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Stanford University Libraries
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(no call number) Unavailable On order Request
Book
xiv, 297 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
Green Library
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Stacks Find it
JL2481 .W36 2015 Unavailable On order Request
Book
ix, 147 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm
  • Preface Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Research Methodology Chapter 3: Place and Space Chapter 4: Chicana Feminist Approaches to Social Change Chapter 5: Languaging Chapter 6: Story-Centered Organizing Chapter 7: Esperanza v. City of San Antonio Chapter 8: Uncompromising Confrontation of Injustice Chapter 9: Alliances and Coalitions Chapter 10: Conclusion Appendixes.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The longevity of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center in San Antonio, Texas, suggests that it is possible for a social change organization to simultaneously address racism, classism, sexism, homophobia, imperialism, environmental justice, and peace-and to succeed. Activism, Alliance Building, and the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center uses ethnographic research to provide an instructive case study of the importance and challenges of confronting injustice in all of its manifestations. Through building and maintaining alliances, deploying language strategically, and using artistic expression as a central organizing mechanism, The Esperanza Peace and Justice Center demonstrates the power of multi-issue organizing and intersectional/coalitional consciousness. Interweaving artistic programming with its social justice agenda, in particular, offers Esperanza a unique forum for creative and political expression, institutional collaborations, and interpersonal relationships, which promote consciousness raising, mobilization, and social change. This study will appeal to scholars of communication, Chicana feminism, and ethnography.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Preface Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Research Methodology Chapter 3: Place and Space Chapter 4: Chicana Feminist Approaches to Social Change Chapter 5: Languaging Chapter 6: Story-Centered Organizing Chapter 7: Esperanza v. City of San Antonio Chapter 8: Uncompromising Confrontation of Injustice Chapter 9: Alliances and Coalitions Chapter 10: Conclusion Appendixes.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The longevity of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center in San Antonio, Texas, suggests that it is possible for a social change organization to simultaneously address racism, classism, sexism, homophobia, imperialism, environmental justice, and peace-and to succeed. Activism, Alliance Building, and the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center uses ethnographic research to provide an instructive case study of the importance and challenges of confronting injustice in all of its manifestations. Through building and maintaining alliances, deploying language strategically, and using artistic expression as a central organizing mechanism, The Esperanza Peace and Justice Center demonstrates the power of multi-issue organizing and intersectional/coalitional consciousness. Interweaving artistic programming with its social justice agenda, in particular, offers Esperanza a unique forum for creative and political expression, institutional collaborations, and interpersonal relationships, which promote consciousness raising, mobilization, and social change. This study will appeal to scholars of communication, Chicana feminism, and ethnography.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
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Stacks Find it
HN90 .M84 D48 2015 Unknown
Book
xxi, 241 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, the essays in this volume use close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, and memoirs of policymakers and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? Other contributions explore African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. The volume concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, the essays in this volume use close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, and memoirs of policymakers and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? Other contributions explore African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. The volume concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
E744 .A295 2015 Unknown
Book
1 online resource (317 pages)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Business Library
Status of items at Business Library
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Online resource
(no call number) Unknown
Book
xi, 302 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Acknowledgments vii 1 Financial Threats and Self-Undermining Rhetoric 1 2 Do Americans View Financial Threats as Important Political Issues? 35 3 Who Mobilizes? 81 4 Why Rhetoric about Economic Insecurity Can Be Self-Undermining 107 5 How People Respond to Participation Requests 117 6 Political Voice across Issues 161 7 Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present 193 Appendix A: Multivariate Models from Chapter 2 213 Appendix B: Analysis of the Washington D.C., Interest-Group Community 217 Appendix C: Multivariate Models from Chapter 5 227 Appendix D: Noncompliance in the ACSCAN Donation Experiment 230 Appendix E: Materials for Experiments in Chapter 5 233 Appendix F: Multivariate Models from Chapter 6 243 Appendix G: Details on Variable Coding for Multivariate Models throughout the Book 249 Notes 253 Bibliography 283 Index 297.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, American Insecurity sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals-asking them to devote money or time to politics-remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, American Insecurity offers a new perspective on collective participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HC106.83 .L49 2015 Unknown
Book
1 online resource : illustrations (black and white).
