resistance: civil society & the limits of power
  • The second liberation: economic decline, the Cold War & democratization
  • Exporting elections: international donors & the era of democratic dependency
  • Subverting democracy: the advantages of incumbency & the politics of violence
  • The democratic dividend: political competition, populism, and public policy
  • Conclusion: designing democracy to manage diversity and distrust
  • Appendix 1. the fate of Africa's democratic experiments 1989-2000.
This book provides the first comprehensive overview of the history of democracy in Africa and explains why the continent's democratic experiments have so often failed, as well as how they could succeed. Nic Cheeseman grapples with some of the most important questions facing Africa and democracy today, including whether international actors should try and promote democracy abroad, how to design political systems that manage ethnic diversity, and why democratic governments often make bad policy decisions. Beginning in the colonial period with the introduction of multi-party elections and ending in 2013 with the collapse of democracy in Mali and South Sudan, the book describes the rise of authoritarian states in the 1970s; the attempts of trade unions and some religious groups to check the abuse of power in the 1980s; the remarkable return of multiparty politics in the 1990s; and finally, the tragic tendency for elections to exacerbate corruption and violence.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JQ1879 .A15 C536 2015 Unknown
Book
ix, 251 pages ; 24 cm.
  • 1. The ascendancy of reform populism-- 2. Reform pluralism-- 3. How much transparency?-- 4. Participation paradoxes-- 5. Reform cycles-- 6. Fair representation-- 7. Raising the political ethics bar-- 8. Election administration or policy?-- 9. A blended reform agenda.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Why do American political reform efforts so often fail to solve the problems they intend to fix? In this book, Bruce E. Cain argues that the reasons are an unrealistic civic ideal of a fully informed and engaged citizenry and a neglect of basic pluralist principles about political intermediaries. This book traces the tension between populist and pluralist approaches as it plays out in many seemingly distinct reform topics, such as voting administration, campaign finance, excessive partisanship, redistricting, and transparency and voter participation. It explains why political primaries have promoted partisan polarization, why voting rates are declining even as election opportunities increase, and why direct democracy is not really a grassroots tool. Cain offers a reform agenda that attempts to reconcile pluralist ideals with the realities of collective-action problems and resource disparities.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1. The ascendancy of reform populism-- 2. Reform pluralism-- 3. How much transparency?-- 4. Participation paradoxes-- 5. Reform cycles-- 6. Fair representation-- 7. Raising the political ethics bar-- 8. Election administration or policy?-- 9. A blended reform agenda.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Why do American political reform efforts so often fail to solve the problems they intend to fix? In this book, Bruce E. Cain argues that the reasons are an unrealistic civic ideal of a fully informed and engaged citizenry and a neglect of basic pluralist principles about political intermediaries. This book traces the tension between populist and pluralist approaches as it plays out in many seemingly distinct reform topics, such as voting administration, campaign finance, excessive partisanship, redistricting, and transparency and voter participation. It explains why political primaries have promoted partisan polarization, why voting rates are declining even as election opportunities increase, and why direct democracy is not really a grassroots tool. Cain offers a reform agenda that attempts to reconcile pluralist ideals with the realities of collective-action problems and resource disparities.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JK1726 .C35 2015 Unknown

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