  • 1. Introduction: The Puzzles of Party Membership -- PART I -- Party Membership: The Uneven Development -- 2. Motives and Modes of Party Membership -- 3. The Myths and Realities of Mass Membership Parties -- 4. Explaining Enrollment Change: Looking Beneath the Numbers -- PART II -- Party Membership: The Uncertain Future -- 5. What Do Party Members Contribute? -- 6. Multi-speed Membership Parties -- 7. Making Membership Rewarding: Social and Material Benefits -- 8. Making Membership Meaningful: Political Benefits -- 9. The Consequences of Organizational Change.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Beyond Party Members investigates two questions connected with these changes. First, when and why did party memberships start falling, and what does this reveal about who benefits in party-membership relationships? Second, why have numerical declines in overall party membership coincided with expanding political rights for individual party members? To shed light on both puzzles, the author examines the origins of membership-based organization in nineteen countries, and considers contemporary parties' efforts to adapt this model to new circumstances. Her study shows why both supply-side and demand-side forces are leading parties to offer party members more, and more meaningful, opportunities to participate in party decisions. They also lead parties to offer new and lower-cost modes of affiliation. These changes are producing Multi-speed Membership Parties, ones that offer supporters multiple ways to connect with a party. Beyond Party Members examines the consequences of these ongoing transformations for political parties, and for the democracies in which they compete. Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The Comparative Politics series is edited by Kenneth Carty, Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia; Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Universite libre de Bruxelles; and Ferdinand Muller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1. Introduction: The Puzzles of Party Membership -- PART I -- Party Membership: The Uneven Development -- 2. Motives and Modes of Party Membership -- 3. The Myths and Realities of Mass Membership Parties -- 4. Explaining Enrollment Change: Looking Beneath the Numbers -- PART II -- Party Membership: The Uncertain Future -- 5. What Do Party Members Contribute? -- 6. Multi-speed Membership Parties -- 7. Making Membership Rewarding: Social and Material Benefits -- 8. Making Membership Meaningful: Political Benefits -- 9. The Consequences of Organizational Change.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Beyond Party Members investigates two questions connected with these changes. First, when and why did party memberships start falling, and what does this reveal about who benefits in party-membership relationships? Second, why have numerical declines in overall party membership coincided with expanding political rights for individual party members? To shed light on both puzzles, the author examines the origins of membership-based organization in nineteen countries, and considers contemporary parties' efforts to adapt this model to new circumstances. Her study shows why both supply-side and demand-side forces are leading parties to offer party members more, and more meaningful, opportunities to participate in party decisions. They also lead parties to offer new and lower-cost modes of affiliation. These changes are producing Multi-speed Membership Parties, ones that offer supporters multiple ways to connect with a party. Beyond Party Members examines the consequences of these ongoing transformations for political parties, and for the democracies in which they compete. Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The Comparative Politics series is edited by Kenneth Carty, Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia; Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Universite libre de Bruxelles; and Ferdinand Muller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Book
x, 168 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • What are my choices? : the growing diversity in high-profile statewide Black candidates
  • Black candidates and voter turnout : does racialization matter?
  • Racializing and winning elections : how voters respond to negative and positive racial appeals
  • The first Black president : a comparison of political behavior in the 1988 and 2008 Democratic presidential primaries
  • Positive and negative racial appeals in action : exploring the influence of racial appeals and political behavior over time
  • Who cares? : exploring the mechanisms behind positive racial appeals and political behavior
  • Conclusion: A necessary compromise?
  • Appendix.
Bringing Race Back In empirically investigates whether post-racial campaign strategies, which are becoming increasingly common, improve black candidates' ability to mobilize and attract voters of all races and ethnicities. In contrast to existing studies, this analysis demonstrates that black candidates who make positive racial appeals (for example, racial appeals that indicate that the candidate will either advance black policy interests or highlight the candidate's connection to the black community without attacking outside political players) not only perform better among blacks; they also improve their standing among Latino voters. Moreover, these appeals do not diminish white voter support. This finding counters conventional wisdom, which suggests that black candidates can succeed in majority white settings only if they distance themselves from the black electorate. Following President Barack Obama's 2008 success, both scholars and the popular media began examining how black candidates address race and racial issues in their campaigns, and scholars and journalists are now exploring whether black voters rally around black candidates who fail to discuss racial issues or distance themselves from the black community. Bringing Race Back In addresses both of these issues by using a wide variety of data sources and a number of sophisticated statistical techniques. The study utilizes content analysis of over two thousand newspaper articles on over thirty presidential, U.S. Senate, and gubernatorial elections with African American candidates in combination with the quantitative analysis of state exit polls and U.S. Census voter surveys. In addition to its significant contribution to the scholarship on American politics, African American studies, campaigns and elections, and public opinion, the book also provides valuable insight for political practitioners who want to better understand how deracialized campaigns influence the electability of black candidates in the Age of Obama.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • What are my choices? : the growing diversity in high-profile statewide Black candidates
  • Black candidates and voter turnout : does racialization matter?
  • Racializing and winning elections : how voters respond to negative and positive racial appeals
  • The first Black president : a comparison of political behavior in the 1988 and 2008 Democratic presidential primaries
  • Positive and negative racial appeals in action : exploring the influence of racial appeals and political behavior over time
  • Who cares? : exploring the mechanisms behind positive racial appeals and political behavior
  • Conclusion: A necessary compromise?
  • Appendix.
Bringing Race Back In empirically investigates whether post-racial campaign strategies, which are becoming increasingly common, improve black candidates' ability to mobilize and attract voters of all races and ethnicities. In contrast to existing studies, this analysis demonstrates that black candidates who make positive racial appeals (for example, racial appeals that indicate that the candidate will either advance black policy interests or highlight the candidate's connection to the black community without attacking outside political players) not only perform better among blacks; they also improve their standing among Latino voters. Moreover, these appeals do not diminish white voter support. This finding counters conventional wisdom, which suggests that black candidates can succeed in majority white settings only if they distance themselves from the black electorate. Following President Barack Obama's 2008 success, both scholars and the popular media began examining how black candidates address race and racial issues in their campaigns, and scholars and journalists are now exploring whether black voters rally around black candidates who fail to discuss racial issues or distance themselves from the black community. Bringing Race Back In addresses both of these issues by using a wide variety of data sources and a number of sophisticated statistical techniques. The study utilizes content analysis of over two thousand newspaper articles on over thirty presidential, U.S. Senate, and gubernatorial elections with African American candidates in combination with the quantitative analysis of state exit polls and U.S. Census voter surveys. In addition to its significant contribution to the scholarship on American politics, African American studies, campaigns and elections, and public opinion, the book also provides valuable insight for political practitioners who want to better understand how deracialized campaigns influence the electability of black candidates in the Age of Obama.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
HAS New Books (Lane Room) Find it
E185.615 .S758 2015 Unknown
Book
xxii, 244 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction: of King Solomon, Goethe, and civic networks-- 1. Modes of coordination of collective action-- 2. The importance of local comparisons: civic organizations in British cities-- 3. Building civic networks: strategies of tie formation-- 4. The structural bases of civil society-- 5. Network positions and their incumbents-- 6. The duality of organizations and events-- 7. Network centrality and leadership-- 8. Civic networks and urban governance-- 9. 'Networking' contentious politics-- Postfaction: bringing time and space(s) into the picture.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Civil society is frequently conceived as a field of multiple organizations, committed to highly diverse causes and interests. When studied empirically, however, its properties are often reduced to the sum of the traits and attitudes of the individuals or groups that are populating it. This book shows how to move from an 'aggregative' to a relational view of civil society. Drawing upon field work on citizens' organizations in two British cities, this book combines network analysis and social movement theories to show how to represent civil society as a system of relations between multiple actors. 'Modes of coordination' enables us to identify different logics of collective action within the same local settings. The book exposes the weakness of rigid dichotomies, separating the voluntary sector from social movements, 'civic' activism oriented to service delivery from 'un-civic' protest, grassroots activism external to institutions from formal, professionalized organizations integrated within the 'system'.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction: of King Solomon, Goethe, and civic networks-- 1. Modes of coordination of collective action-- 2. The importance of local comparisons: civic organizations in British cities-- 3. Building civic networks: strategies of tie formation-- 4. The structural bases of civil society-- 5. Network positions and their incumbents-- 6. The duality of organizations and events-- 7. Network centrality and leadership-- 8. Civic networks and urban governance-- 9. 'Networking' contentious politics-- Postfaction: bringing time and space(s) into the picture.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Civil society is frequently conceived as a field of multiple organizations, committed to highly diverse causes and interests. When studied empirically, however, its properties are often reduced to the sum of the traits and attitudes of the individuals or groups that are populating it. This book shows how to move from an 'aggregative' to a relational view of civil society. Drawing upon field work on citizens' organizations in two British cities, this book combines network analysis and social movement theories to show how to represent civil society as a system of relations between multiple actors. 'Modes of coordination' enables us to identify different logics of collective action within the same local settings. The book exposes the weakness of rigid dichotomies, separating the voluntary sector from social movements, 'civic' activism oriented to service delivery from 'un-civic' protest, grassroots activism external to institutions from formal, professionalized organizations integrated within the 'system'.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HM881 .D52 2015 Unavailable In process Request
Book
xii, 255 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm
  • Part I. Basics: 1. The analysis of politics-- 2. Becoming a group: the constitution-- 3. Choosing in groups: an intuitive presentation-- 4. The formal analytics of choosing in groups-- Part II. Spatial Theory: 5. Politics as spatial competition-- 6. Two dimensions: elusive equilibrium-- Part III. Extensions: Collective Choice, Uncertainty, and Collective Action: 7. The collective-choice problem: impossibility-- 8. Uncertainty-- 9. Voting as a collective-action problem-- Solutions to selected problems.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
This book is an introduction to the logic and analytics of group choice. To understand how political institutions work, it is important to isolate what citizens - as individuals and as members of society - actually want. This book develops a means of 'representing' the preferences of citizens so that institutions can be studied more carefully. This is the first book to integrate the classical problem of constitutions with modern spatial theory, connecting Aristotle and Montesquieu with Arrow and Buchanan.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Part I. Basics: 1. The analysis of politics-- 2. Becoming a group: the constitution-- 3. Choosing in groups: an intuitive presentation-- 4. The formal analytics of choosing in groups-- Part II. Spatial Theory: 5. Politics as spatial competition-- 6. Two dimensions: elusive equilibrium-- Part III. Extensions: Collective Choice, Uncertainty, and Collective Action: 7. The collective-choice problem: impossibility-- 8. Uncertainty-- 9. Voting as a collective-action problem-- Solutions to selected problems.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
This book is an introduction to the logic and analytics of group choice. To understand how political institutions work, it is important to isolate what citizens - as individuals and as members of society - actually want. This book develops a means of 'representing' the preferences of citizens so that institutions can be studied more carefully. This is the first book to integrate the classical problem of constitutions with modern spatial theory, connecting Aristotle and Montesquieu with Arrow and Buchanan.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
HB846.8 .M855 2015 Unknown
Book
xiv, 307 pages : illustrations, maps ; 24 cm
  • Introduction to Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada: Comparative Cases, Andrew Sancton The Paradox of Participation: An Overview of Public Participation and Local Government in Canada, Katherine A.H. Graham The Development and Chinese Characteristics of Civic Participation in Local Governance: The Perspective of the Transformation of Governmental Functions, Chen Fang Participation of the Urban Poor in Vancouver, Canada, Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly Community-Based Poverty Alleviation: A Case Study of the Zhonghua Subdistrict in Xiamen, Ding Yu Civic Mobilization for Environmental Protection, Yu Zhangbao Citizen Action for Sustainable Development: Case Studies in London, Ontario, Canada, Carol Agocs and Kate Graham Fight or Facilitate? Social Policy, Municipal Government, and Civil Society in an Economically Disadvantaged Canadian Region, Tom Urbaniak Public Participation in Low-Rent Housing Policy: A Case Study of Xiamen, Meng Hua Social Capital and Local Initiative Participation of Chinese Villagers: Analysis of Factors Affecting Villagers' Participation in Village Committee Election, Hu Rong Facilitating the Participation of Immigrant Students in Canada's Schools, Jean Kunz An Analysis of Urban Education Policies Pertaining to Migrant Workers' Children, Li Xue Newcomers to the City: Institutional and Noninstitutional Modes of Civic Participation for Newcomers in Ottawa, Caroline Andrew Conclusion, Chen Zhenming Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
What, if anything, is similar about citizen participation at the local level in Canada and China? The answer, of course, is politically sensitive. There are many in Canada who would claim that the question is absurd. How can there be meaningful citizen participation in a country where there are significant restrictions on political activity, including on the right to form organizations with political purposes? Presenting the work of leading scholars, Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada examines how citizens in each country participate at the local level. The book examines the development of citizen participation in local governance in Canada and China respectively. It then covers the characteristics of political culture and climate on local participation, highlighting factors especially unique to urban poor, class migration, and aboriginal and immigrant populations. The chapters also explore means of protest, demonstration, and articulation of preference by populations and issues where citizen participation has effected change such as land use, housing, urban development, and resource sustainability. The book includes case studies that compare Canadian and Chinese communities and extrapolate interesting policy-level changes at the local level based on citizen behavior and involvement. It underscores the similarities and differences in political participation in both countries and sets the stage for the steps in the citizen participation in both countries.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction to Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada: Comparative Cases, Andrew Sancton The Paradox of Participation: An Overview of Public Participation and Local Government in Canada, Katherine A.H. Graham The Development and Chinese Characteristics of Civic Participation in Local Governance: The Perspective of the Transformation of Governmental Functions, Chen Fang Participation of the Urban Poor in Vancouver, Canada, Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly Community-Based Poverty Alleviation: A Case Study of the Zhonghua Subdistrict in Xiamen, Ding Yu Civic Mobilization for Environmental Protection, Yu Zhangbao Citizen Action for Sustainable Development: Case Studies in London, Ontario, Canada, Carol Agocs and Kate Graham Fight or Facilitate? Social Policy, Municipal Government, and Civil Society in an Economically Disadvantaged Canadian Region, Tom Urbaniak Public Participation in Low-Rent Housing Policy: A Case Study of Xiamen, Meng Hua Social Capital and Local Initiative Participation of Chinese Villagers: Analysis of Factors Affecting Villagers' Participation in Village Committee Election, Hu Rong Facilitating the Participation of Immigrant Students in Canada's Schools, Jean Kunz An Analysis of Urban Education Policies Pertaining to Migrant Workers' Children, Li Xue Newcomers to the City: Institutional and Noninstitutional Modes of Civic Participation for Newcomers in Ottawa, Caroline Andrew Conclusion, Chen Zhenming Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
What, if anything, is similar about citizen participation at the local level in Canada and China? The answer, of course, is politically sensitive. There are many in Canada who would claim that the question is absurd. How can there be meaningful citizen participation in a country where there are significant restrictions on political activity, including on the right to form organizations with political purposes? Presenting the work of leading scholars, Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada examines how citizens in each country participate at the local level. The book examines the development of citizen participation in local governance in Canada and China respectively. It then covers the characteristics of political culture and climate on local participation, highlighting factors especially unique to urban poor, class migration, and aboriginal and immigrant populations. The chapters also explore means of protest, demonstration, and articulation of preference by populations and issues where citizen participation has effected change such as land use, housing, urban development, and resource sustainability. The book includes case studies that compare Canadian and Chinese communities and extrapolate interesting policy-level changes at the local level based on citizen behavior and involvement. It underscores the similarities and differences in political participation in both countries and sets the stage for the steps in the citizen participation in both countries.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JS7353 .A8 C59 2015 Unknown
Book
xx, 247 pages : illustrations, map ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction: democratization against the odds
  • Fragments of democracy: participation & control in authoritarian Africa
  • Cultures of resistance: civil society & the limits of power
  • The second liberation: economic decline, the Cold War & democratization
  • Exporting elections: international donors & the era of democratic dependency
  • Subverting democracy: the advantages of incumbency & the politics of violence
  • The democratic dividend: political competition, populism, and public policy
  • Conclusion: designing democracy to manage diversity and distrust
  • Appendix 1. the fate of Africa's democratic experiments 1989-2000.
  • Introduction: democratization against the odds
  • Fragments of democracy: participation & control in authoritarian Africa
  • Cultures of resistance: civil society & the limits of power
  • The second liberation: economic decline, the Cold War & democratization
  • Exporting elections: international donors & the era of democratic dependency
  • Subverting democracy: the advantages of incumbency & the politics of violence
  • The democratic dividend: political competition, populism, and public policy
  • Conclusion: designing democracy to manage diversity and distrust
  • Appendix 1. the fate of Africa's democratic experiments 1989-2000.
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JQ1879 .A15 C536 2015 Unavailable In process Request
Book
ix, 251 pages ; 24 cm.
  • 1. The ascendancy of reform populism-- 2. Reform pluralism-- 3. How much transparency?-- 4. Participation paradoxes-- 5. Reform cycles-- 6. Fair representation-- 7. Raising the political ethics bar-- 8. Election administration or policy?-- 9. A blended reform agenda.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Why do American political reform efforts so often fail to solve the problems they intend to fix? In this book, Bruce E. Cain argues that the reasons are an unrealistic civic ideal of a fully informed and engaged citizenry and a neglect of basic pluralist principles about political intermediaries. This book traces the tension between populist and pluralist approaches as it plays out in many seemingly distinct reform topics, such as voting administration, campaign finance, excessive partisanship, redistricting, and transparency and voter participation. It explains why political primaries have promoted partisan polarization, why voting rates are declining even as election opportunities increase, and why direct democracy is not really a grassroots tool. Cain offers a reform agenda that attempts to reconcile pluralist ideals with the realities of collective-action problems and resource disparities.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1. The ascendancy of reform populism-- 2. Reform pluralism-- 3. How much transparency?-- 4. Participation paradoxes-- 5. Reform cycles-- 6. Fair representation-- 7. Raising the political ethics bar-- 8. Election administration or policy?-- 9. A blended reform agenda.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Why do American political reform efforts so often fail to solve the problems they intend to fix? In this book, Bruce E. Cain argues that the reasons are an unrealistic civic ideal of a fully informed and engaged citizenry and a neglect of basic pluralist principles about political intermediaries. This book traces the tension between populist and pluralist approaches as it plays out in many seemingly distinct reform topics, such as voting administration, campaign finance, excessive partisanship, redistricting, and transparency and voter participation. It explains why political primaries have promoted partisan polarization, why voting rates are declining even as election opportunities increase, and why direct democracy is not really a grassroots tool. Cain offers a reform agenda that attempts to reconcile pluralist ideals with the realities of collective-action problems and resource disparities.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
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JK1726 .C35 2015 Unknown
Book
xiv, 298 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm
Opportunities to "have your say, " "get involved, " and "join the conversation" are everywhere in public life. From crowdsourcing and town hall meetings to government experiments with social media, participatory politics increasingly seem like a revolutionary antidote to the decline of civic engagement and the thinning of the contemporary public sphere. Many argue that, with new technologies, flexible organizational cultures, and a supportive policymaking context, we now hold the keys to large-scale democratic revitalization. Democratizing Inequalities shows that the equation may not be so simple. Modern societies face a variety of structural problems that limit potentials for true democratization, as well as vast inequalities in political action and voice that are not easily resolved by participatory solutions. Popular participation may even reinforce elite power in unexpected ways. Resisting an oversimplified account of participation as empowerment, this collection of essays brings together a diverse range of leading scholars to reveal surprising insights into how dilemmas of the new public participation play out in politics and organizations. Through investigations including fights over the authenticity of business-sponsored public participation, the surge of the Tea Party, the role of corporations in electoral campaigns and participatory budgeting practices in Brazil, Democratizing Inequalities seeks to refresh our understanding of public participation and trace the reshaping of authority in today's political environment.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Opportunities to "have your say, " "get involved, " and "join the conversation" are everywhere in public life. From crowdsourcing and town hall meetings to government experiments with social media, participatory politics increasingly seem like a revolutionary antidote to the decline of civic engagement and the thinning of the contemporary public sphere. Many argue that, with new technologies, flexible organizational cultures, and a supportive policymaking context, we now hold the keys to large-scale democratic revitalization. Democratizing Inequalities shows that the equation may not be so simple. Modern societies face a variety of structural problems that limit potentials for true democratization, as well as vast inequalities in political action and voice that are not easily resolved by participatory solutions. Popular participation may even reinforce elite power in unexpected ways. Resisting an oversimplified account of participation as empowerment, this collection of essays brings together a diverse range of leading scholars to reveal surprising insights into how dilemmas of the new public participation play out in politics and organizations. Through investigations including fights over the authenticity of business-sponsored public participation, the surge of the Tea Party, the role of corporations in electoral campaigns and participatory budgeting practices in Brazil, Democratizing Inequalities seeks to refresh our understanding of public participation and trace the reshaping of authority in today's political environment.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
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JF799 .D457 2015 Unknown
Book
viii, 255 pages : illustrations, maps ; 24 cm.
  • Introduction. A Theory of Economic Segregation and Civic Engagement Chapter 1. Understanding Civic Engagement in Context: Methodology and the Logic of Case Study Selection Chapter 2. Public Policy and Civic Environments in Urban America Chapter 3. Economic Segregation and the Mobilizing Capacity of Voluntary Associations Chapter 4. Economic Segregation, Political Parties, and Political Mobilization Conclusion. The Dynamics and Implications of Economic Segregation, Civic Engagement, and Public Policy Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C Notes Index Acknowledgments.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
In recent decades, economically disadvantaged Americans have become more residentially segregated from other communities: they are increasingly likely to live in high-poverty neighborhoods that are spatially isolated with few civic resources. Low-income citizens are also less likely to be politically engaged, a trend that is most glaring in terms of voter turnout. Examining neighborhoods in Atlanta, Kansas City, Milwaukee, and Rochester, Amy Widestrom challenges the assumption that the "class gap" in political participation is largely the result of individual choices and dispositions. Displacing Democracy demonstrates that neighborhoods segregated along economic lines create conditions that encourage high levels of political activity, including political and civic mobilization and voting, among wealthier citizens while discouraging and impeding the poor from similar forms of civic engagement. Drawing on quantitative research, case studies, and interviews, Widestrom shows that neighborhood-level resources and characteristics affect political engagement in distinct ways that are not sufficiently appreciated in the current understanding of American politics and political behavior. In addition to the roles played by individual traits and assets, increasing economic segregation in the United States denies low-income citizens the civic and social resources vital for political mobilization and participation. People living in poverty lack the time, money, and skills for active civic engagement, and this is compounded by the fact that residential segregation creates a barren civic environment incapable of supporting a vibrant civic community. Over time, this creates a balance of political power that is dramatically skewed not only toward individuals with greater incomes but toward entire neighborhoods with more economic resources.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction. A Theory of Economic Segregation and Civic Engagement Chapter 1. Understanding Civic Engagement in Context: Methodology and the Logic of Case Study Selection Chapter 2. Public Policy and Civic Environments in Urban America Chapter 3. Economic Segregation and the Mobilizing Capacity of Voluntary Associations Chapter 4. Economic Segregation, Political Parties, and Political Mobilization Conclusion. The Dynamics and Implications of Economic Segregation, Civic Engagement, and Public Policy Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C Notes Index Acknowledgments.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
In recent decades, economically disadvantaged Americans have become more residentially segregated from other communities: they are increasingly likely to live in high-poverty neighborhoods that are spatially isolated with few civic resources. Low-income citizens are also less likely to be politically engaged, a trend that is most glaring in terms of voter turnout. Examining neighborhoods in Atlanta, Kansas City, Milwaukee, and Rochester, Amy Widestrom challenges the assumption that the "class gap" in political participation is largely the result of individual choices and dispositions. Displacing Democracy demonstrates that neighborhoods segregated along economic lines create conditions that encourage high levels of political activity, including political and civic mobilization and voting, among wealthier citizens while discouraging and impeding the poor from similar forms of civic engagement. Drawing on quantitative research, case studies, and interviews, Widestrom shows that neighborhood-level resources and characteristics affect political engagement in distinct ways that are not sufficiently appreciated in the current understanding of American politics and political behavior. In addition to the roles played by individual traits and assets, increasing economic segregation in the United States denies low-income citizens the civic and social resources vital for political mobilization and participation. People living in poverty lack the time, money, and skills for active civic engagement, and this is compounded by the fact that residential segregation creates a barren civic environment incapable of supporting a vibrant civic community. Over time, this creates a balance of political power that is dramatically skewed not only toward individuals with greater incomes but toward entire neighborhoods with more economic resources.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
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JK1764 .W53 2015 Unknown
Book
xix, 224 pages : illustrations, charts ; 23 cm
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
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SSRC: new books shelf Find it
JK1764 .B76 2015 Unknown
Book
xi, 296 pages ; 24 cm.
  • List of Tables Acknowledgements Acronyms Introduction: The Question of Democracy in a Democratic Society Chapter 1. Construction of Democracy, Public Policies and Participation of Civil Society Chapter 2. Chile: Top-Down Modernization and Low Intensity Re-Democratization Chapter 3. Social Policy Agendas in the Transition to Democracy Chapter 4. Civil Society, Public Policy Networks and Participatory Initiatives Chapter 5. From the Civil Society to the State: A New Elite is Born? Conclusion: Participation and Public Policies in the Chilean Democratic Process References Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Since the end of the Pinochet regime, Chilean public policy has sought to rebuild democratic governance in the country. This book examines the links between the state and civil society in Chile and the ways social policies have sought to ensure the inclusion of the poor in society and democracy. Although Chile has gained political stability and grown economically, the ability of social policies to expand democratic governance and participation has proved limited, and in fact such policies have become subordinate to an elitist model of democracy and resulted in a restrictive form of citizen participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • List of Tables Acknowledgements Acronyms Introduction: The Question of Democracy in a Democratic Society Chapter 1. Construction of Democracy, Public Policies and Participation of Civil Society Chapter 2. Chile: Top-Down Modernization and Low Intensity Re-Democratization Chapter 3. Social Policy Agendas in the Transition to Democracy Chapter 4. Civil Society, Public Policy Networks and Participatory Initiatives Chapter 5. From the Civil Society to the State: A New Elite is Born? Conclusion: Participation and Public Policies in the Chilean Democratic Process References Index.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Since the end of the Pinochet regime, Chilean public policy has sought to rebuild democratic governance in the country. This book examines the links between the state and civil society in Chile and the ways social policies have sought to ensure the inclusion of the poor in society and democracy. Although Chile has gained political stability and grown economically, the ability of social policies to expand democratic governance and participation has proved limited, and in fact such policies have become subordinate to an elitist model of democracy and resulted in a restrictive form of citizen participation.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
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JL2681 .D45 2015 Unknown
Book
xiv, 266 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm.
  • 1 Identifying the Nature of the Competition in Electoral Term 2 Theory: Evaluating AKP's Electoral Support Among Citizens of Kurdish Origin 3 Research Design and Selection of the Cases 4 The Main District Level Organs Responsible of the Mobilization of the Voters 5 Defining the Mobilization Strategy at the District Level 6 The Neighborhood Organization and the Effective Mobilization of Non-Kurdish and Kurdish Voters 7 Divergence in the Effectiveness of the Mobilization Strategies 8 Explaining Divergence in the Strength of the Party Organisation and Incorporation of Co-Ethnic.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Ethnicity and Elections in Turkey attempts to understand the mobilization strategies of incumbent parties to consolidate and increase their support among swing voters of an ethnic group. By analyzing the strategy of AKP on voters of Kurdish origin, it investigates the conditions under which it can mobilize them through the clientelistic network and its effectiveness in increasing support for the party. This investigation is conducted through a district and neighborhood level case study conducted in the districts of Beyoglu, Sancaktepe and Beykoz situated in Istanbul. The main hypotheses are tested through five different steps. Firstly, an examination of electoral results identifies a large number of voters of Kurdish origin as ideologically close to pro-Islamist and pro-Kurdish parties. Secondly, the book identifies the main organs responsible of mobilizing voters and defines the nature of the clientelistic network. Thirdly, the study suggests that the incorporation of these voters into the party's clientelistic network is a function of the number and time of entry of activists of Kurdish origin in the party's ranks and the intensity of their contacts with the voters. Fourthly, it reveals the effectiveness of clientelistic mobilization in consolidating and increasing support among swing voters of Kurdish origin. Lastly, the inner party organization and critical juncture experienced by the party are argued to be influential in its ability to increase its network through the incorporation of new activists. Providing an alternative explanation of AKP's electoral success in Turkey, this book is essential reading for students and scholars with an interest in Middle East politics, political parties and political science.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1 Identifying the Nature of the Competition in Electoral Term 2 Theory: Evaluating AKP's Electoral Support Among Citizens of Kurdish Origin 3 Research Design and Selection of the Cases 4 The Main District Level Organs Responsible of the Mobilization of the Voters 5 Defining the Mobilization Strategy at the District Level 6 The Neighborhood Organization and the Effective Mobilization of Non-Kurdish and Kurdish Voters 7 Divergence in the Effectiveness of the Mobilization Strategies 8 Explaining Divergence in the Strength of the Party Organisation and Incorporation of Co-Ethnic.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
Ethnicity and Elections in Turkey attempts to understand the mobilization strategies of incumbent parties to consolidate and increase their support among swing voters of an ethnic group. By analyzing the strategy of AKP on voters of Kurdish origin, it investigates the conditions under which it can mobilize them through the clientelistic network and its effectiveness in increasing support for the party. This investigation is conducted through a district and neighborhood level case study conducted in the districts of Beyoglu, Sancaktepe and Beykoz situated in Istanbul. The main hypotheses are tested through five different steps. Firstly, an examination of electoral results identifies a large number of voters of Kurdish origin as ideologically close to pro-Islamist and pro-Kurdish parties. Secondly, the book identifies the main organs responsible of mobilizing voters and defines the nature of the clientelistic network. Thirdly, the study suggests that the incorporation of these voters into the party's clientelistic network is a function of the number and time of entry of activists of Kurdish origin in the party's ranks and the intensity of their contacts with the voters. Fourthly, it reveals the effectiveness of clientelistic mobilization in consolidating and increasing support among swing voters of Kurdish origin. Lastly, the inner party organization and critical juncture experienced by the party are argued to be influential in its ability to increase its network through the incorporation of new activists. Providing an alternative explanation of AKP's electoral success in Turkey, this book is essential reading for students and scholars with an interest in Middle East politics, political parties and political science.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
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JQ1809 .A15 A43 2015 Unknown
Book
xiv, 300 pages : illustrations ; 23 cm.
  • 1. Introduction Thomas Risse-- Part I. How to Grasp the Europeanization of Public Spheres: Theory, Methods, Empirics: 2. Theorizing communication flows within a European public sphere Barbara Pfetsch and Annett Heft-- 3. How advanced is the Europeanization of public spheres? Comparing German and European structures of political communication Ruud Koopmans-- 4. National media as transnational discourse arenas: the case of humanitarian military interventions Cathleen Kantner-- 5. European issue publics online: the cases of climate change and fair trade W. Lance Bennett, Sabine Lang and Alexandra Segerberg-- Part II. Consequences: Does the Europeanization of Public Spheres Matter?: 6. European public spheres, the politicization of EU affairs, and its consequences Thomas Risse-- 7. Media and identity: the paradox of legitimacy and the making of European citizens Sarah Harrison and Michael Bruter-- 8. The restructuring of political conflict in Europe and the politicization of European integration Edgar Grande and Hanspeter Kriesi-- Part III. Theoretical and Normative Implications: 9. Identity, Europe and the world beyond public spheres Jeffrey T. Checkel-- 10. Democracy, identity, and European public spheres Andreas Follesdal.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The euro crisis has led to an unprecedented Europeanization and politicization of public spheres across the continent. In this volume, leading scholars make two claims. First, they suggest that transnational crossborder communication in Europe has been encouraged through the gradual Europeanization of national as well as issue-specific public spheres. Second, the politicization of European affairs - at the European Union (EU) level and in the domestic politics of member states - is inevitable and here to stay. Europeanized public spheres, whether elite media, mass media, or social media such as the internet, provide the arenas in which the politicization of European and EU issues takes place. European Public Spheres explores the history of these developments, the nature of politicization in the public spheres as well as its likely consequences, and the normative implications for European public life.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • 1. Introduction Thomas Risse-- Part I. How to Grasp the Europeanization of Public Spheres: Theory, Methods, Empirics: 2. Theorizing communication flows within a European public sphere Barbara Pfetsch and Annett Heft-- 3. How advanced is the Europeanization of public spheres? Comparing German and European structures of political communication Ruud Koopmans-- 4. National media as transnational discourse arenas: the case of humanitarian military interventions Cathleen Kantner-- 5. European issue publics online: the cases of climate change and fair trade W. Lance Bennett, Sabine Lang and Alexandra Segerberg-- Part II. Consequences: Does the Europeanization of Public Spheres Matter?: 6. European public spheres, the politicization of EU affairs, and its consequences Thomas Risse-- 7. Media and identity: the paradox of legitimacy and the making of European citizens Sarah Harrison and Michael Bruter-- 8. The restructuring of political conflict in Europe and the politicization of European integration Edgar Grande and Hanspeter Kriesi-- Part III. Theoretical and Normative Implications: 9. Identity, Europe and the world beyond public spheres Jeffrey T. Checkel-- 10. Democracy, identity, and European public spheres Andreas Follesdal.
  • (source: Nielsen Book Data)
The euro crisis has led to an unprecedented Europeanization and politicization of public spheres across the continent. In this volume, leading scholars make two claims. First, they suggest that transnational crossborder communication in Europe has been encouraged through the gradual Europeanization of national as well as issue-specific public spheres. Second, the politicization of European affairs - at the European Union (EU) level and in the domestic politics of member states - is inevitable and here to stay. Europeanized public spheres, whether elite media, mass media, or social media such as the internet, provide the arenas in which the politicization of European and EU issues takes place. European Public Spheres explores the history of these developments, the nature of politicization in the public spheres as well as its likely consequences, and the normative implications for European public life.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
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JN40 .E85 2015 Unknown
Book
xiii, 250 pages ; 24 cm
  • Introduction : the city and the government
  • Between state spaces and autonomous places
  • Part 1. On neighborhood politics. A neighborhood divided by lifestyles
  • Affinities in the zones of freedom
  • Part 2. On campus politics. Fault lines on campus
  • New coalitions in safe zones
  • Part 3. On "ethnic" neighborhoods. Kreuzberg's divided diaspora
  • Emerging solidarities in immigrant zones
  • Conclusion : unified opposition to the divided supremacy of the AKP.
"Gaining Freedoms" reveals a new locus for global political change: everyday urban contestation. Cities are often assumed hotbeds of socio-economic division, but this assessment overlooks the importance of urban space and the everyday activities of urban life for empowerment, emancipation, and democratization. Through proximity, neighborhoods, streets, and squares can create unconventional power contestations over lifestyle and consumption. And through struggle, negotiation, and cooperation, competing claims across groups can become platforms to defend freedom and rights from government encroachments. Drawing on more than seven years of fieldwork in three contested urban sites--a downtown neighborhood and a university campus in Istanbul, and a Turkish neighborhood in Berlin--Berna Turam shows how democratic contestation echoes through urban space. Countering common assumptions that Turkey is strongly polarized between Islamists and secularists, she illustrates how contested urban space encourages creative politics, the kind of politics that advance rights, expression, and representation shared between pious and secular groups. Exceptional moments of protest, like the recent Gezi protests which bookend this study, offer clear external signs of upheaval and disruption, but it is the everyday contestation and interaction that forge alliances and inspire change. Ultimately, Turam argues that the process of democratization is not the reduction of conflict, but rather the capacity to form new alliances out of conflict.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
  • Introduction : the city and the government
  • Between state spaces and autonomous places
  • Part 1. On neighborhood politics. A neighborhood divided by lifestyles
  • Affinities in the zones of freedom
  • Part 2. On campus politics. Fault lines on campus
  • New coalitions in safe zones
  • Part 3. On "ethnic" neighborhoods. Kreuzberg's divided diaspora
  • Emerging solidarities in immigrant zones
  • Conclusion : unified opposition to the divided supremacy of the AKP.
"Gaining Freedoms" reveals a new locus for global political change: everyday urban contestation. Cities are often assumed hotbeds of socio-economic division, but this assessment overlooks the importance of urban space and the everyday activities of urban life for empowerment, emancipation, and democratization. Through proximity, neighborhoods, streets, and squares can create unconventional power contestations over lifestyle and consumption. And through struggle, negotiation, and cooperation, competing claims across groups can become platforms to defend freedom and rights from government encroachments. Drawing on more than seven years of fieldwork in three contested urban sites--a downtown neighborhood and a university campus in Istanbul, and a Turkish neighborhood in Berlin--Berna Turam shows how democratic contestation echoes through urban space. Countering common assumptions that Turkey is strongly polarized between Islamists and secularists, she illustrates how contested urban space encourages creative politics, the kind of politics that advance rights, expression, and representation shared between pious and secular groups. Exceptional moments of protest, like the recent Gezi protests which bookend this study, offer clear external signs of upheaval and disruption, but it is the everyday contestation and interaction that forge alliances and inspire change. Ultimately, Turam argues that the process of democratization is not the reduction of conflict, but rather the capacity to form new alliances out of conflict.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)
Green Library
Status of items at Green Library
Green Library Status
Stacks Find it
JQ1809 .A15 T827 2015 Unknown

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